The history of Greece, from the earliest state, to the death of Alexander the Great

Google

This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project

to make the world's books discoverable online.

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject

to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.

Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the

publisher to a library and finally to you.

Usage guidelines

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing tliis resource, we liave taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
We also ask that you:

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.

+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.

+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for in forming people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe.

About Google Book Search

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web

at|http: //books .google .com/I

f

HISTORY OF GREECE,

paoM

THE EARLIEST STATE

TO

THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT.

BY

OLIVER GOLDSMITH, M. B.

Tb whieh is added,

A SUMMARY ACCOUNT OF THE AFFAIRS OF GREECE,

paoM

THAT PERIOD TO THE 8A0KIN6 OP CONSTANTINDPLB

BY THE 0TH0MAN8.

A NEW EDITION,

COMPLBTB IN ONB YOLUMB.

LONDON :

PRINTED FOR W. BAYNES AND SON, PATERNOSTER ROW;

T. TE66, CHEAP8IDE; AND
H. 8. BAYNE8 AND 00. EDINBURGH.

1835.

LONDON : ^ \

PRINTED BY CHARLES WOOI>,
Perrtot C«M, nec( Sinct.

A,

ADVERTISEMENT.

From the times of Alexander to the sacking of Con-
stantinople by the Tnrks, a period of fifteen centuries,
the Grecian states, being under the influence of foreign
councils and the control of foreign arms, had lost
their existence as a nation. But neither did they
submit to slavery without a struggle, nor did the power
which subverted their government deface, at once,
their national character, or destroy, but by degrees,
the various effects which flowed from their original
genius and political institutions.

In what is subjoined, in this edition, to the narrative
o{ Dr. Goldsmith, it is the aim of the author to
trace, amidst the revolutions of nations, the remains
of Greece ; to take a summary view of her efforts for
the recovery of expiring liberty ; to trace those features
that remained the longest unsullied by the infection
of barbarism, and those efforts of genius, which, sur-
viving the dissolution of the state, continued, and still
continue, to enlighten and reiine the world.

Lately published^ printed uniformly with tkii Work^ in cm large

volume, price 9<. tn boards^

4

THE HISTORY OF ROME, from the Foandatkm of the Citj
of Rome to the Destruction of the Western Empire.

By OLIVER GOLDSMITH, M. B.

HISTORY OF GREECE.

CHAPTER I.

OP THE EARLIEST STATE OP GREECE.

THE first notices we have of every country are fabulous and
uncertain. Among an unenlightened people every imposture
is likely to take place, for ignorance is the parent of credulity.
Nothing, therefore, which the Greeks have transmitted to us
concerning their earliest state can be relied on. Poets were
the first who began to record the actions of their countrymen,
and it is a part of their art to strike the imagination, even at
the expense of probability. For this reason, in the earliest
accounts of Greece we are presented with the machinations of
gods and demigods, the adventures of heroes and giants, the
ravages of monsters and dragons, and all the potency of
charms and enchantments. Man seems scarceljr to have any
share in the picture ; and while the reader wanders through
the most delightful scenes the imagination can offer, he is
scarcely once presented with the actions of stich a being a^
himself.

It would bo vain, therefore, and beside the present pur-
pose, to give, an historical air to accounts which were never
meant to be transmitted as true. Some writers indeed have
laboriously undertaken to separate the truth from the fable,
and to give us an unbroken narrative, from the first dawning
of tradition to the display of undoubted history ; they have le-
velled down all mythology to their own apprehensions ; every
fable is made to look with an air of probability ; instead of a
golden fleece, Jason goes in pursuit of a great treasure ; in-
stead of destroying a chimera, Bellerophon reclaims a moun-
tain ; instead of an hydra, Hercules overcomes a robber.

a

2 HISTORY OP GRBBCB.

Thus the fanciful pictures of a strong imagination are taught
to assume a serious severity, and tend to deceiye the reader
still more, by ofiTering in the garb of truth what had been only
meant to delight and allure him.

The fabulous age, therefore, of Greece, must have no place
in history; it is now too late to separate those parts, which may
have a real foundation in nature, from those which owe their
existence wholly to the imagination. There are no traces left
to guide us in that intricate pursuit ; the dews of the morning
are past, and it is in vain to attempt continuing the chase in
meridian splendour. It will be suflScient, therefore, for us to
observe, that Greece, like most other countries of whose
origin we have any notice, was at first divided into a number
of petty states, each commanded by its own sovereign. An-
cient Gh'eece, which is now the south part of Turkey in Eu-
rope, was bounded on the east by the JSgean sea, now called
the Archipelago ; on the south by the Cretan or Candian sea ;
on the west by the Ionian sea; and on the north by lUyria
and Thrace. Of such very narrow extent, and so very con-
temptible, with regard to territory, was that country, which
gave birth to all the arts of war and peace, which produced
tiie greatest generals, philosophers, poets, painters, architects,
and statuaries, that ever the world boasted; which overcame
the most powerful monarchs, and dispersed the most numerous
attties that ever were brought into the field, and at last be-
came the instructor of all mankind.

It is said in Scripture, that Javan, the son of Japheth, was
the father of all those nations that Went under the general de-
nomination of Greeks. Of his four sons, Elisha, or Ellas, is
said to have given name to the EXXi^yg^, a general name by
which the Greeks were known. Tharsis, the second son, is
ttiought to have settied in Achaia ; Chittim settled in Mace-
donia ; and Dodanim, the fourth son, in Tbessaly and Epirus.
How they portioned out the country, what revolutions they
experienced, or what wars tiiey maintained, are utterly un-
known : and, indeed, the histoiy of petty, barbarous states, if
known, would hardly recompence the trouble of inquiry. In
those early times, kingdoms were but inconsiderable : a single
city, with a few leagues of land, was often honoured with that
magnificent appellation ; it would, therefore, embarrass hiitory

RARLIBST STATE. 8

to enter into the domestic privacy of every little state, as it
would be raflier a subject for the economist than the politician.
It will safiBce to observe, that Sicyon is said to be tiie most
ancient kingdom of Greece. The beginning of this petty so-
vereignty is placed by historians in the year of the world one
thousand nine bmdred and fifteen, before Jesus Christ two
thousand etghty*nine, and before die first Olympiad one thou-
sand three hundred and thirteen. Hie ftrst king was j£gia-
leus. Its duration is said to have been a thousand yekn.

The kingdom of Argos, in Peloponnesus, be- mr 01 >iq
gan a thousand and eighty years before the first ' ' ^^^'
Olympiad, in the time of Abraham. The first king was Ina-
chus.

The kingdom of Mycaenas succeeded. The seat of govern-
ment was translated thither from Argos by Perseus, the grand-
son of Acrisius, the last king of that country, whom Perseus
unfortunately slew. The kings, who reigned at MycaenaB after
Perseus, were Eteetryon, Sthenelus, and Eurystheus; the
latter of whom was driven out by the Heraclidad, or the d0-
scendants of Hercules, who made themselves masters of Peb-
ponnesus.

Hie kingdom of Athens was first formed into a , ,« ^ '
«nndar gTemment by Ceorops. aa Egyptian. A.M.2448.
This prince, having departed firom Egypt, and travelled m-
veral years in other places, came firom Phcenicia into Greece,
and lived in Attica, where he was kindly received by ActsBus,
the king of that country ; married his daughter ; and, on Ms
death, succeeded to his throne. He taught the people, who
were savages, the use of fixed habitations, restrained all li-
centious lust, obliged each man to marry one wife, and laid
down rules for the conduct of tife, and the exercise of all te^
l^ous and civil offices. He divided the whole country into
twelve districts, and also established a court for judging causes,
entitled the Areopagus. Amphictyon, the third king of
Athens, procured a confederacy among the twelve states of
Greece, which assembled twice a year at Thermopylae, theie
to offer up common sacrifices, and to consult for the common
interest of the association. Theseus, one of the succeeding
kings of this state, united the twelve boroughs of Cecrops into
one city. Codrus was the last of this line, who devoted hinb-

B 2

4 HISTORY OP.GRBBCE.

self to death for his people. The Heraclidae having made an
iimption as far as the gates of Athens, the oracle declared,
that they should be conquerors whose king should fall in this
contest. To take the earliest advantage, therefore, of this
answer, Codnis disguised himself in the habit of a peasant,
md, provoking one of the enemy's soldiers, was killed by him.
Whereupon the Athenians sent an herald to demand the body
of their king, which message struck such a damp into the ene-
my^ that they departed without striking another blow. After
Codrus, the title of king was extinguished among the Athe-
nians. Medon, his son, was set at the head of the common-
wealth, with the title of archon, which signifies chief governor.
The first of this denomination had their places for life ; but the
Athenians growing weary of a government which represt their
love of freedom, they abridged the term of the archon's power
to ten years, and at last made the oflSce elective every year.

^The kingdom of Thebes was first founded by
A.jn.ZD4SI. (jiijQjQg^ This hero, having had an Egyptian fa-
ther, was brought up in the religion, and was well acquainted
with the history of that country, whence several writers of his
Kfe have accounted him an Egyptian : and, at the same time,
being bom and educated in Phoenicia, he became master of
the language and letters of that country. He sailed from the
coast of Phoenicia, and, arriving in Bceotia, he founded, or
rebniit the city, calling it Thebes, from the city of that name
in Egypt, and the citadel firom his own name, Cadmea. Here
he fixed the seat of his power and dominion. To this prince
aie ascribed sixteen letters of the Greek alphabet. But, as
the order, names, and characters of these letters bear a near
rfiiemblance to the old Phoenician or Hebrew letters, we are
not to suppose that he invented, but only that he formed them
from his own lang^ge, as it is probable the Phoenicians had
before formed theirs firom the Egyptian. The adventures of
his unhappy posterity, Laius, Jocasta, (Edipus, Eteocles, and
Pdynices, make a shining figure among the poetical fictions
of Ibat period.

The kingdom of Sparta, or Lacedasmon, b supposed to have
been first instituted by I^elexa. Helena, the .tenth in suc-
aesfion from this monarch, is equally fieunous for her beauty
and infidelity. She had not lived above three years with her

EARLIEST STATE. 5

husbaady Menelaus, before she was carried off by Paris, the
SOD of Priam, king of Troy. This seems to be the first occa-
sion in which the Greeks united in one common cause. The
Greeks took Troy» after a ten years' siege, much about the
time that Jephthah was the judge in Israel.

Corinth besan later than the other cities above- ^ ,^ _^_

• AM 2820

mentioned to be formed into a state, or to be go- * *

vemed by its kings. It was at first subject to Argos and My-
caensB, but Sisyphus, the son of .£olus, made him- o«oq

self mast^ of it: and when his descendants were •^^x«o.

dispossessed, Bacchis assumed the reins of power. The go^
▼emment after this became aristocratical, a chief magistrate
being annually chosen by the name of Prytanis. At last Cyp-
selus, having gained the people, usurped the supreme autho-
rity, which he transmitted to his son Periander, who was
ranked among the seven wise men of Greece, from the love
he bore to learning, and his encouragement of its professors.

The kingdom of Macedonia w^s first governed by Caranus,
descended firom Hercules, and subsisted from his time till the
defeat of Perseus by the Romans, a space of six hundred and
twenty-six years.

Such is the picture Greece offers in its earliest infancy. A
combination of little states, each governed by its respective
sovereign, yet all uniting for their mutual safety and general
advantage. Still, however, their intestine contentions were
carried on with great animosity ; and, as it happens in all petty
states, under the dominion of a single commander, the jea- .
louaes of the princes were a continual cause of discord. From
this distressful situation those states, by degrees, began to
emerge ; a different spirit began to seize the people ; and, sick
of the contentions of their princes, they desired to be firee.
A spirit of liberty prevailed all over Greece, and a general
change of government was effected in every part of the conn-
try, except in Macedonia. Thus monarchy gave way to a re-
publican government, which, however, was diversified into as
many various forms as there were different cities, according to
the different genius and peculiar character of each people.

AH these cities, though seemingly different from each other
in their laws and interests, were united with each other by one
common language, one religion, and a national pride, that

(S HISTORY OF GRBSCE.

taught them to consider all other nations as barbarous and
feeble. Even Egypt itself, from whence they had derived
many of their arts and institutions, was considered in a very
subordinate light, and rather as an half-barbarous predecessor
than an enlightened rival.

To make this union among the states of Greece still
stronger, there were games instituted in different parts of the
country, with rewards for excellence in every pursuit These
sports were ins^tnted for very serious and useful purposes :
they afforded an opportunity for the several states meeting
together ; they gave them a greater zeal for the common re-
ligion ; they exercised the youth for the purposes of war, and
increased that vigour and activity, which was then of the ut-
most importance in deciding the fate of a battie.

But their chief bond of union arose from the council of the
Amphictyons, which was instituted by Amphictyon, king of
Athens, as has been already mentioned, and was appointed to
be held twice a year at Thermopylae, to deliberate for the
general good of those states of whose deputies it was com-
posed. The states who sent deputies to this council were
twelve ; namely, the Thessalians, the Thebans, the Dorians,
the lonians, the Perrhoebians, the Magnates, the Locrians,
the Oetans, the Pthiotes, the Maleans, the Phocians, and the
Dolopians. Each of these cities, which had a right to assist
at the Amphictyonic council, was obliged to send two depu-
ties to every meeting. The one was entitied the Hiero-
mnemon, who took care of the interests of religion ; the other
was called the Pylagoras, and had in charge the civil interests
of his community. Each of these deputies, however differ-
ing in their functions, enjoyed an equal power of determining
all afiairs relative to the general interests of Greece. But,
although the number of deputies seems to have been settied
originally so as to answer the number of votes which each city
was allowed, yet in process of time, on some extraordinary
occasions, the principal cities assumed a power of sending
more than one Pylagoras to assist in a critical emergency, or
to serve the purposes of a faction. When the deputies thus
appointed appeared to execute their commission, after offering
np sacrifices to Apollo, Diana, Latona, and Minerva, they
took an oath, implying, that they would never subvert any

EARLIEST STATE. 7

dty of the Amphictyons, bever stop the course of waters,
either in war or peace, and that they would oppose any at-
tempts to lessen the reverence and authority of the gods, to
whom they had paid their adoration. Thus all offences against
religion, all instances of impiety and profanation, all contests
between the Grecian states and cities, came under the parti-
cular cognizance of the Amphictyons, who had a right to deter-
mine, to impose fines, and even to levy £orees, and to make
war against those who oflfored to rebel against their sovereign
authority.

These different motives to confederacy united the Greeks
for a time into a body of great power, and greater emulation*
By this association, a country not half so laige as England
was able to dispute the empire of the earth with the most
powerful monarchs of the world. By this association they not
only made head against the numerous armies of Persia, but
dispersed, routed, and destroyed them, reducing their pride
so low, as to make them submit to conditions of peace as
shameful to the conquered as glorious to the conquorors.
But amcmg all the cities of Greece there were two, that by
their merit, their valour, and their wisdom, particularly dis-
tinguished themselves firom the rest: these were Athens and
Laceda&mon. As these cities served as an example of bravery
or learning to the rest, and as the chief burdien of every
foreign war devolved iipon them, it will be proper to enter
upon their particular history with greater minuteness, and to
give the reader some idea of the genius, character, manners,
and government of their respective inhabitants.

CHAPTER II.

OP THE GOVBRNMBNT OF SPARTA, AND THK LAWS

OF LYCUR6US.

Although the kingdom pf Lacedemon was not so con-
siderable as that of Athens, yet, as it was of much earlier in-
stitation, it demands oar first attention. Lacedfemon, as ob-
senred above, was in the beginning governed by kings, of
which thirteen held the reins of power in succession, of the
race of the Pelopide. As diiring this dark interval there
were no fixed laws to limit the prerogative, nor any ideas of
true government among the people, it does not appear that
there were any considerable encroachments made either on
the side of the king or that of the people. Under the race of
the Heraclidae, who succeeded, instead of one king, the peo-
ple admitted two, who governed with equal authority. The
cause of this change seems to have sprung from a very par-
ticular accident; for Aristodemus dying, left two sons, Eurys-
thenes and Procles, twins, so much^like, that it was hardly
possible to distinguish them asunder. From hence the hint
was taken by the mother of fixing the crown upon both ; so
that when the Spartans came for a king, she was either un-
willing or unable to decide which of them was first bom, or
which had the justest pretensions. This form continaed for
several succeeding centuries, and though the one was almost
ever at variance with his associate on the throne, yet the go-
vernment remained entire.

It was daring this succession that slavery was first instituted
in Sparta. Eurysthenes and Procles having granted the coun-
trymen of Sparta the same privileges with the citizens, Agis
reversed what his predecessors had done in favour ^f the pea-
sants, and imposed a tribute upon them. The Helotes were
the on y people that would not acquiesce in this impost, but
rose in rebellion to vindicate their rights ; the citiseos, how-

SPARTA, AND LAWS OP LYCURGUS*. 9

•

ever, prevailed, the Helotes were snbdaed, and^made pri-
soners of war. As a still greater pauishment, they and their
posterity were condemDed to perpetnal slavery ; and, to in-
crease their misery still more, all other slaves were called by
the general name of Helotes.

It woold appear from hence, that this little state was go-
verned with tnrbnience and oppression, and required the cnrb
of severe laws and rigorous discipline^ These severities and
ligbrons disdpGne were at last imposed npon it by Lycnrgos,
one of the first imd most extraordinary legislators that ever ap-
peared among mankind* There is, perhaps, nothing more re-
markable in profane history, yet nothing so well attested, as
what relates to the laws and government of Lycnrgos. What,
indeed, can be more amazing, than to behold a mutinous and
savage race of mankind yielding submission to laws that con-
trolled every sensual pleasure and every private afiection ; to
behold them give up, for the good of the state, all the comforts
and' conveniences of private life, and making a state of do-
mestic privacy more severe and terrible than the most painful
campaigns, and the most warlike duties ! Yet all this was ef-
fected bj the perseverance and authority of a single legislator,
who gave the first lessons of hard resignation ill his own gene-
rdos example.

Lycurgns was the son of Eunomus, one of the two kings
who reigned together in Sparta. His elder brother Polydectes
dying without issue, the right of succession rested in Lycurgus,
who accordingly took the administration upon him. But an
unexpected '^vent came to interrupt his promotion : for the
queen, his sister-in-law, proving with child, his right became
doubtful. A man of less probity would have used every pre-
caution to secure himself upon the throne, and a proposal
which was made by the queen seemed to secure his preten-
sions. She offered to destroy the birth, upon condition that
be would marry her, and take her into a share of power.
Lycurgus wisely smothered his resentment at so unnatural a
proposal, and, fearful that she might use means to put her pro-
ject in execution, assured her, that as soon as the child was
bom, be would take upon himself to remove it out of the way.
Accordingly she was delivered of a boy, which Lycurgus com-
manded to be brought to him, as he was at supper with the

10 HISTORY OF 6RBBCB.

mi^trates ; to them he preseoted the child as their king, and^
to testify his own and the people's joy, gave him the name of
Charilaas. Thus Lycurg^ sacrificed his ambition to his duty ;
and still more, continued his regency, not as king» but go-
vernor. However, dreading the resentment of the queen,
and finding the state in great disorder, be resolved, by tra-
velling, to avoid the dangers of the one, and to procure a re-
medy for the defects of the other.

Thus, resolving to make himself acquainted with all the im*
provements of other nations, and to consult the most ex-
perienced persons he could meet with in the art of govern*
ment, he began with the island of Crete, whose hard and
severe laws were very much admired. In this island the
handicraft trades were brought to some degree of perfection.
There diey wrought in copper and iron, and made armour, in
which they danced with a confused noise of bells at the sacri<^
fices of their gods. It was from them that the art of navigation
was first known in Greece, and from them many legislators de-
rived the principles of their respective institutions.

From Crete Lycurgus passed over into Asia, where he still
found new information, and b said to have first made the dis-
covery of the works of Homer. From thence he went into
Egypt, and is said by some to have had conferences with the
gymnosophists of India. But whikt thus employed abroad,
his presence began to be greatly wanted at home. All parties
conspired to widi his coming, and many messages were sent
to hasten his return. The kings themselves importuned him
to that efiect, and let turn know, that the people were arrived
at such a pitch of disorder, that nothing but his authority could
control thefar licentiousness. In fact, every thing tended to
the unavoidable destruction of the state, and nothing but his
presence was wished to check its increasing dissolution.

Lycurgus, at length persuaded to return, found the people
wearied out with their own importunities, and ready to receive
any new impressions he might attempt Wherefore the cor-
ruption being general, he found it necessary to change the
whole form of the government ; sensible that a few particular
laws would produce no great effect. But, considering the
efficacy of religion in promoting every new institution, he went
first to consult the oracle of Apollo at Delphos, where he met

SPARTA, AND LAWS OP LYCUR6US. 11

a rereptipn that might flatter his highest ambitioD, for he was
salated by the priestess as a friend of the gods, and rather as a
god than man. As to his new institution also, lie was toIi}»
that the gods heard his prayers, and that the commonwealth
he was going to establish would be the most excellent aad
durable upon eartL

Thus encouragiedy on his return to Sparta, Lycnrgns first
communicated fais designs to his particular friends, and then
bj degrees gained over the leading men to his party, until
things being ripe for a change, he ordered thirty of the prin*
cipal men to appear armed in the market-place. Charilans,
who was at that time king, seemed at first willing to oppose
this revolution, but, being intimidated by a superior force, he
took shelter in the temple of Minerva; where, being prevailed
upon by his subjects, and being also of a flexible temper, he
came forth and joined the confederacy. The people soon ac-
quiesced under a set of institutions, which were evidently cal-
culated for their improvement, and gladly acknowledged sub-
mission to laws, which leaned with equal weight upon every
rank of society.

To continue the kings still with a shadow of power, he con-
firmed them in their right of succession as before, but dimi-
nished their authority by instituting a senate, which was to
serve as a oounterpoise between the prerogative and the peo-
ple. Tliey still, however, had alt their former marks of out-
ward dignity and respect. They had the chief seats in every
public asembly; in voting they were allowed to give their
opimon first ; they received ambassadors and strangers, and
overiooked public buildings and highways. In the field they
were possessed of greater power ; they conducted the armies
of the state, and were attended by judges, field-deputies, and
a general of the horse. However, they were not entirely at
liberty even in war, as they received their orders from the
senate ; and though these were for the most part discretionary,
yet they were sometimes forced to march against the enemy,
or to return home when they least desired to retreat.

The government hitherto had been unsteady, tending at one
time towards despotism, at another to democracy; but the
senate instituted by Lycurgus served as a check upon both,
and kept the state balanced in tranquillity. This body, which

12 HISTORY OF GRK£CE.

was composed of twenty-eight members, founded their chief
policy in siding with die kings when the people were grasping
at too mnch power ; and, on the other hand, in espousing the
interests of the people whenever the kings attempted to cany
their authority too far. The senators were composed of those
who assisted Lycurgus in his designs, as well as of several of
the citizens remarkable for their private virtues, but none were
eligible till sixty years of age. They were continued for lifiB,
except'upon any notorious crime ; and this, as it prevented the
inconveniences of too frequent a change, so it was a lasliag
reward to the old, and a noble incentive to the young. These
formed the supreme court of judicature ; and though there lay
an appeal from them to the people, yet as they were only con-
vened at the pleasure of the senate, and as the senators were
not responsible for any wrong judgment, their decrees gene-
rally passed without a r^^al. Indeed, for several ages, such
was the caution, and such the integrity of this tribunal, that
none seemed desirous of seeking farther justice, and both par-
ties acquiesced in the justice of their decree. However, the
great power, which the senate was thus possessed of, was about
a century after tempered by the erection of a superior court,
called the court of Ephori, which consisted of but five in num-
ber, and the members were chosen annually into their aSBee*
They were elected from the people, and had the power of
arresting and imprisoning even the persons of their kings, if
they acted unbecoming their station.

The people also had a nominal share in the government*
They had their assemblies, consisting of citizens only, and also
their great convention of all persons who were free of the
state. But this power of convening was but a mere matter
of form, as the senate alone was permitted to call them toge-
ther, and as it was in the option of that body to dismiss them
at pleasure. The subject of deliberation was also to be of
their proposal, while the people, denied the privilege of debat-
ing or discussing, could only reject or ratify with laconic de-
cision. To keep them still more helpless, they were left out
of all offices of the state, and were considered merely as ma-
chines, which their wiser fellow-citizens were to conduct and
employ.

So small a degree of power grunted to the people might

SPARTA, AND LAWS OP LYGURGUS. 18

apt to destroy these institations in their infancy: but, tor^^
coQcile them to the change, Lycurgus boldly resolved to give
them a share in those lands, from whence, by the increasing
riches of some, and the dissipation of others, they had been
deprived. To keep the people in plenty and dependence
seems to have been one of the. most refined strokes in this phi-
losopher's legislation. The. generality of the people were at
that time so poor, that they were destitute of every kind of
possession, whilst a small number of individuals were possessed
of all the lands and the wealth of the country. In order, there-
fore, to banish the insolence, the fraud, and the luxury of the
one, as well as the misery, the repining, and the factious de-
spair of the others, he persuaded the majority, and forced the
rest, to give up all their lands to the commonwealth, and to
make a new division of them, that they might all live together
in perfect equality. Thus all the sensual goods of life were
distributed among the govenors and the governed, and su-
perior merit alone conferred superior distinction.

Lycnrgos accordingly divided all the lands of Laconia into
thirty thousand parts, and those of Sparta into nine thousand,
and these he portioned out to the respective inhabitants of
each district Each portion was sufficient to maintain a family
in that firugal manner he proposed ; and, though the kings had
a larger share assigned them to support their dignity, yet their
tables had rather an air of decency and competency, than of
snperflnity or profusion. It is said, that some years after, as
Lycnrgns was returning from a long journey, observing bow
equally the com was divided in all parts of the country, he was
beard to observe, smiling on those next him, ** Does not La-
conia look like an estate, which several brothers have been di-
viding amongst them?"

But it would have answered no permanent purpose to di-
vide the lands, if the money had been still suffered to accumu-
late. To prevent, therefore, all other distinction but that of
merit, he resolved to level down all fortune to one standard.
He did not, indeed, strip those possessed of gold or silver of
tbeir property ; but, what was equivalent, he cried down its
value, and suffered nothing but iron money to pass in exchange
for every conimodity. This coin also he made so heavy, and
fixed at so low a rate, that a cart and two oxen were Tei\\\\x^

14 HISTORY OF 6RBBGR.

to carry home a gam of ten minas, or about twenty pounds
English, and a whole hoase was neceittary to keep it in. This
ifon money had no cmreacy among any other of the Ghrecian
states, who, so tut from esteeming it, treated it with the ut-
most contempt and ridicule. From the neglect of fcneigners
the Spartans themselves began to despise it so, that money
was at last brought into disuse, and few troubled themselves
with more than was sufficient to supply their necessities. Tlins
not only riches, but their attendant train of avarice, fraud,
rapine, and luxury, were banished from this simple state ; and
the people found in ignorance of riches a happy substitute for
' the want of those re6nements they bestow.

But these institutions were not thought sufficient to prevent
that tendency which mankind have to private excess. A third
regulation was therefore made, commanding that all meals
should be in public. He ordained, that all the men should
eat in one common hall without distinction ; and, lest strangers
diould attempt to corrupt his citizens by their example, a law-
was expressly made against their continuance in the city. By
these means frugality was not only made necessary, but the
use of riches was at once abolished. Every man sent monthly
his provisions to the common stock, with a little money for
other contingent expenses. These consisted of one bushel of
flour, eight itaeasures of wine, five pounds of cheese, and two
pounds and a half of figs. The tables consisted of fifteen per-
sons each, where none could be admitted but by the consent
of the whole company. Every one, without exception of per-
sons, was obliged to be at the common meal; and a long time
after, when Agis returned from a successful expedition, he was
punished and reprimanded for having eaten with his queen in
private. The very children ate at these meals, and were car-
ried thither as to a school of temperance and wisdom. At
tlMse homely repasts, no rude or immoral conversation was
permitted, no loquacious disputes or ostentatious talking.
Bach endeavoured to express his sentiments with the utmost
perspicuity and conciseness : wit was admitted to season the
banquet, and secrecy to give it security. As soon as a young
man came into the room, the oldest man in the company used
to say to him, pointing to the door, *' Nothing spoken here
must go that way.** Black broth was their favourite dtsh ; of

SPARTA, AND LAWS OP LYGURGUS. 15

whet ingfedients it vaAjnade is not known, but they used no
flesh in their enteiiuiuflrats; it probaUy fesembled those leo-
iMi soups whidi «e still in use on the continent* Dionysiiis,
the tyrant, fbvad flieir fare very unpalatable: bnt, as the cook
asserted, the brotfi was notUng without the seasoning of fi»-
tigne and hunger.

An injunction so rigorous, which thus cut off all the delica-
cies and refinements of luxury, was by no means pleasing to
the rich, who took every occasion to insult ihe lawgiver upon
his new regulations. The tumults it excited were frequent;
and, in one of these, a young fellow, whose name was Alex-
ander, struck out one of Lycurgus's eyes. But he had the
majority of the people on his side, who, provoked at the out-
rage, delivered the young man into his hands, to treat him with
all proper severity. Lycurgus, instead of testifying any bni-
tal resentment, won over his aggressor by all the arts of affa-
InHty and tenderness, till at last, from being one of the proud-
est and most turbulent men of Sparta, he became an example
of wisdom and moderation, and an useful asnstant to Lycur-
gus in promoting his new institutions.

Thos, undaunted by opposition, and steady in his designs,
he went on to make reformation in the maraiers of his coun*
trymen. As the education of youth was one of the most imr
portant objects of a legislator's care, he took care to instil
such early principles, that childrta should in a manner be bom
with a sense of order and discipline. His grand principle
was, tiiat children were properly the possession of the state,
and belonged to the community more ^n to their parents.
To this end he began from Ae veiy time of their c<meeption,
making it the-mother^s duty to use such diet and exercise as
nught fit her to produce a vigorous and healthy ofiqnring.
As during this period all institutions were tinctured with the
savageness of the times, it is not wonderful that Lycurgus
ordained, that all such children as, upon a public view, were
deemed deformed or weakly, and unfit for a future life of
vigour and fatigue, shoold be exposed to perish in a cavern
near mount Taygetus. This was considered as a public
pumshment upon the mother, and it was thought the readiest
way to Hghien the state of a future encumbrance.

Those infants that were bom without any capital defects

Hi history of grbbge. ^ *

•

were adopted as children of the state^md delivered to' their
parents to be nursed with severity anflkrdship. From their
tenderest age' they were accnstomed to make no choice in
their eating, not to be afraid in the dark or when 1^ alone,
not to be peevish or fretful, to walk barefoot, to lie hard at
nights, to wear the same clothes winter and summer, and. to
fear nothing from their equids. At the age of seven years
they were taken from their parents, and delivered over to the
dasses for a public education. Their discipline there was
little else than an apprenticeship to hardship, self-denial, and
obedience. In these classes, one of the boys, more advanced
and experienced than the rest, presided as captain, to govern
and chastise the refractory. Their very sports and exercises
were reg^ated according to the exactest discipline, and made
up of labour and fatigue. They went barefoot, with their
heads shaved, and fought with one another naked. While
they were at table it was usual for the masters to instruct the
boys, by asking them questions concerning the nature of
moral actions, or the different merits of the most noted men
of the time. The boys were obliged to give a quick and
ready answer, which was to be accompanied with their rea-
sons in the concisest manner, for a Spartan's language was
as sparing as his money was ponderous and bulky. All
ostentatious learning was banished from this simple conmion-
wealth : their only study was to obey, their only pride was to
suffer hardship. Every art was practised to harden them
against adventitious danger. There was yearly a custom of
whipping them at the altar of Diana, and the boy that bore
this punishment with the greatest fortitude came off victo-
rious. This was inflicted publicly before the eyes of their
parents, and in the presence of the whole city ; and many
were known to expire under the severity of the discipline
without uttering a single groan. Even their own fathers,,
when they saw them covered with blood and wounds, and
ready to expire, exhorted them to persevere to the end with
constancy and resolution. Plutarch, who says that he has
seen several children expire under this cruel treatment, tells
ns of one, who, having stolen a fox, and hid it under his coat,
chose rather to let it tear out his very bowels than discover
the theft

#

SPARTA, AND LAWS OP LY€URGUS. 17

Every institation seemed calcalated to harden the body,
and sharpen the mind wr war. In order to prepare them for
stratagems and sadden incursions, the boys were permitted to
steal from each other : but if they were caught in the fact,
they were punished for their want of dexterity. Such a per-
mission, therefore, was little better than a prohibition of theft,
since the punishment followed, as at present, in case of de-
tectioD. In fact, by this institution, negligence in the pos-
sessor was made justly liable to the loss of his possessions, a
consideration which has not been sufficiently attended to by
subsequent legislators.

At twelve years old the boys were removed into another
class, of a more advanced kind. There, in order to crush the
seeds of vice, which at that time began to appear, their labour
and discipline were increased with their age. There they had
their instructor from among the men called Paedonomi, and
nnder him the Iraons, young men selected from their own
body, to exercbe a more constant and immediate command
over them. They had now their skirmishes between parties,
and their mock fights between larger bodies. In these they
often fought with hands, feet, teeth, and nails, with such ob-
stinacy, that it was common to see them lose their eyes, and
often their lives, before the fray was determined. Such was
Che constant discipline of their minority, which lasted till the
age of thirty, before which they were not permitted to marry,
to go into the troops, or to bear any office in the state.

With regard to the virgins, their discipline was equally
strict with the former. They were inured to a constant
course of labour and industry until they were twenty years
old, before which time they were not allowed to be marriage-
able. They also had their peculiar exercises. They ran,
wrestled, pitched the bar, and performed all those feats naked
before the whole body of the citizens. Yet this was thought
no way indecent, as it was supposed that the frequent view of
the person would rather check than excite every looser appe-
tite. An education so manlike did not fail to produce in the
Spartan women corresponding sentiments. They were bold,
frugal, and patriotic, filled with a sense of honour, and a love
of miiitary glory. Some foreign women, in conversation with
ilie wife of Leonidas, saying, that the Spartan women aloq^

c

i6 HISTORY OF 6R£BGB.

knew bow to govern the men, she boldly replied, " The SpavCan
women alone bring forth men." . A meliier was known to gure
her son, who was going to battle, his shield, with this remaark-
able advice, '' Return with it, or return upon it." Implying,
that rather than throw it from him in flight, he should be
iKHrne upon it dead to his friends in Sparta. Another hear-
ing that her son was killed fighting for his country, she aa-
swereil, without any emotion, ** It was for that I brought him
into the world." After the battle of Leuctra, the parents of
those who died in the action went to the temples to thank
the gods that their sons had done their duty, while those whose
children survived that dreadful day seemed inconsolable.

Yet it must not be concealed, that in a city where the
women were inspired with such a passion for military glory»
they were not equally remarkable for connubial fidelity. In
fiiict, there was no law against adultery, and an exchange of
husbands was often actually practised among them. This was
always indeed by the mutual consent of parties, which removed
the tedious ceremonies of a divorce. One reason assigned
iGcNr allowing this -mutual liberty was, not so much to gratify
lieentioiis desire, as to improve the breed of citisens, by
matching such as were possessed of mutual inclination. In
fact, in many of the laws of Lycurgus he seems to admit, that
private vices may become poblic benefits, and this among the
number.

Besides these constitutional resolutions, there were many
other general maxims laid down, that obtained the fimnoe of
laws among them. They were forbid to exercise any me*
ehanic art The chief occupation of the Spartans was bodily
exercises, or huntmg. Tlie Helotes, who had lost their liberty
some centuries before, and who had been condemned to per-
petual slaveiy, tilled their lands for them, recdviog for their
labour a bare subsistence. The citizens, thus possessed of
competence and leisure, were mostly in company in their large
common halls, where they met and conversed together. They
passed little of their time alone, being accustomed to live like
bees, always together, always attentive to their ohiefii and
leaders. The love of their oountry and. the public good was
their predominant passion, and all self-interest was lort in the
general wish for the welfare of the community. Pedarctus

spamta, and laws op ltgurgus. Iff

kBfiog mMed fbe honoop of being ebosen one of the tfarefo
inadredwho had • oeffahi rank m the oity, converted his du-
appoiatment inio joy, '^Tbal there weretfuree hnndred- better
■len in Sparta thM he."

Among thft^nuudns of flue legislator, it was forbidden theni'
to makm fteqn^it wbot upon the same enemies. By this in-
faiUtien tlity wove restrained from- lasting and immoderate re<^
seotnMn^ they were i&no danger of teaching tibev discipHbtf
U^ those they made war npon^ and all their allianles wove thus
more fveqaealiy renewed.

Whenef er they hsfd broken and routed their enemies, they*
never parsnect them flarther than was necessary to make them^
seWea sore of the* vietory. They flionght it sufficiently gib'-
rioas to ovewome, and were ashamed of diestroying an enemy
Ant yielded er fled. Nor was this without answering some
good purposee-: for the enemy, conscious that all who resisted*
were pot to> the sword, often fled, as they were convinced^
thai sadi a eoaduet was the surest means of obtaining safety.
Thuifr Tabmr and generosity seemed the ruling motives of tfidb'
new iastitatiaa*:' anas were Aeir onl|| exercise and employe
meat, and tfaehp We was much less austere in the camp ttoi.
liie city. Tbe> Spartans were the only people in the world tb'
whom the-time of war was a time of ease and refreshment^;*
beaanse tlten^ tAe severity of their manners was relaxedi and
the men wwe indulged in greater liberties. With them the
fmt and moat* invioMile hiw of war was, never to turn their'
baoks OB the enemy, however disproportioned' in fbrces, nor'
to deliver up their arms until' they resigned tbeib with lifei
Whea the poet^ Agmhitoeus^ came to 9parta, he was obliged^ to
qait^ theoitj^ fbr having asserted, in one of his poems^ that'if
was better foa vnum to lose his armsthan his lifb. Thus re-
aolved'upoa conquest or death, they wentcabnly forward with
all tiM oonfidenee of successr, sure of meeting a ^orious vic^
torjs or, what they valued equally, a noble death.

Urns depenfing upon their valour alone for safety, their
legislator forbid' walling the city. It was his maxim, that
a wall of men was preferable to a wall of brick, and diat con-
flned valour waaseareely preferable to cowardice. Indeed a
ciigr, in wfaidi were thirty diousand fighting men, stood in litde
noedaf wdb^ to^ protect it; and we have' scarce an instance

c2

^ HISTORY OF GRRECE.

io history of their sufferiDg themselves to be driven to tb^r
last retreats. War and its honours was their employment and
ambition ; their Helotes, or slaves, tilled their grounds, and
did all their servile drudgery. These unhappy men were, in
a manner, bound to the soil ; it was not lawful to sell them to
strangers, or to make them free. If at any time their increase
became inconvenient, or created a suspicion in their fierce'
masters, there was a cryptia, or secret act, by which they
frere perpiitted to destroy them. From this barbarous se-
verity, however, Lycurgus is acquitted by Plutarch; but it is
plain, that his institutions were not suflEbient to restrain the
people from such baseness and cruelty. It was by this act
allowed for several companies of young men to go out of the
city by day, and, concealing themselves in the thickets, to rush
out in the night upon their slaves, tmd kill all they could find
in their way. Thucydides relates, that two thousand of these
slaves disappeared at once, without ever after being heard of.
It is truly amazing how a people like the Spartans, renowned
for lenity to the conquered, for submission to their superiors,
for reverence to old ag^ and fiiendship to each other, should
yet be so very brutal to those beneath them: to men that
ought to be considered, in every respect, as their equals, as
their countrymen, and only degraded by an unjust usurpation.
Yet nothing is more certain than their cruel treatment: they
were not only condemned to the most servile occupations, but
often destroyed withput reason. They were frequently made
drunk, and exposed before the children, in order to deter them
from so brutal a species of debauchery.

Such was the general purport of the institutions of Lycurgus,
which, from their tendency, gained the esteem and admiration
of all th# surrounding nations. The Greeks were ever apt to
be dazzled rather with splendid than useful virtues, and praised
the laws of Lycurgus, which at best were calculated rather to
make men warlike than happy, and to substitute insensibility
instead of enjoyment If considered in a political light, the
dty of LacedsDmon was but a military garrison, supported by
the labour of a numerous peasantry, that were slaves. The
laws by which they were governed are not much more rigorofis
tjilui many of the military institutions of modem princes; .the.
same labour, the same discipline, the same poverty,, and the

SPARTA, AND LAWli OF LYOURGUS. 2l

same sabordinatioD, is found in many of the garrisoned
towns of Europe, tbat prevailed for so many centuries in
Sparta. The only difference, that appears to me between a
soldier of Lacednmon and a soldier in garrison at Gravelin
is, that the one was permitted to marry at thirty, and the
other is obliged to continue single all his life ; the one lives iii
the midst of a civilized country, which he is supposed to pro-
tect; the other lived in the midst of a number of civilized
states, which he had no inclination to offend. War is equally
the trade of both ; and a campaign is frequently a relaxatiod
from the more rigorous confinement of garrison duty.

When Lycurgus had thus completed his military institution,
and when the form of government he had established seemed
strong and vigorous enough to support itself, his next care
was to give it all the permanence in his power. He therefore
signified to the people, that something still remained for the
completion of his plan ; and that he was under a necessity of
going to consult the oracle of Delphos, for its advice. In the
mean time, he persuaded them to take an oath for the strict
observance of all his laws till his return ; and then departed,
with a ifull resolution of never seeing Sparta more. When he
was arrived at Delphos, he consulted the oracle, to know
whether the laws he had made were sufficie.nt to render the
LteediBemonians happy ; and being answered, that nothing was
wmkiiog to their perfection, he sent this answer to Sparta, and
then voluntarily starved himself to death. Others say, that
he died in Crete, ordering his body to be burnt, and his ashes
to be thrown into the sea. The death of this great lawgiver
gave a sanction and authority to his laws, which his life was
onable to confer. The Spartans regarded his end as the most
glorious of all his actions, and a noble finishing of all his former
services : they built a temple, and paid divine honours to him
after his death : they considered themselves as bound by every
tie of gratitude and religion to a strict observance of all his
institutions ; and the long continuance of the Spartan govem-
liient is a proof of their persevering resolution.

The city of Lacedaemon, thus instituted, seemed only de-
sirous of an opportunity of displaying the superiority of their
power among the neighbouring states, their rivals. The war
between them and the Mcssenians soon taught them io know

S8 HISTOEX. OF ORSSCE.

the advaotages o£ tbeir military infltitation; but as I
basteaiDg to more important eveots* I will tonoh iipos' this ;as
concisely as I can. Tbere was a temple of Diam^ common to
the Messenians and liacedsBmoniaas* standing npon the bor-
ders of either kingdom. It was there that the MesseniaQB
were accused of attempting the chastity of seme Spartan vir*
gins, and of kjlling T^dns, one of the Spartan kings, who
Hiteprposed in thw defence. The Messenians, on the other
hand, denied the c|iarge : UEid AYesred, that those supposed
lEirgins were young men thus diessed up wilh daggers under
their clothes, and tplaced Aere ky Teleclus, with an intent lo
snjprise them. To 4he jnutnal teseAhnent eecasioned hy this,
another cause ^animosity was aoon*after added: Polychares,
a Jf essenian, who had W4Iib the pnae in the Olympic games,
let^wt some 4;ows to pastmae lo Euphsroas a LooedsMnaniaa,
who was to pay himself fer their ketiping with a share of the
inci^ase. Enphieuffs sold Ihe eowa, an4 pretended they were
stalen from Jbim. Polychares sent Jus sob to demand the
money; but the Lacedseimoiuaa, io q^^rnwrate the crime, kiUed
the yoai« man, and persuaded his cMutrymen togivenoi».
dness. * JPolychares, thenefoiDei, nndertook to do himself justice,
and killed all the Lacedsnoonians thiyt ^aame jn his way, £i>
postolations passed between both kingdoms, till at last the
affair came to ^ genegraji wai;, which was oaoried on for maiij
years with doubtful sucoess. Jn this situation the HessenNms
sent to consuU the oracle of Delphos, who required the sacr^
fijD0 of a Tirgin of the family pf ^C^ytus. Upon icasting lots
among the descendants of this prince, the chance feH upon
the dav^ter of Lysiscus; but being thought to be suppo-
sijtitious, Aristodemus offered his dai^bAer, wham all allowed
to be his own. Her lo?er, however, attempted to avert the
blow, by absenting, that she was with child by him ; but her
father was sp enraged, that he ripped up her belly with his
own hand, publicly to vindicate her innocence. The enthu-
siasm which this sacrifice produced, served for a while to give
the Messenians the advantage; but being at last overtlunown
and besieged in the city of Ithoe, Aristodemus, findiag^all
A M ^ISM ^''^'^ desperate, sl^w faimsell* upon his da^ghler*s
* grave. With him fell the kingdom of Messeaia;
npt withont a most obstinate xeiistance, and many a defiaat of

SPARTA, AND LAWS OP LYCUR6US. S8

die Spartan army, wUch they held mas engaged for abore
twenty years. Nor must we omit one memorable transaction
of tlie LacedflMBonians daring this war : having drained their
city of all Its male inhabitants, and obliged themselves by oath
not to retora until their designs were accomplished; their
women in the nwan time remonstrated, that, from their long
absence, all posterity woaid be at an end. To remedy this in-
eonvenieoce, they detached fifty of their most promising yoang
men fiom the army to go to Sparta, and to lie promiscuously
witii all tiie young women they fancied. The offspring of these
▼farginswere firom them called Parthemss, who, finding them-
aehres contemned and slighted by the Spartans on their re-
tmm, as a spurious brood, joined some years after in an io-
awreetion widi the Helotes ; but were soon suppressed. Be^
mg expelad the slate, they went under the conduct of their
eaptaiB, Fhikntos, and settled at Tarentum in Italy.

After a vigorous subjection of thirty^nine years, the Mes-
aenians once more aiade a vigorous struggle for freedom, be-
ing hmded by Aiistomenes, a young man of great qq-iq
coorage and capacity. The success of the firet^'^"^^'
engagement was doubtful, and the Lacedaemonians being ad-
vised by the oracle to send for a general from among the
AtiieiiianSy this politic state sent them TyrtsB«», a poet and
sokoohBaster, whose chief business was to harangue and re-
peat in own Tones. The Spartans were little pleased with
their new leader, but their veneration for the oracle kept them
obedient to his commands. Their success, however, did not
seem to improve with their duty : they suffered a defeat from
Aristomenes, who, losing his shield in the pursuit, their total
overthrow was prevented. A second and a third defeat fol-
lowed soon after ; so that the Lacedaemonians, quite dispirited,
had thoughts of concluding a peace upon any terms. But
Tyrtaeus so inflamed them by his orations and songs in praise
of military glory, that they resolved upon another battle, in
which they were victorious ; and soon after Aristomenes was
taken prisoner in a skirmish, with fifty of his followers.

The adventures of this hero deserve our notice. Being car-
ried prisoner to Sparta, he was thrown into a deep dungeon,
which had been used for the execution of malefactors, and
fifty soldiers with him. They were all killed by the fall.

24 . HISTORY OP 6RBBCB.

except AristomeDes, woo, finding a wild beast at the bottom
preying upon a carcass, securing the animal's mouth, he con-
tinued to hold by the tail, until the beast made directly to its
hole. There, finding the issue too narrow, he was obliged to
let go his hold : but following the track with his eye, he per-
ceived a glimmering from above, and at length wrought his
way out. After this extraordinary escape, he repaired im-
mediately to his troops, and at their head made a successful
sally, by night, against the Corinthian forces. Nevertheless,
he was once more, shortly after, taken by some Cretans ; but
his keepers being made drunk, he stabbed them with their
own daggers, and returned to his forces. But his single
valour was not sufficient to avert the ruin of his country; al-
though, with his own single prowess, he had thrice earned the
Hecatomphonia, a sacrifice due to those who had killed one
hundred of the enemy hand to hand in battle, yet, the body of
his forces being small, and fatigued with continual duty, the
city of Eira, which he defended, was taken, and
' the Messenians .were obliged to take refuge with
Anaxilas, a prince of Sicily. As for Tyrtaeus, the Lacedae-
monians made him free of their city, which was the highest
honour they had in their power to bestow. By the accession
of the Messenhin country to the territory of Sparta, this state
became one of the most powerful of all Greece; and was
second only to Athens, which state it alwi^s considered with
an eye of jealousy.

CHAPTER III.

OF THS GOVBRNMENT OP ATHENS, THE LAWS OF SO-
LONy AND THB HISTORY OF THE REPUBLIG PROM
THE TIME OP SOLON TO THE GOMMBNGBMENT OF
THE PERSIAN WAR.

We now return to Athens. Codms, the last kmg of this
state, baTing devoted himself for the good of his country, a
magistrate, nnder the title of Archon, was appointed to suc-
ceed him. The first who bore this office was Medon, the son
of the late king, who, being opposed by his brother Nileos,
was preferred by the oracle, and accordingly invested with hb
new dignity. This magistracy was at first for life; it was
soon after reduced to a period of ten years, and at last be-
came annual ; and in this state it continued for near three
hundred years. Dmlng this inactive government, little offSws
to adorn the page of history : the spirit of extensive dominion
had not. as yet entered into Ghreece ; and the citizens were
too much employed in their private intrigues to attend to
foreign concerns. Athens, therefore, continued a long time
.incapable of enlai^ng her power; content with safety amidst
the contending interests of aspiring potentates and factions
citizens.

A desire of being governed by written laws at last made
way for a new change in government. For more ^^oOii

than a century they had seen the good effects of ' '
laws in the regulation of the Spartan commonwealth ; and, as
they were a more enlightened people, they expected greater ad-
vantages from a new institution. In the choice, therefore, of
a legislator, they pitched upon Draco, a man of acknowledged
wisdom and unshaken integrity, but rigid, even beyond human
sufferance. It does not appear that any state of Greece was
possessed of written laws before his time. However, he was

26 HISTORY OF ORBBCB.

not afraid to enact the nfest severe laws, which laid the same
penalties on the most atrocious and the most trifling oflTences.
These laws punished all crimes with death, and are said, not
to be written with ink, but with blood. This legislator being
asked why he punished most offences with death? replied,
" Small crimes deserve death, and I have no higher for the
greatest/' But the excessive severity of his laws prevented
them from being justly administered. Sentiments of huma-
nity in the judges, compassion for the aocused when his fanlt
WBM not eq«al to ins suffering, the unwiHingness of witnesses
to exact too erael on atonement, their fears also of the resent-
ment of the people; all these conspired to render die lawsob<-
solete before they could well be put in execution. Thus the
mw lawsoounleracted Iheir own puposes, and their exceame
rigour paved the way for the most dangerous impunity.

It was in this •distreasfhl tftate of the commonweaUh that
4BdoB was applied to fsr his advice and assistance, as the
wisest and &e jaalest mu of all Athens. His great learning
JMd acquired him tlK reputation of being die first of die seven
mue men of Greeoe, and his known iiumanity proemred lum
tlie love and venen^aon of every rank among his felow oiti-
'seiiB. Solon was a oative tof Salaaiis, an island dependent on
AAens, but which had xevoked, to puMkself under the power
-of die Megareans. In atteaipting to secover diis island, the
AtheniaBS had spent mnoh blood and treasure, until at last,
wearied out widi sodi ill success, a laar was nude, rendering
it eapital ever to advise the reeovery of their lost possession.
"gidoa, however, undertook to persiuMle them to another trial ;
and, feignig himself mad, ran about the streets, using the
most violent gestures and language ; but the purport of all
was to upbraid dw Athenians for their remissness asd effemi-
nacy, in giving up dieir conquests in despair. In short, he
acted his part so well, by the oddity of his manner, and the
atrength of ins reasomag, tliat the people resolved upon ano-
dier expeditiaa against Salamis; a»d, by a stratagem of his
oontrivanoe, in iriiicfa-he introduced several young men upon
iha island in women's dotlws, die phee was surprised, and
«dded «o the dominion of Athens.

fiut das was not the aaly ocoarioa oa which he exhiliited
flopenor addh^ss and wisdom. At a time when Oreeoe had

60VBRNMBNT OW ATHENS. 87

cMcmd the «0tt 4f etoquettee, poetiy^ and governmeiit, kiglieir

tlum lliey kad yet been seen amoag wamkmd, Solon was conti-

ieced as one of Ihe finremost in each perfection. The sageH of

Ghreece, whose fiune is still nndiminbhed, acknowledged his

nMritt Bod adofiCed him as their associate. The correspond*

ence between these wise men was at once instmctiTe,

firiendlf, and sincere. They were seven in namber, namely,

Thaks the Miteaian, Sedan of Athens, Chile at LscedaBmon,

Kttacns of Mitylene, Periander «f Comth, Bsaa, asd Cle*

dbidosy wheae birth places are not nsoeatained. Those sages

oAb» fisited each other, and their conversation generally

turned «pon the methods of institntnig the best fom of go-

mimiiiinf, or the arts of private happiness. One day, when

Solen went to Miletos, to see Thales, the fimt thing he said,

was to express his snrprise that Thales had never desired to

marry, or have children. Thales made him no answer then ;

batt A £sw days after, he contrived that a stranger, supposed

to airiFe from Athens, shonld join their company. SdoB,

haaring Ssom whence the stranger came, was inquisitive after

the news cf his own city; bnt was only informed tha^ young

man had died thare, for whom the whole place was in the

greatest effliction, as he was reputed the most promising youth

iaaUAthens. ^'Alas!" criedSdon, ''hownnidiisthepoorfih

ther of the youth to be pitied! — pray, what is his nameT " I

heard the name," replied the stranger (who was instructed for

the ooeasionX " but I have forgot it: I only remember, that all

people talked much of his wisdom asd justice." Every answer

sferded new matter of trouble and terror to the inquisitive

fiUher, and he had just strength enough to ask, if the youth

was the son of Solon? ''The very same," replied Ae stranger;

at which words' Solon showed all the maAs of the most in-

csnsotable distress. This was the opportunity which Thales

wanted, who took him by the hand, and said to him, with a

smile, '• Comfort yourself, ray friend; all that has been told you

is a mere fictuMi; but may serve as a veiy proper answer to

your question, why J never thought proper to marry."

One day, at the court of Periander of Corinth, a question
was proposed, which was the most perfect popular govern-
meat? ** That," said Bias, ** where the laws have no superior."
"That," said Thales, '< where the inhabitants are neither too riuh

28 HISTORY OB ORKBCB.

nor too poor." *' That/' said Anarcharsis, the Scythian, '* where
virtue is hoDOured and vice detected." ''That/' said Pittacns,
* 'where dignities are always conferred upon the virtuous, and
never upon the base." *' That," said Clepbulus, " where the citi-
zens fear blame more than punishment." " That," said Chilo,
*' where the laws are more regarded than the orators." Bat
Solon's opinion seems to have the greatest weight, who said,
" where an injury done to the meanest subject is an insnlt
upon the whole constitution."

Upon a certain ooiasion, when Solon was conversing witll
Anacharsis, the Scythian philosopher, about his intended re-
formations in ttie state; " Alas!" cried the Scythian, "all
your laws will be found to resemble spiders' webs ; the weak
and small ffies will be caught and entangled, but the greail
and powerful will always have strength enough to break
through."

Solon's interview with Croesus, king of Lydia, is still mor^
celebrated. This monarch, who was reputed the richest of
all Asia Mmor, ^ms willing to make an ostentatious display
of his ifi^lth before the Greek philosopher ; and, after show-*
ing him immense heaps of treasure, and the greatest variety
of other ornaments, he demanded whether he did not think the
possessor the most happy of all mankind. " No," replied Solon :
** I know one man more happy ; a poor peasant of Greece, who,
neither in affluence nor poverty, has but few wants, and has
learned to supply them with his labour." This answer was by
no means agreeable to the vain monarch, who, by his ques-
tion, only hoped for a reply that would tend to flatter his
pride. Willing, therefore, to extort one still more favourable,
he asked, whether at least he did not think him happy ? "Alas !"
cried Solon, " what man can be pronounced hftppy before he
dies?" The integrity and the wisdom of Solon's replies ap-
peared in the event. The kingdom of Lydia was invaded by
Cyrus, the empire destroyed, and Croesus himself was taken
prisoner. When he was led out to execution, according to
the barbarous manners of the times, he then, too late, recol-
lected the maxims of Solon, and could not help crying out,
when on the scafibid, upon Solon's name. Cyrus, hearing him
repeat the name with great earnestness, was desirous of know-
ing the reason ; and being informed by Croesus of that phi-

GOVBRNMBNT OP ATHBNS. 29

Io3Qpher'8 remarkable observation, he began to fear for him-
self; pardoned Croesus, and took him for the future into con-
fidence and friendship. Thus Solon had the merit of saving
one king's life, and of reforming another.

Such was the man to whom the Athenians applied for as-
sbtance in reforming the severity of their government, and
instituting a just body of laws. Athens was at that time di-
vided into as many factions as there were different sorts of
inhabitants in Attica. Those that lived upon the mountains
were fond of exact equality ; those that lived in the low -coun-
try were for the dominion of a few ; and those that dwelt on
the sea coasts, and were consequently addicted to commerce,
were for keeping tho^e parties so exactly balanced, as to per-
mit neither to prevail. But besides these, there was a fourth
party, and that by much the most numerous, consisting wholly
of the poor, who were grievously harassed and oppressed by
the rich, and loaded with debts which they were not able to
discharge. This unhappy party, which, when they know their
own strength, must ever prevail, were now determined to
throw off the yoke of their oppressors, and to choose them-
selves a chief, who should make a reformation in government,
by making a new division of lands.

As Solon had never sided with either, he was regarded as

the refuge of all ; the rich liking him because he was rich, and

the poor because he was honest. Though he was at first un»

willing to undertake so dangerous an employment, he at last

suffered himself to be chosen archon, and to be constituted

supreme l^;islator, with the unanimous consent of all. This

was a situation in which nothing could be added to his power,

yet many ai the citizens advised him to make himself king;

but he had too much wisdom to seek after a name, which

would render him obnoxious to many of his fellow citizens,

while he was in fact possessed of more than regal authority.

** A tyranny," he would say, "resembles a fair garden ; it is

a beautiful spot while we are within, but it wants a way to get

out at."

Rejecting, therefore, the wish of royalty, he resolved upon
settling a form of government, that should be founded on the
basis of just and reasonable liberty. Not venturing to meddle
with certain disordei^, which he looked upon as incurable, he

m IflSTORY OP GRffBCB.

vadmrtook to brin|^ about no other atteratioii»biit such aa wnt^
n|^w aaily leaadnable to the aMaoest capacity. In short, k
wat hb aifli to gi?o the Athenians, not the beat of possible
GODstitutions, bat the very best they were capable of re^
eeiiriag; Hia first attenqpt was, Ikerefora, in favour of the
poor, whose debts he abolished at once by as express km at
inaoliwncy. . But to do this with the least iajury he coohl
ta the creditor, he ndaed tho vabe of mon^ in a moderaieF
proportion, by which be nominally incveased their richea.
But his manageneirt on this occasion had like to have had
very daageioas aonseqaences ; for some of Us firiends, to
whom the scheiao had been previously coannanicated, took
ap vast sams of maney while it was low, in order to bo pos-
sessed of tfie difference when it became of greater value.
Solon hiaMelf was iuapected of having a hand in this fraud ;
but, to wipe off afi suspicion, he remitted his debtors five,
or, as others say, fifteen talenta, and thus regaine4 the CO*-
fidenco of the people.

Hia next step was to repeal all the laws enacted' by Braco,
except tliose against murder. He than prooeeded to the re-
gidation of affiaeSf employments, and magistracies, all whicb
he left in the hands of the rich. He cUstributed Ae rich citi-
sens into tiwoo releases, ranging them according to- their in-
comes. Those tiwit were found to have five hundred mee-
sures yearly, aa well in com as Uqmds, were placed in the first
rank ; those that had three hundred were placed in the se^
oond; and those that had but two hundred made up the third;
All the rest of tiie eitiaens, whose income fell short of two
huodffed UMasures, were comprised' in a fourth and hist class,
and were considered as unqualified for any employment what-
ever. But to compensate for this exclusion, he gave evesy
private citiaen a privilege of voting in the great assembly at
tho whole body of the state. This, indeed, at first, might
appear a concession of somII consequence; but it was soon
feood to contain very soU advantages ; for, by the lawa of
Athens, it was permitted, after the determination of the dmh*
gistrates, to appeal to the general assemUy of the people; and
thus, in time, all canaea of weight and moment came before

In sooie measure to coeeteract the influence of e popelar

LAWS OF SOLOM. S

aaieaibly, he gave greater wdght to the eonrt of Aseopagiv,
and ako institated another council, consisting of four hnndred.
The Areopagns, so called from the jdace where the court was
held, had been established some centaries before, but Solon
restored and augmented its anthoritjir* To this court was com^
mitted the care of causing the laws to he obsenred and put m
execatioD. Before his time the citizens of the greatest probiij
and justice weie made judges of tbat tzibttnal. Solon was tl^
fijrst who thought it convenient, that none diould be honoured
with that dignity but such as had passed through the office of
archon. Nothing was so ^ngust as^ this court, and its repute*
tioa for judgment^and integrity became so very great, that the
Romans sometimes referred causes, which were too intrieato
for ihiek own decisioo, to the determination of tins trihunaL
Nothing was rq;arded here but truth; that no external ob*
jects might penrert justice, the tribunal was held in dariuiess,
and the advocatiss were denied all attempts to work upon the
passions of the judges. Superior to this, Solon instituted the
great council of four hnndred, who were to judge upon ap-
peabfirom the Areopagus, and matoreiy to examiae every
quesiJOB beftte it came to be debated in a general assemb^
cf (he people.

Such was the reformation in the general institotiotts for thf^
good of ike state ; his particular hws for dispensing justice
were more nomerous. In the first place,, all persons, who m
piddic dissensiona and difierences espoused neilher party, bu^
continued to act with a blameable neutrality, were declared
infiuBous, oondemned to perpetual punishment, and to Imv^
all their estates confiscated. Nothing could more induce man*
kind to aspirit of patriotism than this celebrated law. A mind,
tims obliged to Uike part in public concerns, learns, firom bar
bit, to make those concerns its prindpal care, and self-interest
quickly sinks b^re them. By thb method of accustoming the
minds of the people to look upon that man as an enemy, that
diould appear indifierent and unconcerned in the misfortwnea
of the public, he provided the stete with a quick and genend
resource in every dangerous emergency.

He next permitted every particular person to espouse the
quarrel of any one that was injured or insulted. By this meana
every person in the stete became the enemy of* him who did

32 HISTORY OP GRBROR.

wrong, and the turbulent were thus overpowered by the num««
ber of their opponents.

He abolished the custom of giving portions in marriage with
young women, unless they were only daughters. The bride
was to carry no other fortune to her husband than three suitK
of clothes, and some household goods of little value. It was
his aim to prevent making matrimony a traffic: he considered
it as an honourable connection, calculated for the mutua Ihap-
piness of both parties, and the general advantage of the state.

Before this lawgiver's time the Athenians were not allowed
to make their wills; but the wealth^f the deceased naturally,
and of course, devolved upon his children. Solon allowed
every one that was childless to dispose of his whole estate as
he thought fit ; preferring, by that means, friendship to kindred,
and choice to necessity and constraint. From this institution
the bond between the parents and children became more solid
and firm: it confirmed the just authority of the one, and in-
creased the necessary dependence of the other.

He made a reg^ation to lessen the rewards to the vic-
tors of the Olympic and Isthmian games. He considered it
as unjust, that a set of idle people, generally useless, often
dangerous to the state, should receive those rewards which
should go to the deserving. He wished to see those emolu-
ments go to the widows and families of such as fell in the ser-
vice of their country, and to make the stipend of the state ho-
nourable, by being conferred only on the brave.

To encourage industry, the Areopagus was charged with the
care of examining into every man's method of living, and of
chastising all who led an idle life. The unemployed were con-
sidered as a set of dangerous and turbulent spirits, eager after
innovation, and hoping to mend their fortunes from the plun-
der of the state. To discountenance all idleness, therefore,
a son was not obliged to support his father, in old age or ne-
cessity, if the latter had neglected to give him some trade or
occupation. All illegitimate children were also exempted from
the same duty, as they owed little to their parents, except an
indelible reproach.

It was forbidden to revile anyone in public: the magis-
trates, who were not eligible till thirty, were to be particularly
circumspect in their behaviour, and it was even death for an

LAWS OP SOLON. 38 \

aroboB to be taken drunk. It is observable^ that he made bo
law against parricide, as supposing it a crime that could never
exist in any ciHnmunity.

With r^;ard to women, he permited any man to kill an
adulterer, if he were taken in the fact. He allowed of public
brothels, but prohibited mercenary prostitutes from keeping
company with modest women ; and, as a badge of distinction,
to wear flowered garments. The men also, who were notorious
for frequenting their company, were not allowed to speak in
pnblic; and he who forced a woman incurred a very heavy
fine.

These were the chief institutions of this celebrated law-
giver; and, although neither so striking nor yet so well autho-
rised as those of Lycurgus, they did not fail to operate for
several succeeding ages, and seemed to gather strength by ob-
' servance. As these laws became the basis of Roman juris-
prudence, which has since been received almost throughout
Europe, under the name of the civil law, it may be affirmed,
that many of Solon's institutes are yet in force. After he had
framed these institutions, his next care was to give them such
notoriety, that none could plead ignorance. To this end tran-
scripts of them were publicly hung up in the city for every one
to peruse, while a set of magistrates, named Thesmotfaetse,
were appointed to revise them carefully, and distinctly repeat
them once a year. Then, in order to perpetuate his statutes,
he engaged the people, by a public oath, to observe them re-
ligiously, at least for the term of an hundred years; and thus
having completed the task assigned him, he withdrew from the
city, to avoid the importunity of some, and the captious petu-
lance of others. For, as he well knew, it was hard, if not im«
possible, to please all.

Solon, being thus employed on his travels in visiting Egypt,
Lydia, and several other countries, left Athens to become ha-
bituated to his new institutions, and to try by experience the
wisdom of their formation. But it was not easy for a city,
long torn by civil dissentions, to yield implicit obedience to
any laws, how wisely so ever framed ; their former animosities
began to revive, when that authority was removed, which
alone could hold them in subjection. The factions of the state
were headed by three diflTerent leaders, who inflamed the ani-

o

S4 HISTORY OP GRBBCB.

mosity of the people against each other, hopmg, by tlie sub-
version of all order, to indalge their own private hopes of pre-
ferment. A person named Lycurgns was at the head of the
people that inhabited the low country ; Pisistratas declared
for those who lived in the moontains ; and Megacles was tbe
leader of the inhabitants apon the sea coast.

Pisistratns was of these the most powerfiil. He was a well-
bred man, of a gentle and insinuating behaviour, ready to mio-
oour and assist the poor, whose cause he pretended to espouse.
He was wise and moderate to his enemies, a most artful ail
accomplished dissembler, and was every way virtuous, exce|it
in his inordinate ambition. His ambition gave him the ap-
pearance of possessing qualities which he really wanted ; bb
seemed the most zealous champion for equality among the d-
tizens, while he was actually aiming at the entire subversion cf
freedom ; and he declared loudly against all innovations,, while
he was actually meditating a change. The giddy multitude,
caught by these appearances, were zealous in seconding his
views, and, without examining his motives, were driving head-
long to tyranny and destruction.

It was just at the eve of success, and upon the point of
being indulged in his utmost ambition, that Pisistratus had the
mortification of seeing Solon return, after an absence of ten
years, apprized of his designs and willing to subvert lii#
schemes. Sensible, therefore, of his danger, and conscious of
the penetration of this great lawgiver, the aspiring demagogue
used all his artifice to conceal his real designs ; and, while be
flattered him in public, used every endeavour to bring over the
people to second his interests. Solon at first endeavoured to
oppose art to his cunning, and to foil him at his own weapons.
He praised him in his turn, and was heard to declare, what
might have been true, that, excepting the immoderate ambi-
tion of Piristratus, he knew no man of greater, or more ex-
alted virtues. Still, however, he set himself to counteract his
projects, and to defeat his designs, before they were ripe for
execution.

But in a vicious commonwealth no assiduity can warn, no
wisdom protect. Pisistratus still urged his schemes with Una-
bating ardour, and every day made new proselytes by his pro-
fessions and Us liberalities. At length, finding his schemes

PISISTRATUS. 35

ripe for open actioQ, he gave himself several wounds, and in
tluit condition, with his body all bloody, he caused himself to
be carried in his chariot to the market place, where, by his
complaints and eloquence, he so inflamed the populace, that
they considered him as the victim of their cause, and as suf-
fering such cruel treatment in their defence. An assembly of
the people was, therefore, immediately convened, from whom
he demanded a guard of fifty persons for his future security.
It was in vain that Solon used all his authority and eloquence
to oppose so dangerous a request He considered his sufier-
ings as merely counterfeited. He compared him to Ulysses
ID Homer, who cut himself with similar designs; but he al-
leged that he did not act the part right, for the design of
tJlysses was to deceive his enemies, but that of Pisistratus
was levelled against his friends and supporters. He upbraided
the people with their stupidity, telling them, that for his own
part he had sense enough to see through this design, but they
only had strength enough to oppose it. His exhortations,
however, were vain ; the party of Pisistratus prevailed, and a
goard of fifty men was appointed to attend him. This was all
that he aimed at, for now, having the protection of so many
ereatares of his own, nothing remained but insensibly to in-
crease their number. Thus every day his hirelings were seen
to augment, while the silent fears of the citizens increased in
equal proportions. But it was now too late, for having raised
the number so as to put him beyond the danger of a repulse,
he at length seized upon the citadel, while none was left who
had courage or conduct to oppose him.

In this general consternation, which was the result of folly
on the one hand, and treachery on the other, the whole city
was one scene of tumult and disorder, some flying, others in-
wardly complaining, others preparing for slavery with patient
submission. Solon was the only man, who, without fear or
shrinking, deplored the folly of the times, and reproached the
Athenians with their cowardice and treachery. " You might,"
laid he, "with ease have crushed the tyrant in the bud; but
nothing now remains but to pluck him up by the roots." As
for himself, he had at least the satisfaction of having discharged
hb duty to his country and the laws ; as for the rest, he had
Bothing to fear : and now, upon the destruction of his country,

P 2

dG HISTORY OF 6RKBCB.

his only confidence was in his great age, which gave him hop^
of not being long survivor. In fact, he did not survive the
liberty of his country above two years : he died at Cyprus, in
the eightieth year of his age, lamented and admired by every
state of Greece. Besides his skill in legislation, Solon was
remarkable for several other shining qualifications. He no-
derstood eloquence in so high a degree, that from him Cio«o
dates the origin of eloquence in Athens. He was successfid
also in poetry ; and Plato asserts, that it was only for want of
due application that he did not come to dispute the priae with
Homer himself.

The death of Solon only served to involve Athens in new
troubles and commotions. Lycurgus and M egacles, the lead-
ers of the two opposite factions, uniting, drove Pisistratus oat
of the city ; but he was soon after recalled by Megacles, who
gave him his daughter in marriage. New disturbances arose:
Pisistratus was twice deposed, and twice foqnd means to re-
instate himself, for he had art to acquire power, and mode-
ration to maintain it. The mildness of his government, and
his implicit submission to the laws, made the people forget the
means by which he acquired his power : and, caught by his
lenity, they overlooked his usurpation. His gardens and plea-
sure grounds were free to all the citizens ; and he is said to
be the first who opened a public library at Athens. Cicero is
of opinion, that Pisistratus first made the Athenians acquainted
with the books of Homer, that he disposed them in the order
in which they now remain, and first caused them to be read at
the feasts called Panathanea, which were in honour of Mi-
nerva, and were at first called Athenea ; and when afterwards
revived and amplified by Theseus, who had collected the peo-
ple of Attica into one city, were called " Panathanea, the sa-
crifice of all the Athenians.** His justice was not less remark-
able than his politeness. Being accused of murder, though it
was in the time of his tyranny, he disdained to take the ad-
vantage of his authority, but went in person to plead his cause
before the Areopagus, where his accuser would not venture to
appear. In short, he was master of many excellent qualities,
and perverted them no farther than as they stood in competi-
tion with empire. Nothing could be objected to him but Us
having greater power than the laws, and by not exerting that

HARMpDIUS AND ARI8T0GITON. 37

power he almost reconciled the citizens to royalty. Upon
these accounts he was deservedly opposed to usurpers of fewer
yirtnes ; and there seemed such a resemblance between him
and a more successful invader of his country's freedom, that
Julius Ca^ar was called the Pisistratus of Rome.

Pisistratus, dying in tranquillity, transmitted the sovereign
power to his sons, Hippias and Hipparchus, who seemed to
inherit all their father's virtuei^. A passion for learning, and
its professors, had for some time prevailed in Athens ; and this
city, which had already far out-gone all its contemporaries in
all the arts of re6nement, seemed to submit tamely to kings,
who made learning their pride and their profession. Ana-
creon, Simonides, and others, were invited to their courts, and
richly rewarded. Schools were instituted for the improvement
of youth in the learned professions, and Mercuries were set
up in all the highways, with moral sentences written upon
them, for the instruction of the lowest vulicar. Their reign,
however, lasted but eighteen years, and ended upon the fol-
lowing occanon.

Hannodius and Aristogiton, both citizens of Athens, had
contracted a very strict friendship for each other, and resolved
to revenge the injuries which should be committed against
either with common resentment. Hipparchus, being naturally
amiH'ous, debauched the sister of Harmodius, and afterward^
published her shame as she was about to walk in one of the
sacred processions, alleging, that she was not in a condition
to asust at the ceremony. Such a complicated indignity na-
turally excited the resentment of the two friends, who formed
a fixed resolution of destroying the tyrants, or falling in the at-
tempt Willing, however, to wait the most favourable oppor-
tunity, they deferred their purpose to the feast of the Panatha-
nea, in which the ceremony required that all the citizens
should attend in armour. For their greater security, they ad-
mitted only a small number of their friends into the secret of
their design, conceiving, that upon the first commotion they
should not want for abettors. Thus resolved, the day being
come, they went early into the market place, each armed with
Us dagger, and stedfast to his purpose. In the mean time,
Hi{^ias was seen issuing with his followers from the palace, to
give orders without the city to the guards for the intended

38 HISTORY OF GRBECB.

ceremony. As the two friends continued to follow him at a
little distance, they perceived one of those to whom they had
communicated their design, talking very familiarly with him,
which made them apprehend their plot was betrayed. Eager,
therefore, to execute their design, they were preparing to
strike the blow, but recollected that the real aggressor would
thus go unpunished. They once more, therefore, returned
into the city, willing to begin their vengeance upon the au-
thor of their indignities. They were not long in quest of Hip-
parchus : they met him upon their return, and rushing upon
him, dispatched him with their daggers without delay, but
were soon after themselves slain in the tumult. Hippies,
hearing of what was done, to prevent farther disorders, got all
those disarmed whom he in the least suspected of being priry
to the design, and then meditated revenge.

Among the friends of the late assertors of freedom was one
Leona, a courtezan, who, by the charms of her beauty, and
her skill in playing on the harp, had captivated some of the
conspirators, and was supposed to be deeply engaged in the
design. As the tyrant, for such the late attempt had rendered
him, was conscious that nothing was concealed from this wo-
man, he ordered her to be put to the torture, in order to ex-
tort the names of her accomplices. But she bore all the cra-
elty of their torments with invincible constancy ; and lest she
should in the agony of pain be induced to a confession, she
bit off her own tongue and spit it in the tyrant's face. In this
manner she died, faithful to the cause of liberty, showing the
world a remarkable example of constancy in her sex. The
Athenians would not suffer the memory of so heroic an action
to pass into oblivion. They erected a statue to her memory,
in which a lioness was represented without a tongue.

In the mean time, Hippias set no bounds to his indignation.
A rebellious people ever makes a suspicious tyrant. Numbers
of citizens were put to death ; and, to guard himself for the
future against a like enterprize, he endeavoured to establish
his power by foreign alliances. He gave his daughter in mar-
riage to the son of the tyrant of Lampsachus, he cultivated
a correspondence with Artapbanes, governor of Sardis, and
endeavoured to gain the friendship of the Lacedeemonians,
who were at that time the most powerful people of Greece.

60VBRNMBNT OP ATHENS. 39

Bat he was supplanted in those very alliances from which
he hoped the greatest assistance. The family of the Ale-
msBonidsB, who from the begining of the revolution had been
banished from Athens, endeavoured to undermine his interests
at Sparta, and they at length succeeded. Being possessed
of great riches, and also very liberal in their distribution,
among other public services they obtained liberty to rebuild
the temple at Delphos, which they fronted in a most magni-
ficent manner with Parian marble. So noble a munificence
was not without a proper acknowledgment of gratitude from
the priestess of Apollo, who, willing to oblige them, made her
oracle the echo of their desires. As there was nothing, there-
fore, which this family so ardently desired as the downfal of
regal power in Athens, the priestess seconded their intentions ;
and, whenever the Spartans came to consult the oracle, no
promise was ever made of the god's assistance, but upon con-
dition that Athens should be set free. This order was so
often repeated by the oracle, that the Spartans at last resolved
to obey. Their first attempts were, however, unsuccessful ;
the troops they sent against the tyrant were repulsed with loss.
A second effort succeeded. Athens was besieged, and the
children of Hippias were made prisoners as they were secretly
conveyed to a place of safety out of the city. To redeem
these from slavery, the father was obliged to come to an ac-
commodation, by which, he consented to give up his preten-
sions to the sovereign power, and to depart out of the Athe-
nian territories in the space of five days. Thus Athens was
once more set free from its tyrants, and obtained its liberty
the very same year that the kings were expelled a ^ oaqr
from Home. The family of Alcmeon were chiefly
instrumental, but the people seemed fonder of acknowledgmg
their obligations to the two friends who struck the first blow.
The names of Harmodius and Aristogiton were held in the
highest respect in all sacceeding ages, and scarce considered
inferior even to the gods themselves. Their statues were
erected in the market-place, an honour, which had never been
rendered to any before ; and, gazing upon these, the people
caught a love for freedom, and a detestation for tyranny, which
neither time nor terrors could ever after remove.

CHAPTER IV.

A SHORT SURVEY OP THB STAXE OP GRKBCB PRE-
VIOUS TO THB PERSIAN WAR.

Hitherto we have seen the states of Greece in constant
flactaation, different states rising, and others disappearing;
one petty people opposed to another, and both swallowed ap
by a third. Every city emerging from the ancient form of
government which was originally imposed upon it, and by
degrees acquiring greater freedom. We have seen the in-
troduction of written laws, and the benefits they produced, by
giving stability to government.

During these struggles for power among their neighbouring
states, and for freedom at home, the moral sciences, the arts
of eloquence, poetry, arms, were making a rapid progress
among them, and those institutions which they originally bor*
rowed from the Egyptians were every day receiving signal
improvements. As Greece was now composed of several
small republics, bordering upon each other, and differing in
their laws, characters, and customs, this was a continual source
of emulation ; and every city was not only desirous of warlike
superiority, but also of excelling in all the arts of peace and
refinement. Hence they were always under arms, and con-
tinually exercised in war, while their philosophers and poets
travelled from city to city, and, by their exhortations and songs,
wanned them with a love of virtue, and with an ardour for
military glory. These peaceful and military accomplishments
raised them to their highest pitch of grandeur, and they now
only wanted an enemy worthy of their arms to show the worid
their superiority. The Persian monarchy, the gpreatest at that
time in the world, soon offered itself as their opponent, and
the contest ended with its total subversion.

But as Greece was continually changing not only its go-

PREVIOUS TO tHK PfiRSIAN WAR. 41

vermeQty but its customs, as in one century it presented a
very different picture from what it offered in the preceding, it
will be necessary to take a second view of this confederacy .of
little republics, previous to their contests with Persia, as, by
comparing their strength with that of their opponent, we shall
find how much wisdom, discipline, and valour, are superior to
numbers, wealth, and ostentation.

Foremost in this confederacy we may reckon the city of
Athens, commanding the little state of Attica, their whole
dominions scarce exceeding the largest of our English counties
in circumference. But what was wanting in extent was made
op by the citizens being inured to war, and impressed with the
Ughest ideas of their own superiority. Their orators, their
philosophers, and their poets, had already given lessons of
politeness to mankind ; and their generals, though engaged
only in petty conflicts with their neighbours, had begun to
practise new stratagems in war. There were three kinds of
inhabitants in Athens, citizens, strangers, and servants. Their
numbers usually amounted to twenty-one thousand citizens,
ten thousand strangers, and from forty to threescore thou-
sand servants.

• A citizen could only be such by birth, or adoption. To be
a natural denizen of Athens, it was necessary to be bom of a
father and mother both Athenians, and both free. The people
could confer the freedom of the city upon strangers; and those,
whom they had so adopted, enjoyed almost the same rights
and privileges as the natural citizens. The quality of citizens
of Athens was sometimes granted in honour and gratitude to
those who merited well of the state, as to Hippocrates the
physician ; and even kings sometimes canvassed that title for
themselves and their children. When the young men at-
tained the age of twenty, they were enrolled upon the list of
citizens, after having taken an oath, and in virtue of this they
became members of the state.

Strangers or foreigners, who came to settle at Athens, for
the sake of commerce, or of exercising any trade, had no
share in government, nor votes in the assemblies of the peo-
ple. They put themselves under the protection of some citi-
zen, and upon that account were obliged to render him cer-
tain duties and services. They paid u yearly tribute to the

*42 HISTORY OF GRBKCB.

state of twelve drachmas, and in default of payment we^
made slaves, and exposed to sale.

Of servants, there were some free, and others slaves, wb
had been taken in war, or bought of such as trafficked i
them. The former were freemen, who, through indigence
were driven to receive w^ges ; and, while they were in
state, they had no vote in the assembly. Slaves were a1
solutely the property of their masters, and, as such, were nsei
as they thought proper. They were forbidden to wear clothes,
or to cut their hair like their masters, and, which indeed is amaz-
ing, Solon excluded them from the pleasure or privilege of pa^
derasty, as if that had been honourable. They were likewise de-
barred from anointing and perfuming themselves, and from wor-
shipping certain deities : they were not allowed to be called by
honourable names, and in most other respects were treated as
inferior animals. Their masters stigmatized them, that is,
branded them with letters in the forehead, and elsewhere:
however, there was even an asylum for slaves, where the
bones of Theseus had been interred ; and that asylum sub-
sisted for near two thousand years. When slaves were treated
with too much rigour and inhumanity they might bring their
masters to justice ; who, if the fact were sufficiently proved,
were obliged to sell them to another master. They could even
ransom themselves against their master's consent, when they
had laid up money enough for that purpose ; for out of whiU
they got by their labour, after having paid a certain propor-
tion to their master, they kept the remainder for themselves,
and made a stock of it at their own disposal. Private per-
sons, when they were satisfied with their services, often gave
them their liberty; and when the necessity of the times
obliged the state to make their greatest levies, they were en-
rolled among the troops, and from thence were ever after
firee.

The revenues of this city, according to Aristophanes,
amoanted to two thousand talents, or about three hundred
tboosand pounds of our money. They were generally ga-
thered from the taxes upon agriculture, the sale of woods,
the produce of mines, the contributions paid them by their
allies, a capitation levied upon the inhabitants of the country,
as well natives as strangers, and from fines laid upon different

PRBV10U8 TO THU PERSIAN WAR. 4S

misdeineaiiors. The application of these revenues was in
paying the troops, both by land and sea, building and fitting
out fleets, keefing up and repairing public buildings, temples,
walls, ports, and citadels. But in the decline of their re-
public, the greatest part was consumed in frivolous expenses,
games, feasts, and shows, which cost immense siuns, and were
of DO manner of utility to the state.

But the greatest glory of Athens was its being the school
and abode of polite learning, arts, and sciences. The study
of poetry, eloquence, philosophy, and mathematics, began
there, and came almost to their utmost perfection. The
young people were first sent to learn grammar under masters
who tanght them regularly, and upon the principles of their
own language. Eloquence was studied with still greater at-
tention, as in that popular government it opened the way to
the highest employments. To the study of rhetoric was an-
nexed that of philosophy, which comprised all the sciences ;
and in these three were many masters very conversant, but, as
is common, their vanity still greater than their pretensions.

All the subordinate states of Greece seemed to make
Athens the object of their imitation : and though inferior to
it upon the whole, yet each produced great scholars and re-
markable warriors in its turn. Sparta alone took example
from no other state, but still rigorously attached to the in-
stitutions of its great lawgiver, Lycurgus, it disdained all the
arts of peace, which, while they polished, served to enervate
the mind ; and, formed only for war, looked forward to cam-
paigns and batties, as scenes of rest and tranquillity. All the
laws of Sparta, and all the institutions of Lycurgus, seemed
to have no other object than war; all other employments,
arts, polite learning, sciences, trades, and even husbandry
itself, were prohibited amongst them. The citizens of La-
cedasmon were of two sorts : those who inhabited the city of
Sparta, and who for that reason were called Spartans ; and
those who inhabited the country dependent thereon. In the
time of Lycurgus the Spartans amounted to nine thousand
men, the countrymen to thirty thousand. This number was
rather diminished than increased in succeeding times ; but it
still composed a formidable body, that often gave laws to the
rest of Greece. The Spartan soldiers, properly so called.

44 HISTORY OP GRB£Cfi.

were considered as the flower of the nation ; . and we may
judge of their estimation by the anxiety the republic ex-
pressed, when three hundred of them were once taken pri-
somers by the Athenians.

But notwithstanding the great valour of the Spartan stafet
it was formed rather for a defensive than an ofienaive war.
They were always careful to spare the troops of their country,
and, as theyliad very little money, they were not in a capaoi^
to send their armies upon distant expeditions.

The armies both of Sparta and Athens were composed of
four sorts of troops ; citissens, allies, mercenaries, and slavei*
The greatest number of troops in the two republfcs wore
composed of allies, who were paid by the citizens who aeiit
them. Those which received pay from their employers wenf-
styled mercenariQ3. The number of slaves attending on every'
army was very great, and the Helotes, in particular, were chi-
ployed as light infantry.

The Greek infantry consisted of two kinds of soldiers ; tbe
one heavy armed, and carrying great shields, spears, and
scymitars : the other light armed, carrying javelins, bows, and
slings. These were commonly placed in the front of the bat-
tle, or upon the wings, to shoot their arrows, or sling their
javelins and stones at the enemy, and then retire through the
intervals behind the ranks, to dart out occasionally upon the
retiring enemy.

The Athenians were pretty much strangers to cavalry, and
the Lacedasmonians did not begin the use thereof till after
the war with Messene. They raised their horse principally
in a small city not far from Lacedaemon, called Sciros, and
they were always placed on the extremity of the left wing,
which post they claimed as their rightful station.

But to recompense this defect of cavalry, the Athenians,
in naval afiairs, had a great superiority over all the states of
Greece. As they had an extensive sea-coast, and as the pro-
fession of a merchant was held reputable among them, their
navy increased, and was at length sufficiently powerjful to in-
timidate the fleets of Persia.

Such were the two states, that in some measure engprossed
all the power of Greece to themselves ; and, though several
petty kingdoms still held their governments in independence.

PRBVIOUS TO THE PERSIAN WAR. 45

yet they owed their safety to the mutual jealousy of these
powerful mats, and always found shelter from the one against
the oppressions of the other. Indeed the dissimilarity of their
habits, manners, and education, served as well to divide these
two states, as their political ambition. The Lacedaemonians
were severe, and seemed to have something almost brutal in
their character. A government too rigid, and a life too labo-
rious, rendered their tempers haaghtily sullen and untractable.
The Athenians were natarally obliging and agreeable, cheerful
among each other, and humane to their inferiors ; but they
were resdess, unequal, timorous friends, and loapricious pro-
tectors. From hence neither republic could sufficiently win
over the smaller states of Greece to their interests ; and al-
though their ambition would not suffer the country to remain
in repose, yet their obvious defects were always a bar to the
spreading their domiilion. Thus the mutual jealousy of these
states kept them both in constant readiness for war, while
their common defects kept the lesser states independent.

CHAPTER V.

PROM THB EXPULSION OF HIPPIAS TO THB DEATH

OP DARIUS.

It was in this disposition of Athens and Sparta, and of the
lesser states, their neighbours, that the Persian monarchy
began to interest itself in their disputes, and made itself an
umpire in their contentions for liberty, only to seize upon the
liberties of all. It has been already related, that Hippias
being besieged in Athens, and his children being taken pri-
soners, in order to release them, he consented to abdicate the
sovereign power, and to leave the dominions of Athens in
five days. Athens, however, in recovering its liberty, did
not enjoy that tranquillity which freedom is thought to bestow.
Two of the favourite citizens, Calisthenes, a favourite of the
people, and Isagoras, who was supported by the rich, began
to contend for that power, which they had but a little while be-
fore joined in depressing. The former, who was become very
popular, made an alteration in the form of their establish-
ment; and instead of four tribes, whereof they before con-
sisted, enlarged their number to ten. He also instituted the
manner of giving votes by Ostracism, as it was called. The
manner of performing this was for every freeman, not under
sixty years old, to give in a name of some citizen, whose
power or fortune had, in his opinion, become dangerous to the
state, written upon a tile, or oyster-shell (from whence the
method of voting had its name), and he upon whom the ma-
jority fell, was pronounced banished for ten years. These
laws, evidently calculated to increase the power of the people,
were so displeasing to Isagoras, that rather than submit, he
had recourse to Cleomenes, king of Sparta, who undertook to
espouse his quarrel. In fact, the Lacedasmonians only wanted
a favourable pretext for lessening and deirtroying the power
of Athens, which, in consequence of the command of the

BXPULSION OF HIPPIAS. 47

oraele, they had so lately rescued from tyranny. Cleomenes,
therefore, ayailmg himself of the divided state of the city, en-
tered A.thens, and procured the banishment of Calisthenes,
with seven hundred families more who had sided with him in
the late commotions. Not content with this, he endeavoured
to new model the state ; but being strongly oppose4 by the
senate, he seized upon the citadel, from whence, however, in
two days, he was obliged to retire. CaUsthenes perceiving
the enemy withdrawn, returned with his followers, and, find-
ing it vain to make any farther attempts for power, restored
the government as settled by Solon.

In the mean time the Lacedaemonians, repenting the ser-
vices they had rendered their rival state, and perceiving the
imposture of the oracle, by which they were thus impelled to
act against their own interests, began to think of reinstating
Hippias on the throne. But, previous to their attempt, they
judged it prudent to consult the subordinate states of Greece,
and to see what hopes they had of their concurrence and ap-
probation. Nothing, however, could be mure mortifying, than
the universal detestation with which their proposd was re-
ceived by the deputies of the states of Greece. The deputy
of Corinth expressed the utmost indignation at the design, and
seemed astonished that the Spartans, who were the avowed
enemies of tyrants, should thus espouse the interests of one
noted for cruelty and usurpation. The rest of the states
warmly seconded his sentiments, and the Lacedsdmonians,
covert with confusion and remorse, abandoned Hippias and
Us cause for ever after.

Hippias, being thus frustrated in his hopes of exciting the
Greeks to second his pretension^, was resolved to have re-
course to one who was considered as a much more powerful
patron. Wherefore, taking his leave of the Spartans, he ap-
plied himself to Artaphemes, governor of Sardis for the king
of Persia, whom he endeavoured by every art to engage in a
war against Athens. He represented to him the divided state
of the city, he enlarged upon his riches, and the happiness of
its situation for trade. He added the ease with which it might
be taken, and the glory that would attend success. Influenced
by these motives, the pride and the avarice of the Persian
court were inflamed, and nothing was so ardently sought as

48 HISTORY OP GRBBCG.

the pretext of a dispute with the Athenians. When, there-
fore, that city sent to the Persian court to vindicate their
proceedings, alleging, that Hippias deserved no countenance
from so great a people; the answer returned was, ** That if
the Athenians would be safe, they must admit Hippias for
tbeur king." Athens, having so lately thrown off the yoke«
had too lively a sense of its past calamities to accept safety
upon such base conditions, and res^olved to suffer the last ex-
tremity rather than open their gates to a tyrant. When
Artaphemes, therefore, demanded the restoration of Hippias,
the Athenians boldly returned him a downright and absolute
refusal. From this arose the wai; between Greece and Persia,
one of the most glorious, and the most remarkable, that ever
graced the annals of kingdoms.

But there were more causes than one tending to make a
breach between these powerful nations, and producing an
irreconcileable aversion for each other. The Greek colonies
of Ionia, ^olia, and Caria, that were settled for above five
hundred years in Asia Minor, were at length subdued by
Croesus, king of Lydia; and he, in turn, sinking under the
power of Cyrus, his conquests of course fell in with the rest
of his dominions. The Persian monarch, thus possessed of a
Tery extensive territory, placed governors over the several
cities that were thus subdued ; and as men bred up in a des-
potic court were likely enough to imitate the example set
them at home, it is probable they abused their power. Be
this as it may, in all the Greek cities they were called Tyrants;
and as these little states had not yet lost all idea of freedom,
they took every opportunity to recover their liberty, and made
many bold, but unsuccessful struggles in that glorious cause.
The lonians particularly, who bore the greatest sway among
them, let no occasion slip which promised the slightest hopes
of shaking off the Persian yoke. ,

That which favoured their designs upon the present occa-
sion was the expedition of Darius into Scythia, into which
country he sent a numerous army, laying a bridge oyer the
river Ister for that purpose. The lonians were appointed to
guard this important pass, but were advised by Miltiades,
whom we shall afterwards find performing nobler exploits, to
break down the bridge, and thus cut off the Persian retreat.

EXPULSION OP HIPPIAS. 49

The lonians, however, rejected his counsel, and Darius re-
tamed with his army into Europe, where he added Thrace
and Macedon to the number of his conquests.

Histiaeus, the tyrant of Miletus, was the person who op-
posed the advice of Miltiades. Being of an ambitious and
lOtriguiBg disposition, he was willing to lessen the merit of all
his contemporaries in order to enhance his own. But he
was deceived in his expectations of success; from these
schemes Darius, justly suspecting his fidelity, took him with
him to Susa, under pretence of using his friendship and ad-
vice, but in reality of preventing his future machinations at
home. But Histiseus saw too clearly the cause of his deten-
tion, which he regarded as a specious imprisonment, and
therefore took every opportunity of secretly exciting the
lonians to a revolt, hoping, that himself might one day be
sent to bring them to reason.

Aristagoras was at that time this statesman's deputy at
Miletus, and received the instructions of his master to stir
up the Ionian cities to revolt with the utmost alacrity. In
feet, from a late failure of this general upon Naxos, his credit
was ruined at the Persian court, and no other alternative re-
mained for him, but to comply with the advice of HistioBus
in stirring up a revolt, and of trying to place himself at the
head of a new confederacy.

The first step Aristagoras took to engage the affections of
(he lonians was to throw up his power in Miletus, where he
was deputy, and to reinstate that little place in all its former
freedom. He then made a journey through all Ionia, where,
by his example, his credit, and perhaps his menaces, he in-
duced every other governor to imitate his example. They all
complied the more cheerfully, as the Persian power, since the
check it had received in Scythia, was the less able to punish
their revolt, or to protect them in their continued attachment.
Having thus united all these little states by the consciousness
of one common offence, he then threw off the mask, declaring
himself at the head of the confederacy, and bid defiance to the
power of Persia.

To enable himself to carry on the war with more vigour, he
went, in the beginning of the following year, to Lacedaetmon,
in or^r to engage that state in his interests, an^l engage it in

K

60 HISTORY OP GRBBCB.

a war with a power that seemed every day to threaten the ge-
neral liberty of Gireece. Cleomenes was at that time king of
Sparta, and to him Aristagoras applied for assistance, in what
he represented as the common cause. He represented to him
that the lonians and Lacedaemonians were countrymen; that
it would be for the honour of Sparta to concur with him in the
design he had formed of restoring the lonians to liberty ; that
the Persians were enervated by luxury ; that their riches would
serve to reward the conquerors, while nothing was so easy as
their overthrow. Considering the. present spirit of the lomaos,
it would not be difficult, he said, for the victorious Spartans
to carry their arms even to the gates of Susa, the metropolis
of the Persian empire, and thus give laws to those who pre-
sumed to call themselves the sovereigns of the world. Cleo-
menes desired time to consider this proposal; and, being bied
up in Spartan ignorance, demanded how far it was from the
Ionian sea to Susa? Aristagoras, without considering the
tendency of the question, answered, that it might be a journey
of three months. Cleomenes made no answer, but, turning
his back upon so great an adventurer, gave orders, that before
sun-set he should quit the city. Still, however, Aristagoras
followed him to his house; and, finding the inefficacy of his
eloquence, tried what his offers of wealth would do. He at
first offered him ten talents, he then raised the sum to fifteen;
and it is unknown what effect such a large sum might have
had upon the Spartan, had not his daughter, a child of nine
years old, who was accidentally present at the proposal, cried
out, " Fly, fiither, or this stranger will corrupt you." This
advice, given in the moment of suspense, prevailed; Cleo-
menes refused his bribes, and Aristagoras went to sue at
other cities, where eloquence was more honoured, and wealth
more alluring.

Athens was a city where he expected a more favourable re-
ception. Nothing could be more fortunate for his interests
than his arrival at the . very time they had received the pe-
remptory message firom the Persians, to admit their tyrant,
or to fear the consequences of their disobedience. The
Athenians were at that time all in an uproar, and the pro-'
posal of Aristagoras met with the most favourable receptioo.
It was much easier to impose upon a multitude than a single

KXPUIiSION OF HIPPIAS. 51

person. The whole body of citizens engaged immediately to
fmrnish twenty shipis to assist his designs : and to these, the
Eretrians and Enboeans added five more.

Aristagoras, thas supplied, resolved to act with vigour;
and, having collected all his forces together, set sail foi^
Ephesus: wh^re, leaiiing his fleet, he entered the Persian
frontiers, and marched by land to Sardis, the capital city of
Lrydm. Artaphemes, who resided there as the Persian vice-
roy, finding the city untenable, resolved to secure himself
in the citadel, which he knew could not easily be forced. As
mdst of the houses of this city were built with reeds, and con-
sequently very combustible, one of the houses being set on
fire, by ah lonito soldier, the flames qnicUy spread to all the
rest. Thus the whole town was quickly reduced to ashes,
and numbers of the inhabitants were slain. But the Persians
were soon avenged for this unnecessary cruelty; for, either
recovering themselves from their former panic, or being rein-
forced by the Lydians, they charged the lonians in a body,
and drove them back with great slaughter. Nor was the
pursuit diseontiiraed even as far as Ephesus, where, the van-
quished and the victors arriving together, a great carnage en-
sued, and but a small part of the routed army escaped, which
took shelter aboard the fleet, or in the neighbouring cities.
OAer defeats followed after this. The Athenians, intimidated
with such a commencement of ill success, could not be per-
suaded to continue the war. The Cyprians were obliged once
more to submit to the Persian yoke. The lonians lost most
of their towns one after the other, and Aristagoras, flying
into Thrace, was cut off by the inhabitants with all his
tbrces.

In tte mean time, Histiaeus, who was the ori^al cause
of all these misfortunes, finding that he began to be suspected
in Persia, left that court under a pretence of going to quell
tho^e' troubles, Which he had all along secretly fomented;
but his duplicity of conduct rendered him now suspicious to
either party. Artaphemes, the Persian viceroy, plainly ac-
cused him of treachery, while his own Milesians refused to
admit him as their master. Thus wavering, uncertain, and
not knowing wheje to turn, having picked up a few scattered
remains of the routed armies, he fell in with Harpagws, oxv^

e2

52 HISTORY OP GHBBCK.

of the Persian generals, who routed his forces, and made
HistisBus himself a prisoner. Being sent to Artaphernes,
that inhuman commander immediately caused him to be era-
cified, and ordered Iiis head to be sent to Darius, who received
the present with that disgust which evidenced his superior hu-
manity. He wept over it with a friendly sorrow, and ordered
that it should receive honourable interment.

In the mean time, the affairs of the Ionian confederacy
every day became more desperate. The Persian generals,
finding that Miletus was the city which they chiefly depended
on, resolved to march thither with all their forces ; concluding,
that having carried that city, ail the rest would submit of
course. The lonians having intelligence of this design* de-
termined in a general assembly to make no opposition by land,
where the Persians were too powerful; but to fortify Miletus,
and exert all their efforts by sea, where they hoped for the ad-
vantage, from their superior skill in naval evolutions. They
accordingly assembled a fleet of three hundred ships at a little
island over tigainst Miletus, and on the superiority of this fleet
they placed their whole reliance. But the Persian gold ef-
fected what their arms were unable to compass. Their emis-
saries having secretly debauched the greatest part of the con-
federates, and engaged them to desert; when the two fleets
came to engage, the ships of Samos,^ Lesbos, and several
other places,' sailed off, and returned to their own country.
Thus the remaining part of the fleet, which did not amount
to more than an hundred ships, was quickly overpowered, and
. almost totally destroyed.

After this the city of Miletus was besieged, and was easily
taken. All the other cities, as well on the continent as among
the islands, were forced to return to their duty. Those who
continued obstinate were treated with great severity. The
handsomest of the young men were chosen to serve in the
king's palace, and the young women were all sent into Persia.
Thus ended the revolt of the lonians, which continued six
years, from its first breaking out, under Aristagoras: and this
was the third time the lonians were obliged to undergo the
yoke of foreign dominion; for they inherited a natural love of
freedom, which all the Greeks were known to possess.

The Persians, having thus subdued the greatest part of

EXPULSION OP HIPPfAS. SS

Minor, began to look towards Europe, as oflTering con-
qaests worthy their ambition. The assistance given the
lonians by the Athenian fleet, and the refiisal of that state to
admit Hippias as their king; the taking of Sardis, and the
contempt they testified for the Persian power, were all suf^
ficient motives for exciting the resentment of that empire, and
for marking ont all Qreece for destruction. Darius, therefore,
in the twenty-eighth year of his reign, having recalled all his
other generals, sent Mardonius, the son of Gobryas, a young
■obleman who had lately mariaed one of the king's daughters,
to command in chief throughout all the maritime parts of Asia ;
and particularly to revenge the burning of Sardis. This was
an offence which that monarch seemed peculiarly to resent;
and from the time of that conflagration he had given orders
for one of his attendants, every time he sat down, to cry out,
'* Remember the Athenians."

Mardonius, willing to second his master's animosity, quickly
passed into Thrace, at the head of a large army, and so ter-
rified the inhabitants of that country, that they yielded im-
plicit obedience to his power. From thence he set sail for
Macedonia, but his fleet, attempting to double the cape of
Mount Athos, in order to gain the coast of that country, were
attacked by so violent a tempest, that upwards of three hun-
dred * ships were sunk, and above twenty thousand men pe-
rished in the sea. His land army, that took the longest way
about, met, at the same time, with equal distresses; for, being
encamped in a place of no security, the Thracians attacked
them by night, and made a great slaughter among the enemy.
Mardonius himself was wounded; and, finding his army unable
to maintain the field, he returned to the Persian court, covered
with grief and confusion, having miscarried both by sea and
land.

But the ill success of one or two campaigns was not suf-
ficient to abate the resentment or the ardour of the king of
Persia. Possessed, as he was, of resources almost inex-
baustible, wealth without end, and armies that seemed to in-
crease from defeat, he only grew more determined firom every
repulse, and doubled his preparations in proportion to his
former failures. He now perceived, that the youth and inex«
perience of Mardonius were ' unequal to so great an under-

54 HISTQHY OP GflfiBCS.

taking: he therefore displaced him, and appointed two ge^
nerals, Datis, a Mede, and Antaphemes, the son of him who
was late governor of Sardis, in his stead. His thoughts werar
earnestly bent on attacking Greece, with all his forces. H^
^hed to take a signal revenge upon Athens, which be con-
sidered as the principal cause of the late revolt in Ionia: be-
sides, Hippias was still near him to warm his ambitioq, and
keep his resentment alive. Greece, he said, was now an
object for such a conqueror; the world had long beheld it
with an eye of admiration; and, if not soon bumbled, it DMght
in time supplant even Persia in the homage of the world.

Thus excited by every motive of ambition and reveng#»
Darius resolved to bend all his attention to a war With Gr^eqe.
He had in the beginning of his reign sent spies, with one De*
niocedes, a Greek physician, as their conductor, to bring him
information with respect to the strength and situation of aU
the states of Greece. This secret deputation failed ; he was,
therefore, willing once more to send men under the. character
of heralds, to denounce his resentment; and, at the same
time, to learn how the different states of the country stood
affected towards him. The form used by the Persians, when
fliey expected submission from lesser states, was to demand
earth and water in the monarch's name, and such as refused
were to be considered as opposers of the Persian power. On
the arrival, therefore, of the heralds amongst the Greeks,
many of the cities, dreading the Persian power, complied with
flieir demands. The JBginetans, with some of the islands
also, yielded up a ready submission ; and almost all but Athens
and Sparta were contented to exchange their liberties for
safety.

But these two noble republics bravely disdained to acknow-
ledge the Persian power; they had felt the benefits of free-
dom, and were resolved to maintain it to the last. Instead,
therefore, of offering up earth and water, as demanded, they
threw the heralds, the one into a well, the other into a ditch;
and, adding mockery to insult, desired them to take earth and
water from thence. This they probably did to cut off all
hopes of a reconciliation, and to leave no safety but in per-
severance and despair.
" Nor were the Athenians content with this outrage, but re-

KXPUL8ION OP HIPPIAS. %6

ioifed also to pmish the ^ginetans, who, by a base submis-
sion to the Perswn power, had betrayed the common cause of
Greece. They accordingly represented the affair to the Spar-
tans, with all its aggravating circumstances, and heightened
with that' eloquence for which they were famous. Before
such judges, it was not likely that cowardice or timidity would
find many defenders : the Spartans immediately gave judg-
ment against the people of JBgina, and sent Cieomenes, one
of their kings, to apprehend the authors of so base a con-
cession. The people of iEgina, however, refused to deliver
them, under pretence that Cieomenes came without his col-
league. This colleague was Demaratus, who had himself
secretly famished them with that excuse. As soon as Cieo-
menes was returned to Sparta, in order to be revenged on
Demaratus for thus counteracting the demands of his country,
he endeavoured to get him deposed, as not being of the royal
family. In fact, Demaratus was bom only seven months after
marriage, and this was supposed by many to be a sufficient
proof of his bastardy. This accusation, therefore, being re-
vived, the Pythian oracle was appointed to determine the
controversy; and the priestess being privately suborned by
Cieomenes, an answer was given against his colleague, just
as he had dictated. Demaratus thus being illegitimate, and
unable to endure so gross an injury, banished himself from
his country, and retired to Darius, who received him with
great friendship, and gave him a considerable settlement in
Persia. He was succeeded in the throne by Leotychides,
who, concurring with the views of Cieomenes, punished the
iEginetans, by placing ten of their most guilty citizens in the
hands of the Athenians; while Cieomenes, some time after,
being detected of having suborned the priestess, slew himself
in a fit of despair.

On the other hand, the JSginetans complained of the se-
verity of their treatment ; but finding no likelihood of redress,
they resolved to obtain that justice by force which was re«
fused to their supplications. Accordingly they intercepted an
Athenian ship, which, in pursuance of an annual custom, ever
since the times of Theseus, was going to Delos to offer sacri-
fice. This produced a naval war between these two states;
in which, after a variety of fortunes, the iEginetans were

£tf HISTORY OP OREECB.

worsted, and the Athenians possessed themselves of the 80f e-
reignty of the seas. Thus those civil discords, which seemed
at first to favour the designs of the common enemy, tamed
out to the general advantage of Greece ; for the Athenians*
thus acquiring great power at sea, were put in a capacity of
facing the Persian fleets, and of cutting off those supplies
which were continually carrying to their armies by land.

In the mean time, the preparations on both sides for a
general war were carried on with the greatest animosity and
dispatch. Darius sent away his generals, Datis and Artapher-
nes, whom he had appointed in the room of Mardonius, to
what he supposed a certain conquest. They were fumtshed
with a fleet of six hundred ships, and an army of an hundred
and twenty thousand men. Their instructions were to give up
Athens and Eretria, a little city which had joined in the league
against him, to be plundered : to bum all the houses and tem-
ples of both, and to lead away all the inhabitants into slavery.
The country was to be laid desolate, and the army was pro-
vided with a sufficient supply of chains and fetters for binding
the conquered nations.

To oppose this formidable invasion, the Athenians had only
their courage, their animosity, their dread of slavery, their dis-
cipline, and about ten thousand men. Their civil commotions
with the other states of Greece had given them a spirit of war
and stratagem, while the genius of their citizens, continually
excited and exercised, was arrived at* the highest pitch, and
fitted them for every danger. Athens had long been refining
in all those arts which qualify a state to extend, or to enjoy
conquest; every citizen was a statesman and a general, and
every soldier considered himself as one of the bulwarks of his
country. But in this little state, from whence first flowed all
those improvements that have since adorned and civilized
society, there was at that time three men, who were considered
as superiors to all the rest, all remarkable for their abilities in
war, and their integrity in peace ; for those qualifications that
are fitted to advance the glory of states, or procure the bapjM-
ness of the individual.

Of these, Miltiades, as being the most experienced, was at
that time the most known. He was the son of Cimon, and
nephew of Miltiades, an illustrious Athenian, who accepted

EXPULSION OP HIPPIAS.

^

the govenunent of the Dolonoi, a people of the Thracian
CThersonesos. Old Miltiades dying without issne^ he was snC'
ceeded in his government by Stesagoras, his nephew; and he
also dying, yonng Miltiades was chosen as his successor, tie
-was appointed to that government the same year that Darius
undertook Ins unsuccessful expedition against the Scythians.
He was obliged to attend that prince as far as the Ister, with
what shipping he was able to supply ; but, ever eager to throw
off the Persian yoke, it was he who advised the louians to de«
stroy the bridge, and leave the army of Darius to its fate*
When the afiairs of the continent began to decline, Miltiades,
rather than live in dependence, resolved to return once more
to Athens; and thither he returned with five ships, which
were all that remained of his shattered fortunes.

At the same time, two other citizens, younger than Mil-
tiades, began to distinguish themselves at Athens, namely,
Aristides and Themistocles. These were of very different
dispositions ; but firom this difference resulted the greatest ad-
vantages to their country. Themistocles was naturally inclined
to a popular government, and omitted nothing that could ren-
der him agreeable to the people, or gain him friends. His
complaisance was boundless, and his desire to oblige some*
times out-stepped the bounds of duty. His partiality was
often conspicuous. Somebody, talking with him once on the
subject, told him he would make an excellent magistrate, if
he had more impartiality : " God forbid," replied he, " that
I should ever sit upon a tribunal, where my friends should
find no more favour than strangers."

Aristides was as remarkable for his justice and integrity.
Being a favourer of aristocracy, in imitation of Lycurgus, he
was fiiendly, but never at the expense of justice. In seeking
honours, he ever declined the interests of his friends, lest they
should, in turn, demand his interest, when his duty was to be
impartial. The love of the public good was the great spring
of all his actions; and, with that in view, no difficulties could
daunt, no success or elevation exalt him. On all occasions
he preserved his usual calmness of temper, being persuaded
that he was entirely his country's, and very little his own*
One day, when an actor was repeating some lines from
j£sGhylus on the stage, coming to a passage, which described
*i man as not desiring to appear honest, but to V\^ v>^> VV«

M HISTORY OF GREBCB.

whole audience cast their eyes on Aristidefl, and applied tb«
passage. In the administration of pablic offices, his whole
aim was to perform his duty, without any thought of enrichiiig
himself.

Such were the characters of the illustrious Athenians, that
led the councils of the state, when Darius turned his arms
against Greece. These inspired their fellow-citizens with a
noble confidence in the justice of their cause, and made all
the preparations against the coming invasion, that prudence
and deliberate valour could suggest. In the mean time,
Datis and Artaphernes led on their numerous forces towards
Europe ; and, after having made themselves masters of the
islands in the iEgean sea without any opposition, they turned
their course towards Eretria, that city which had formerly as-
sisted the lonians in their revolt. The Eretrians, now driven
to the last extremity, saw no hopes of meeting the enemy in
the field ; wherefore they sent back four thousand men that
die Athenians had supplied them with, and resolved patiently
to stand a siege. For six days the Persians attempted to
storm the city, and were repulsed with loss; but on the
seventh, the city, by the treachery of some of the principal in-
habitants, being betrayed into their hands, they entered, pluu-
dered^ and burned it. The inhabitants were put in chains,
and sent as the first fruits of the war to the Persian monarch ;
but he, contrary to their expectation, treated them with great
lenity, and gave them a village in the country of Cissa for
their residence, where Appollonius Tyanaeus found their de-
scendants six hundred years after.

After such splendid success at Eretria, nothing now re-
mained but the apparently easy conquest of Greece. Hippias,
the expelled tyrant of Athens, still accompanied the Persian
army, and led them, by the safest marches, into the heart of
the country ; at length, flushed with victory, and certain of
success, he conducted them to the plains of Marathon, a fer-
tile valley, but ten miles distant from Athens. From thenoe
they sent to summon the citizens, acquainting them with the
fate of Eretria, and informing them, that not a single inhabitant
had escaped their vengeance. But the Athenians were not
to be intimidated by any vicinity of danger. They had sent,
indeed, to Sparta, to implore succours against the common
enemy, which were granted without deliberation ; but the su-

BXPUL8ION OP H1P7IAS. fiO

p^ntitioii of die times rendered their asaistance ioefEsotaal^ for
it was an establisiied law among the Spartans, not to begin a
march before the full moon. They applied also to other states,
bat they were too much awed by the power of Persia to move
in their defence. An army of an hundred and twenty thou-
sand men, exulting in the midst of their country, was too
formidable for a weak and jealous confederacy to oppose.
The inhabitants of Platea alone furnished them with a thou-
sand soldiers, and they were left to find all other assistance
in tlieir courage and their despair.

In this extremity, they were obliged to arm their slaves for
the safety of all ; and their forces, thus united, amounted to
but ten thousand men. Hoping, therefore, to derive from
their discipline what they wanted in power, they placed their
whole army under the conduct of ten generals, of whom Mil-
liades was chief; and of these, each was to have the command
of the troops day about, in regular succession. An arrange-
Hient in itself so unpromising, was still more embarrassed by
the generals themselves disputing whether they should hazard
a battle, or wait the approach of the enemy within the walls.
The latter opinion seemed for a while to prevail : it was urged,
that it would be rashness itself to face so powerful and welU
appointed an army with an handful of men. It was alleged,
that the soldiers would gather courage from their security he^
hind their walls, and that the forces of Sparta without might
make a diversion in case of a sally from within. Miltiades^
however, declared for the contrary opinion, and showed* that
the only means to exalt the courage of their own troops, and
to strike a terror into those of the enemy, was, to advance
boldly towards them, with an air of confidence and desperate
intrepidity. Aristides also strenuously embraced this opinion,
and exerted all his masculine eloquence to bring over the rest.
The question being put, when the sufirages came to be taken,
the opinions were equal on either side of the argument. It
Doif, therefore, remained for Callimachus, the polemarch,
who had a right of voting as well as the ten commanders, to
give his opinion, and decide thb important debate. It was
to him Miltiades addressed himself with the utmost eamest-
nass, alleging, that the fate of his country was now in his
power; that his single vote was to determine whether his
country should be enslaved or free ; that his fame mif^hl nw »

00 HISTORY OF GRBBCE.

bj a single word, be made equal to that of llarmodius and
Aristogiton, who were the authors of Athenian liberty. " If,*'
said he, " we decline a battle, I foresee some great dissention
will shake the fidelity of the army, and induce them to a com-
pliance ynih the Medes ; but if we fight before corruption in-
sinuates itself into the hearts of the Athenians, we may hope^
from the equity of the gods, to obtain the victory.^ Thus ex-
horted, Callimachus did not long debate, but gave his voice
in favour of an open engagement; and Miitiades, thus se-
conded, prepared to marshal up his little army for the great
encounter.

In the mean time it appeared, that so many leaders com-
manding in succession, only served to perplex and counteract
each other. Aristides perceived, that a command which
changes every day must be incapable of projecting any uni-
form design ; he therefore gave it as his opinion, that it was
necessary to invest the whole power in one single person ; and^
to induce his colleagues to conform, he himself set the first
example of resignation. When the day came, on which it was
his turn to command, he resigned it to Miitiades, as the more
able and experienced general ; while the other commanders^
warmed by so generous a preference, followed his example.

Miitiades, thus vested in the supreme command, which was
now the post of highest danger, like an experienced general^
endeavoured, by the advantage of his ground, to make up for
his deficiency in strength and numbers. He was sensible, that
by extending his front to oppose the enemy he must weaken
it too much, and give their dense body the advantage. He
therefore drew up his army at the foot of a mountain, so that
the enemy should not surround Uim, or charge him in the rear..
On the flanks on either side he caused large trees to be thrown^
which were cut down for that purpose, and these served to
guard him from the Persian cavalry, that generally wheeled
on the flank in the heat of an engagement.

Datis, on his side, was sensible of this advantageous dispo*
sition; but relying on his superiority of number, and unwilling^
to wait till the Spartan reinforcements should arrive, he de-
termined to engage. And now was to be fought the first
great battle which the Greeks had ever engaged in. It was.
not like any of their former civil contests, arising from jea-
lousy, and terminating in an easy accommodation : it wa^ a

BATTLE OF MARATHON. 61

battle that was to be decided with the greatest monarch of
t^ earth, with the most numerous army that had been
hitherto seen in Europe. This was an engagement that was
to decide the liberty of Greece, and, what was of infinitely
greater moment, the fbture progress of refinement among
mankind. Upon the event of this battle depended the cotti-^
plexion which the manners of the West were hereafter to
assume; whether they were to adopt Asiatic customs with
their conquerors, or to go on in modelling themselves upon
Grecian refinements, as was afterwards the case. This, there-
fore, may be considered as one of the most important battles
that ever was fought, and the event was as little to be ex-
pected as the success was glorious.

The signal was no sooner given, than the Athenians, with*
out waiting the Persian onset, rushed in upon their ranks with
desperate rapidity, as if wholly regardless of safety. The Per-
sians regarded this first step of the Athenians as the result of
madness, and were more inclined to despise them as maniacs,
than oppose them as soldiers. However, they were quickly
undeceived. It had never before been the custom of the
Greeks to run on with this headlong valour ; but, comparing
the number of their own forces with that of the enemy, and
expecting safety only from rashness, they determined to break
through the enemy's ranks, or fall in the attempt. The great-
ness of their danger added to their courage, and despair did
the rest. The Persians, however, stood their ground with-
great intrepidity, and the battle was long, fierce, and obstinate.
Hiltiades bad made the wings of his army exceeding strong,
bnt had left the main body more weak, and not so deep ; for
having bnt ten thousand men to oppose to such a numerous
army, he supposed the victory could be obtained by no other
means than strengthening his flanks ; not doubting but when
his wings were once victorious, they would be able to wheel
upon the enemy's main body on either side, and thus put them
easily to the rout. The Persians, therefore, finding the main
body weakest, attacked it with their utmost vigour. It was
in vain that Aristides and Themistocles, who were stationed
in this post of danger, endeavoured to keep their troops to
the charge. Courage and intrepidity were unable to resist
the torrent of increasing numbers, so that they were at last
obliged to give ground. But in the mean time \\\e mtv^

69 HISTORY OF GREBCR.

Were victorious ; and now, just as the main body was fainting
under the unequal encounter, these came up, and gave them
time to recover their strength and order. Thus the scale of
victory quickly began to turn in their favour, and the Persians,
from being the aggressors, now began to give ground in turn ;
and, being unsupported by fresh forces, they fled to their ships
with the utmost precipitation. The confusion and disorder
was now universal, the Athenians followed them to the beach,
aod set many of their ships on fire. On this occasion it was-
that Cyndflsyrus, the brother of the poet JBschylus, seized
with his hand one of the ^ips that the enemy was pushing off
from the shore. The Persians within, seeing themselves thus
arrested, cut ofi^ his right hand that held the prow : he then
laid hold of it with his left, which they also cut off; at last he
seized it with his teeth, and in that manner expired.
, Seven of the enemy's ships were taken, above six thousand
Persians were slain, without reckoning those who were drowned
in the sea as they endeavoured to escape, or those who were
consumed when the ships were set on fire. Of the Greeks,
not above two hundred men were killed, among whom was
Callimachus, who gave his vote for bringing on the engage-
ment. Hippias, who was the chief incendiary of the war, m
thought to have fallen in this battle, though some say he
escaped, and died miserably at Lemnos.

Such was the famous battle of Marathon, which the Persians
were so sure of raining, that they had brought marble into the
field, in order to erect a trophy there. Just after the battle,
an Athenian soldier, whose name was Eucles, still covered all
over with blood and wounds, quitted the army and ran to
Athens, to carry his fellow-citizens the nows of the victory.
His strength just sufiiced to reach the city, and throwing him-
self into the door of the first house he met, he uttered three
words, " Rejoice, we triumph!" and instantly expired.

While a part of the army marched forward to Athens, to
protect it from the attempts of the enemy, Aristides remained
upon die field of battle to guard the spoil and the prisoners ;
ajftd although gold and silver were scattered about the enemy^s
deserted camp in abundance, though their tents and gallie*
were full of rich furniture and sumptuous apparel, he would
not permit any of it to b^ embezzled, but reserved it as a com-
moii reward for all who had any share in the victory. Two

BATTLE OF MARATHON. 6S

*

tlMHuand Spartons also, whose laws would not pennit them to
march antil the full of the moon, now came into the field, but
the action being over the day before, they only had an oppor-
tunity of paying due honours to those who gained so glorious
a victory, and to bring back the news to Sparta. Of the mar-
ble, which the Persians had brought with them, the Athenians
made a trophy, being carved by Phidias into a statue, in
honour of the goddess Nemesis, who had a temple near the
field of battle.

Id the mean time, the Persian fleet, instead of sailing di-
rectly back to Asia, made an attempt to surprise Athens be-
fore the Greek forces could arrive from Marathon. But the
latlier had the precaution to move directly thither, and per-
formed their march with so much expedition, that though it
was for^ miles from Marathon, they arrived there in one day.
In this manner the Greeks not only repelled their enemies,
but confirmed their security. By this victory the Grecians
were taught to know their own strength, and not to tremble
before an enemy terrible only in name. This taught them,
through the #hole of succeeding ages, to imitate their ances-
tors with ao ardent emulation, and inspired them with a wish
of not degenerating from the Grecian glory. Those Athenians
that were slain in battle had all the honour immediately paid
them that was due to their merit. Illustrious monuments were
wected to them all in the very place where the battle was fought,
upon which their names, and the tribe to which they belonged,
were inscribed. There were three distinct sorts of monu-
ments set up : one for the Athenians, one for the Plat»ans,
and a third for the slaves, who had been enrolled into their
troops upon that urgent occasion.

But their gratitude to Miltiades spoke a nobleness of mind,
that far surpassed expensive triumphs, or base adulation*
Sensible that his merits were too great for money to repay,
they caused a picture to be painted by Polygnotus, one of
their most celebrated artists, where Miltiades was represented
at the head of the ten commanders, exhorting the soldiers, and
SBtting them an example of their duty. This picture was pre-
served for many ages, with other paintings of the best masters,
in the portico where Zeno afterwards instituted his school of
philoaDphy* An emulation seemed to take place in every rank

64 HISTORY OP 6RKBCK.

of life ; PolygDotas valued himself so much upon the hommr
of being appointed to paint this picture, that he gave his la-
bour for nothing. In return for such generosity, the Amr
phictyons appointed him a public lodging in the
* * city, where he might reside during pleasure.
But though the gratitude of the Athenians to Miltiades was
very sincere, yet it was of no long continuance. This fickle
and jealous people, naturally capricious, aad now more than
ever careful of preserving their freedom, were* willing to take
every opportunity of mortifying a general, from whose merit
tttej had much to fear. Being appointed with seventy ships
to punbh those islands that had favoured the Persian invasion^
he sailed to Paros. The reason he alleged for invading this
island was, that the inhabitants had assisted the Persians with
ships, in the expedition of Marathon ; but the true ground of
his hatred to that people was, that one Lysagoras, a Parian^
had done him ill offices with Hydames, the Persian. When
he arrived on the island, he sent heralds to the capital, re-
quiring an hundred taleats to be paid to him ; threatening, in
case of refusal, to besiege the city ; and, if he should take it.
to give it up to be plundered by his soldiers. The Parians,
however, were not to be terrified ; they even refused to de-
liberate on his proposition, and prepared themselves for an
obstinate defence. Miltiades caused the place to be invested,
and carried on the siege with great vigour, till one Timo, a
Parian woman, a priestess, pretended to inform him how he
nught take the city. In consequence of what this woman told
him, he repaired to the temple of Ceres the lawgiver, and not
being able to opeor its gates, he climbed to the top of the wall,
and from thence leaped down. Being seized with a sudden
tremor, and resolving to return, he reascended the wall ; but,
his foot slipping, he fell, and either broke his thigh-bone, or dis-
located his knee-pan. However, he was constrained to raise the
siege, and to return wounded to Athens, where an unfortunate
man was never welcome. The whole city began to murmur ;
and one Xanthippus accused him of having taken a bribe from
Persia. As he was not in a condition to answer this chaise,
being confined to his bed by the wound he received at Paros,
the accusation took place against him, and he was condemned
to lose his life. The manner of executing criminals found.

DEATH OP MILTIADBS. 65

guilty of great offences was by throwing them into the Ba-
rathrum, a deep pit, from whence none were ever seen to re-
turn. This sentence was pronounced against him, but his
former services were such as to have this punishment com-
muted into a penalty of fifty talents, the sum which it had
cost the state in fitting out the late unsuccessful expedition.
Not being rich enough to pay this sum, he was thrown into
prison, where his wound growing worse from bad air and con-
finement, it tamed at last to gangrene, and put an end to his
life and misfortunes.

Cimon, his son, who was at diis time very young, signalized
his piety on this occasion. As this ungrateful city would not
permit the body of Miltiades to be buried until all his debts
were paid, this young man employed all his interest among his
friends, and strained his utmost credit to pay the fine, and pro-
cured his father^s body an honourable interment.

Miltiades has very justly been praised for his condescension,
moderation, and justice. To him Athens was indebted for all
its glory ; lie being the man who«first taught her to despise the
empty menaces ef the boastful Persian king.

V

CHAPTER VI.

raOM THB DEATH OF MILTIADBS, TO THB EBTftBAT

OF XBBXB8 OUT OF 6RBBCB.

Thb misfortunes of Darius only served to increase his resent-
menty and give spirit to bis perseverance. Finding the ID
socoess of his generals, he resolved to try the war in persoii^
and dispatched orders throughout the whole dominiona for
ftesh preparations. However, a revolt in Egypt for a vhiha
averted his resentment; a contest among his sons about nor
minating his successor still farther retarded his designs ; and
at last, when he had surmounted every obstacle, and waa just
preparing to take a signal vengeance, his death put an ebd to
all his projects, and gave Greece a longer time for preptt»-
tion.

Xerxes, his sod, succeeded, who, with the empire, inherited
also his father's animosity against Greece. Having carried
on a successful expedition against Egypt, he expected the
same good fortune in Europe. Confident of victory, he did not
choose, he said, for the future, to buy the figs of Attica ; he
would possess himself of the country, and thus have figs of
his own. But before he engaged in an enterprize of that im-
portance, he thought proper to assemble his council, and col-
lect the opinions of the principal officers of his court In his
speech at opening the council, he evidently showed his desire
of revenge, and Ins passion for military glory. The best way,
therefore, to pay court to this young monarch was by flattering
him in his favourite pursuits, and giving his impetuous aims
the air of studied designs. Mardonius, grown neither wiser
nor less ambitious by his own bad success, began by extolling
Xerxes above all other kings that had gone before. He urged
the indispensable necessity of avenging the dishonour done to
the Persian name; he represented the Greeks as cowards»
that were accidentally successful ; and was firmly of opinion.

INVASION OP XBRXES. 67

that fliey would never more stand even the hazard of a battle.
A discourse, that so nearly coincided with his own sentiments,
was very pleasing to the young monarch-; and the rest of the
company, by their looks and their silence, seemed to applaud
his impetuosity. But Artabanus, the king's uncle, who had
long learned to reverence courage, even in an enemy, and
presmning upon his age and experience to speak his real sell*
timenti, rose with an honest freedom to represent the intended
expedition in its true light ** Permit me, sir,^' said he, ^ to
deliver my sentiments upon this occasion, with a liberty suitar
Ue to my age, and your interest When Darius, your fiither
and my brother, first thought of making war against the Scy^
thians, I used all my endeavours to divert him from it The
people yon are going to attack are infinitely more ibrmidabto
than they. If the Athenians alone could defeat the numerous
army commanded by Datis and Artaphemes, what ought we
to expect from an opposition of all the states of Ghreeoe united t
Toa design to pass froih Asia into iBurope, by laying a bridge
over the sea. But what if the Athenians should advance and
destroy this bridge, and so prevent our return ? Let us not
expose ourselves to such dangers, as we have no suflScieot
motives to compel us to face them ; at least, let us take tnne
to r^ect upon it. When we have maturely deliberated upon
an affair, whatever happens to be the success of it, we have
nothing to regret. Precipitation is inprudent, and is usually
unsuccessful. Above all, do not suffer yourself, great prince,
to be dazzled with the splendour of imaginary gtory. The
highest and the most lofty trees have the most reason to dread
the thunder. God loves to humble the ostentatious, and re-
serves to himself alone the pride of importance. As for you,
Mardonios, who so earnestly urge this expedition, if it must
be so, lead it forward. But let the king, whose life is dear to
ns all, return back to Persia. In the mean time, let your
children and mine be given up as a pledge, to answer for the
success of the war. If the issue be favourable, I consent that
mine be put to dea& ; but if it be otherwise, as I well foresee,
then I desire that you and your children may meet the rewani
of rashness.''

This adviee, which was rather sincere than palatable, was
received by Xerxes with a degree of rage and tesftivVmevA^

F 2

68 HISTORY OF 6RBBCB.

^'Tiiank the gocU/' oried he, *' that thou art my father's hit(h
ther; were it not for that, thoa shouldest tbi8 moment meet
the jast reward of thy audacious behaviour. But you shall
hare your punishment Remain here behind, among the wo-
men ; those you but too much resemble in your cowardice and
fear. Stay here, while I march at the head of my troops^
where my duty and glory call me." Upon cooler thoughts,
however, Xerxes seemed better reconciled to his uncle^B
opinion. When the first emotions of his anger were over,
and he had time to reflect on his pillow upon the different
oouBsds that were given him, he confessed the rashness of
his former rebuke, and ingenuously ascribed it to heat of
youth, and the ardour of passion. He offered to come over
to his opinion, at the same time assuring the council, that
from hb dreams he had every encouragement to proceed with
the expedition. So much condescension on the one hand» and
such favourable omens on the other, determined the whde
council to second his inclinations. They fell prostrate before
Um, eager to show their submission and their joy. A mo-
narch, thus surrounded by flatterers, all striving which shouU
most gratify his pride and passions, could not long contiiiuc
good, though naturally inclined to virtue. Xerxes, therefore,
seems a character thus ruined by power, exerting his natural
justice and wisdom at short intervals, but then giving way to
the most culpable and extravagant excesses. Thus, the coun-
sel of Axtabanus being rejected, and that of Mardonius far
vourably received, the most extensive preparations were made
for carrying on the war.

The greatness of these preparations seemed to show the
high sense which the Persians had of their enemy. Xerxes,
that he might omit nothing conducive to success, entered info
an alliance with the Carthaginians, who were, at that time,
the most potent people of the West; with whom it was sti-
pulated, that while the Persian forces should attack Greeoe,
the Carthaginians should awe the Greek colonies, disperaed
over the Mediterranean, from coming to their assistanoo.
Thus having drained all the East to compose his own i^rmy»
and the West to supply that of the Carthaginians under KwS^

ATAo ^^^» ^ ^^ ^.^ ^'^°^ Susa» in order to enter upon
A.M. SOBS, ^jjjg ^^^ ten years after the battle of Maiatbon.

INVASION OF XBRXB8.

Sardis was the place where the varioiiB nations that were
eompeHed to his banner were to assemble. His fleet was to
advance along die coasts of Asia Minor towards the HeDe^
spent. Bnt as, in donbGng the cape of Mount Athos, many
ships were, detained, he was resolved to cat a passage tfarongli
that neck of land, which joined the moantain to the continentr
and thos give his shipping a shorter and safer passage^n This
canal was a mile and a half long, and hollowed out fmn a
high mountain. It required immense labour to perform ;••
great a work, but his numbers and his ambition were wd*
fident to surmount all difficulties. To urge on the under*
taking the fiuter, he treated his labourers with the greatest
severity ; while, widi all the ostentation of an eastern prinoe>
he gave his commands to the mountain to sink before him«
** Athos, thou proud, aspiring mountain, that Uftest up thj
head unto the heavens, be not so audacious as to put oIh
stacles in my way ; if thou givest me that opposition, I will
cut thee level to the plain, and throw thee headlong into the
sea*'*

As this numarch passed on his march to the place of general
destination, he went through Cappadocia, crossed* the river
Halys, and came to Calene, a city of Phrygian near the
source of the river Meander. He was there met by Pythias^
a Lydian prince, who, by the most extreme parsimony and
oppression, had become, next to Xerxes, the most opulent
man in aU the Persian empire. His treasures, however^ were
not suflident to buy off the attendance of his eldest son, whom
he requested might be permitted to remain with him, as he
was old and helpless. He had before offered his money,
wUch amounted to about four millions sterling, for the mo-
narch's use; but this Xerxes had refused: and now, finding
the young prince willing to remain with his father, he was so
enraged, that he commanded him to be put to death before
his father^s eyes. Then causing the dead body to. be cut in
two, and one part of it to be placed on the right, and the
other on the left, he made the whole army to pass between
them, to terrify them from a reluctance to engage by his ex-
ample.

From Phrygpia Xerxes marched to Sardis, and in the open-
ing of spring directed his march down towards the Helle-

70 mai'oRy of qb-khol

spoilt, wbera his fleet lay in all their pomp, expeeting h^sar-
riFal. . Hefe being arrived, he was deairoiis of taking asanrey
oft.al'his forces* which oompotfed an army whic^ 'was aevw
equalled either hefctt^ or since. It Iras composed of the moal
iHiwerfal nations of the East, and qi people scarcely known to
poatenty, except by name. . The remotest India contnbiitail
ite/iapplies, wUle the coldest trfeM)ts of Scythia sent their as-
sistance. Kedes, Pei^ians, Baetribns, Lydians, Jkagjnum,
Hyroadbnii, and an hundred other ^((rantriei, of various fonas,
complexions, latigoagies, dresses,' and aims. The hmd army»
whiokihebronght out Of Asia^ consisted of seventeen hundred
thousand fdot, and fourscore thousand hoiBe. Three hundred
thousand: more, .that were added upon crossing the Hellespont^
made all'Jhis land forced together amount to above two millions
of men. His fleet, irhen it set oat from Asia, consisted of
twelve hundred and seven vessels, each carrying two hundred
huen. The Europeans augmented his fleet with an hundred
and twenty vessels, each of which carried two hunAred menu
Besides these, there were a thousand smaller vessels, fitted
for carrying provisions ami stores : tlie men contained in these,
with the former, lynounted to six hundred thousand ; so that
ihe whole army might be said to amount tp two millions and a
half, which, with the women, slaves, and suttiers, always ac-
companying a Persian army, might make the whole above five
millions of souls : a number, if rightly conducted, capable of
overturning the greatest monarchy; but being commanded by
furesumption and ignorance, they only served to obstnict and
embarrass each other.

Jiord of so many and such variotls subjects, Xerxes found
a pleasure in reviewing hb forces, and was desirious of bdiold-
ing a naval engagement, of which he had not hitherto been a
spectator. To this end a throne was erected for him upon an
eminence, and in that situation beholding all the earth coveted
with his troops, and all the sea crowded with his vessels, he
felt a secret joy diffuse itself through his frame, from the con-
sciousness of bis own superior power. But all the workings
of this monarch's mind were in extreme : a sudden sadness
soon took place of his pleasure, and, dissolving in a shower of
tears, he gave himself up to the reflection, that not one of
so many thousands would bo alirc a hundred years after.

INVASION OP XKRXBS. 71

' Artabanos, wlio neglected no opportunity of moralizing upon
every occorrenee, took this occasion to discourse with him
upon the shortness and miseries of human life. Finding this
more distant subject attended to, he spoke more closely to the
present occasion; insinuated his doubts of the success of the
expeditiim ; urged the many inconveniences the army had to
suffer* if not from the enemy, at least from their own numbers.
He allegedy that plagues, fiunine, and confusion, were the ne-
cessary attendants of such ungovernable multitudes by land,
and that empty fame was the only reward of success* But it
was now too late to turn this young monarch from his purpose.
XerzfiBi informed his monitor, that great actions were always
attended with proportionable danger; and that if his prede-
cessoES had observed such scrupulous and timorous rules of
conduct, the Persian empire would never have attained to its
piesent height of glory.

Xerxes, in the mean time, had given orders for building a

bridge of boats across the Hellespont, for the transporting his

army into Europe. This narrow strait, which now goes by

the name of the Dardanelles, is near an English mile over.

Bat soon after the completion of this work, a violent storm

arising, the whole was broken and destroyed, and the labour

was to be undertaken anew. The fury of Xejrxes, upon this

disappointment, was attended with equal extravagance and

emelty. His vengeance knew no bounds ; the workmen, who

liad undertaken the task, had their heads struck off by his order ;

and that the sea itself also might know its duty, he ordered

it to be lashed as a delinquent, and a pair of fetters to be

thrown into it to curb its future irregularities. Thus having

given vent to his absurd resentment, two bridges were ordered

to be built in the place of the former, one for the army to pass

over, and the other for the baggage and the beasts of burthen.

The woriunen, now warned by the fate of their predecessors,

undertook to give their labours greater stability ; they placed

three hundred and sixty vessels across the strait, some of

them having three banks of oars, and others fifty oars a piece.

They then cast large anchors into the water on both sides, in

order to fix these vessels against the violence of the winds and

the current. They then drove large piles into the earth, with

huge rings fastened to them, to which were tied six vast ca-

72 HI8T0RY OP GRBBCB.

bles, which went over each of the two bridges^ Over all these
they laid trunks of trees, cut purposely for that use, aod flat
boats again over them, fastened and joined together, so as
to serve for a floor, or solid bottom. When the whole work
was thus completed, a day was appointed for their pasaiog
over ; and, as soon as the first rays of the sun began to appear,
sweet odours of all kinds were al)nndantly scattered over the
new work, and the way was strewed with m3rrtle. At the
same time Xerxes poured out libations into the sea, and,
turning his face towards the east, worshipped that bright In-
minary, which is the god of the Persians. Then, throwing
the vessel which had held his libation into the sea, togetbor
with a golden cup and Persian scimetar, he went forward, and
gave orders for the army to follow. This immense train were
no less than seven days and seven nights passing over, while
those, who were appointed to conduct the march, quickened
the troops by lashing them along; for the soldiers of the East
at that time, and to this very day, are treated like slaves.

Thus this immense army having landed in Europe, and be-
ing joined by the several European nations that acknowledged
the Persian power, Xerxes prepared for marching directly
forwrd into Greece. Besides the generals, of every natioo,
who^each of them commanded the troops of their respective
countries, the land army was commanded by six Persian ge-
nerals, to whom all the rest were subordinate. These were
Mardonius, Tirintatechmus, Smerdonos, Massistus, 6ei^,
and Megabyzus. Ten thousand Persians, who were called
the Immortal Band, were commanded by Hydames, while
the cavalry and the fleet had their own respective com-
manders. Beside those who were attached to Xerxes from
principle, there were some Greek princes, who, either from
motives of interest or fear, followed him in this expedition.
Among these were Artemisia, queen of Halicamassus, who,
after the death of her husband, governed the kingdom for her
son. She had brought indeed but the trifling succour of five
ships, but she had made ample amends by her superior pru-
dence, courage, and conduct. Of this number also was De-
maratus, the exiled king of Sparta, who, resenting the indig-
nity put upon him by his subjects, took refuge in tlic Persian
court, uii iiidiguaut spectator of its luxuries aud slavish sub-

INVASION OP XERXBS. 73

minioD. Being one day asked by Xerxes if he thonght the
Grecians would dare to wait his approach, or would venture
an engagement with armies that drank up whole rivers in their
march, '* Alas, great prince," cried Demaratus, ** Greec^,
from the beginmng of time, has been trained up and accus-^
tomed to poverty; but the defects of that are amply recom-
pensed by virtue, which wisdom cultivates, and the laws sup-
port in v^ur. As for the Lacedaemonians, as they have been
bred up in freedom, they can never submit to be slaves.
Though all the rest of die Ghreeks should forsake them, though
they should be reduced to a band of a thousand men, yet still
they would ftce every danger, to preserve what they hold
dearer than life. Thoy have laws, which they obey with more
implicit reverence than your subjects are obeyed by you. By
th^ laws they are forbid to fly in battle, and they have only
the alternative to conquer or die." Xerxes was not offended
with the liberty of Demaratus, but, smiling at his blunt sin-
cerity, ordered his army to march forward, while he had di-
rected his fleet to follow him along the coast, and to regulate
their course by his motions.

In this manner he pursued his course without any interrup-
tion ; every nation near which he approached sending hi^all
the marks of homage and subjection. Wherever he came, be
found provisions and refreshments prepared beforehand, pur-
suant to the orders he had given. Every city he arrived at
exhausted itself in giving him the most magnificent reception.
The vast expense of these feasts gave a poor Thracian an op-
portunity of remarking, that it was a peculiar favour of the
^ods, that Xerxes could eat but one meal a day. Thus did
he continue his march through Thrace, Macedonia, and Tbes-
Mily, every knee bending before him till he came to the straits
of Thermopylae, where he first found an army prepared to
dispute his passage.

This army was a body of Spartans, led on by Leonidas
their king, who had been sent thither to oppose him. As
soon as it was known in Greece that Xerxes was preparing to
invade that country, and that an army of millions were com-
ing on with determined resolution to niin it, every state seemed
differently affected, in proportion to its strength, its coiirago,
t>r its situation. The Sicilians roi'uscd their aid, beintr kept

74 HISTOAY OV QRHBCB.

ia awe by Amiicar the Qarthagioiaii. The Corojreans pm^
tended that they were wied-houiid, and w6ald not let their
ships «tir firoin the harbonr. The Cretans, having ooasnited
the Delphic oracle, absolutely detelinined to remain inaetnra.
Hie Thessalians and Macedonians, from their situation,
obliged to submit to the conqueror, so that no states
found- bold enough to face this formidable army but Athena
and LacedsBmon. These, states had received intelligence of
the Persian designs from Demaratos, long before they had
been put into execution. They had also sent spies to Sardia,
ID order to have a more exact inf<Mrmation of the number and
quality of the enemy's forces. The spies, indeed, were seined,
but Xerxes ordered theim to be conducted through his anny,
and to give an exact account of what they had seen at their
return. They had sent deputies to all the neighbouring states
to awaken their ardour, to apprisie them of their danger, and
to urge the necessity of fighting for their common safety.
But all their remonstrances were vain ; fear, assuming the
name of prudence, offered frivolous excuses, or terms whidi
were inadmissible. Relying, therefore, on their own strength,
these generous states resolved to face the danger with joint
forces, and conquer or fall in the cause of freedom. Having
summoned a general council at the Isthmus, they there so-
lemnly resolved to wave all private quarrels or pretensions,
and join against the common danger.

One cannot, without astonishment, reflect on the intre-
pidity of the Greeks, who determined to face the innumerable
army of Xerxes with such disproportioned forces. AU their
forces joined together amounted only to eleven thousand two
hundred men. But they were all soldiers, bred amidst £►
tigue and danger, all determined to a man either to conquer
or die. Their first care, however, was to appoint a general.
It was then that the most able and experienced captains, ter-
rified at the danger, had taken the resolution of not present-
ing themselves as candidates. Epicydes, indeed, a great
orator, but a man of ignorance, avarice, and presumptkm,
was ready to lead them on ; but, under his guidance, nothing
could be hoped for but conftision and disappointment. In this
pressing juncture, therefore, Themistocles, conscious of his
own capacity, and warmed with a love of glory, which was

JftfiOAL OF AR1ST1DK8. 75

gte^i in proportion to the danger, resolved to use everj art to
get himself iqipointed to the command. For this purpose he
used all his interest, and even distributed bribes to remove his
competitor ; and having gratified the avarice of Epicydes, "which
iRFfui his mling passion, he soon found himself appointed to the
command, which was the darling object of his ambition.

.But in this pressing exigence, it was incumbent on the
Athenians to avail themselves of every person that might be
aerviceahlei however obnoxious he might appear to their re*
sentmeut There .were many useful citizens, whom they had,
upon some factious discontents, sent into banishment, and
these they now lepentingly wished to restore. Among this
Okumber was Aristides, that brave and just man, who had, at
the hatUe of IfJarathon, and upon other occasions, been in-
stromental in gaining their victories ; and who had, upon all
ocjoasionSi^ improved them, ky the disinterestedness and inte-
grity of his example. This magistrate, having had many con->
tests with Themistoclesy who was his rival in power and fame,,
and always wished to supplant him, was at length condemned
to go into banishment by the power of his prevailing* faction.
It was on that occasion that a peasant, who could not write,
and did not know Aristides personally, applied to himaelf,
and deaired him to write the name of Aristides upon the shell
by which his vote was given against him. " Has he done
yon any wrong,'' said Aristides, " that you are for condemnbg
Um in this manner?" ''No," replied the peasant, "but I
hate to hear him praised for his justice." Aristides, without
paying a word more, calmly took the shell, wrote down his
name upon it, and contentedly retired into banishment. But
4he ptesent distressea of his country were now an object that
strongly solicited his return. Even Themistocles, his rival,
vas so far firom remembering his old resentments, that he now
ardently desired the assistance of his counsel, and gave up alt
Us private resentments to the good of the state. The hatred
of these great men had nothing in it of that bitter and impla-
caUe spirit which prevailed among the Romans in the latter
times of the republic, or perhaps the desperate situation

of their country might only occupy their thoughts at that

time.
But the preparations by land alone were not sufiicicnt to

76 HISTORY OP GRRBCE.

repel the growing danger. If the Greeks had trusted to their
land armies, without further succour, they must have been un-
done. Themistocles, who saw that the victory of Marathon
must be followed by many more before safety could be aaoer-
tained, had prudently caused an hundred gallies to be btrite,
and turned all his thoughts to give Athens a superiority at aea.
The oracle had declared some time before, that Athens should
only defend herself with wooden walls : and he took the ad-
vantage of that ambiguity to persuade his countryineD, tliat
by such walls was only meant her shipping. He had the ad-
dress to procure some money, annually coming in firom silver
mines which the Athenians had in their district, to the pur-
poses of equipping and manning this fleet ; and now, upon the
approach of Xerxes, the confederates found themselves at the
head of a very powerful squadron of two hundred and eighty
sail, the command of which was ctaferred upon Eurybiades, a
Lacedaemonian.

When the news came to Athens, that the Persians were on
the point of invading Greece, and that to this end they were
transporting their forces by sea, Themistodes advised his coun-
trymen to quit their city, embark on board their gallies, and
meet their enemies while they were yet at a distance. To this
expedient they would by no means consent. He then put
himself at the head of their army.

All measures being taken that this brave confederacy could
devise, it next remained to settle in what place they should
first meet the Persians in the field, in order to dispute their
entrance into Greece. The people of Thessaly represented,
that, as they were most exposed, and first liable to be at-
tacked by the enemy, it was but reasonable that their security
should be the first object of attention. The Greeks, willing to
protect all who would declare in thehr quarrel, in pursuance of
this request, resolved to send their chief forces to guard the
passage which separates Macedonia from Thessaly, near Ae
river Peneus. But Alexander, the son of Amyntas, represent-
ing that post as untenable, they were obliged to change their
measures ; and at last resolved to send a body of men to g^ard
the pass at Thermopylas, where a few were capable of acting
against numbers.

Thermopylae was a narrow pass of twenty-five feet broad,

BATTLB OP THEKMOPYLA*:. 77

between Tbessaly and Phocis, defended by the remains of a
wall, with gates to it, formerly built by the Phocians, to se-
cure them against the incursions of their neighbouring enemy.
From these gates, and some hot baths, which were at the en-
trance into the pass, the strait had its name. This was
pitched upon, as well for the narrowness of the way, as for
its Ticinity to the sea, from whence the land forces could occa-
sionally receive assistance from the fleet. The command of
this important pass was given to Leonidas, one of the kings
of Sparta, who led thither a body of six thousand men. Of
these three hundred were Spartans, the rest consisting of
Boeotians, Corinthians, Phocians, and Arcadians, all such as
in the present exigency were prepared for the field, and were
not afraid of the numbers of the enemy. Each of these had
particular commanders of their own, but Leonidas had the
conduct of the whole. But though the determined resolution
of these troops was incapable of being shaken, little was ex-
pected from the nature of their destination. They were all
along taught to look upon themselves as a forlorn hope, only
placed there to check the progress of the enemy, and give
them a foretaste of the desperate valour of Greece ; nor were
even oracles wanting to check their ardour. It had been de-
clared, that, to procure the safety of Greece, it was necessary
that a king, one of the descendants of Hercules, should die.
This task was cheerfully undertaken by Leonidas ; and as he
marched out from Lacedsdmon, he considered himself as a
willing victim offered up for the good of his country. How-
ever, he joyfully put himself at the head of his little band,
took possession of his post, and, with deliberate desperation,
waited at Thormopylse for the coming up of the Persian
army.

Xerxes, in the mehn time, approached with his numerous
army, flushed with success, and confident of victory. His
camp exhibited all the marks of eastern magnificence and
Asiatio luxury. He expected to meet no obstruction on his
way to Greece; he led on his forces rather to terrify; the
enemy than to fight them ; great, therefore, was his surprise,
to find that a few desperate men were determined to .dispute
his passage. He had all along flattered himself, that, on the
first hearing of his arrival, the Grecians would betake them-

7S HISTORY OF ORBECB.

selves to flight : Dor could he ever be persuaded to believe
what Demaratus had assured him, that, at the first pass he
came to, his whole army would be put to a stand. He him-
self took a view of their camps and intrenchments. The
Lacedaemonians were some of them calmly amusing them-*
selves with military exercises, otiiers with combing their loii|^
hanr. He inquired the reason of this conduct ; and he wm
informed that it was the Spartan manner of preparing tbeoi-
selves for battle. Still, however, entertaining some hopes of
their flight, he waited four days to give them time to reflect
on the greatness of their danger; but they still continued gay
and unconcerned, as men who regarded death as the end of
labour. He sent to them to deliver up their arms. Leonidas,
with truly Spartan contempt, desired him to '' come and take
them." He oflered, if- they would lay down their arms; to
receive them as friends, and to give them a country mueh
larger and better than what they fought for. No countiy,
diey replied, was worth acceptance, unless won by virtue;
and that for their arms, they should want them, whether as
his friends or enemies. Upon this, the monarch addressed
himself to Demaratus, asking, if these desperate men could
expect to out-mn his horses? Demaratus answered, that they
w>ould fight it out to the last, and not a man of them would
survive his country's freedom. Some men were beard to say,
that the Persians were so numerous, that their darts would
darken the sun. Dieneces, a Spartan, replied, " Then we abali
fight in the shade."

Xerxes, thus treated with contempt, at length ordered m
body of Medes to advance ; desiring such as had lost any of
thnr relations at the battle of Marathon, to take their revenge
upon the present occasion. Accordinglv they began the onset,
bet were repulsed with great loss. The number of the assail-
eets only served to increase their confusion ; and it now began
te appear, that Xerxes had many followers, but few soldiem.
These forces being routed by the Grecian ' troc^s, the Penian
Immortal Band was brought up, consisting of ten thousand
IMU, to oppose them. But these were as unsuccessful as the
femier. The charge was renewed the next day, Xerxes en*
deavouring to inspire his troops with the promises of reward,
since he found thev were dead to the sense of shame. But

BATTLB OF THKRMOPYLjIS. 79

though their oharge was violent, it was unsupported; and the
Greeks, standing closely connected in a body, withstood the
shock, and filled the way with Persian carcasses. During
these unsuocessful assaults, Xerxes was a spectator, sitting
upoB his throne, placed upon an eminence, and directii^ the
order of battle, impetuous in his pride and resentment, and
now and then seen to leap from his seat, when he beheld his
troops in confusion, or offering to give way.

Iltts did the Greeks keep their ground for two days, and no
power on earth seemed capable of removing them from their
advantageous situation. Xerxes, out of all hopes of bebg
able to force a passage, appeared under the greatest con*
ttemation; but he was relieved from his embarrassment by
the appearance of Epialtes, a Trachinian, who had deserted
fipom the enemy, and undertook to show his troops a secret
path, that led through the defiles of the mountains, and through
which a body of forces might be led to fall upon the Grecians
in the rear. He quickly, therefore, dispatched abody of twenty
thousand men thither, who, marching all night, arrived, at the
break of day, at the top of the mountain, and possessed them*
selves of that advantageous post

The Greeks were soon apprised of this misfortune; and
Jieonidas, seeing that his post was no longer tenable, advised
the troops of his allies to retire, and reserve themselves for
better times, and the future safety of Greece. As for him*
aelfy and his fellow Spartans, they were obliged by their laws
not to fly; that he owed a life to his country, and that it was
now his duty to fall in its defence. Thus havbg dismissed
all but his three hundred Spartans, with some Thespians and
Thebans, in all not a thousand men, he exhorted hb followers
in the most cheerful manner to prepare for death. ** Come,
my fellow soldiers," says he, ** let us dine cheerfully here, for
to night we shall sup with Pluto." His men, upon hearing
his determined purpose, set up a loud shout, as if they had
been invited to a banquet, and resolved every man to sell his
life as dearly as he could. The night now began to advance,
and this was thought the most glorious opportunity of meeting
death in the enemy's camp, where the silence would favour
desperation, and hide the smailness of their numbers. Thus
resolved, they made directly to the Persian tents, and, in the

80 HISTORY OF GKRKCB.

darkness of the Dight, had almost reached the royal paviKon^
with hopes of surprismg the king. The obscurity added miich
to the horror of the scene : and the Persians, falling upon eaeli
other without distinction, rather assisted the Grecians than de-
fended themselves. Thus success seemed to crown the rash-
ness of their enterprise, until, the morning beginning to dawn,
the light discovered the smallness of their numbers. They
were soon, therefore, surrounded by the Persian forces, who,
fearing to fall in upon them, flung their javelins from every
quarter, till the Greeks, not so much conquered, as tired with
conquering, fell amidst heaps of the slaughtered enemy, leaving
behind them an example of intrepidity never known before.
Leonidas was one of the first that fell, and the endeavours of
the Lacedaemonians to defend his dead body were incredible.
It was found, after the battle, buried under a mountain of the
dead, and was nailed to a cross, by way of infamy, by the
brutal victor. Of all the train, two only escaped, whose names
were Aristodemus and Panites. The latter, upon his return
to Sparta, was branded with infamy, and treated with such
contempt, that he killed himself. Aristodemus reserved him-
self for another occasion, and, by his bravery at the battle of
Flatsea, recovered that honour which he had lost. Some time
after this transaction, the Amphyctions ordered a magnificent
monument to be erected over those brave defenders of th^
country, and Simonides, the poet, wrote their epitaph.

Xerxes, in this battle, is said to have lost twenty thousand
men, among whom were two of his brothers. But, to conceal
the greatness of his loss from the army, he caused all but a
thousand of those that were slain to be buried in holes indis-
criminately; however, this stratagem had very bad success,
for when the soldiers of his fleet were curious some time after
in taking a survey of the field of battle, they discovered the
artifice, and urged it as an act of flagrant impiety against hhn.

Djsmayed at an obstinacy in the enemy that cost him so
dear, Xerxes was, for some timie, more inclined to trv his for-
tone at sea, than to proce^ immediately into the country,
where he had learned firom Demaratus, that eight thousand
Spartans, such us he had but lately fought with, were ready
to receive him. Accordingly, the very day of the battle of
Tbennopylffi, there was an engagement at sea between the

DB8BRTION OP ATHENS. SI

two fleets. The Grecian fleet consbted of two handred and
iBeventy-one vessels. That of the enemy had lately lost four
iiundred vessek in a shipwreck, but was still greatly superior
to the fleet of the Grecians. To. repair this loss by a victory,
two hundred Persian vessels had orders to take a compass*
and surprise the Grecians lying in the straits of Euboea ; but
the GreoianSy being apprised of their designs, set sail by
night, and so, by a counter surprise, fell in with them while
they were thus separated from their main squadron, took and
sunk thirty, forced the rest to sea, and there, by stress of wea-
ther, they were all soon after either sunk or stranded. En-
raged at these disiqipointments, the Persians bore down the
next day with their whole fleet, and, drawing up in form of an
halfrmoon, made an ofier of battle, which the Greeks as rear
dily accepted. The Athenians, having been reinforced with
three and fifty sail, the battle was very obstinate and bloody,
and the success pretty nearly equal on both sides, so that both
parties seemed content to retire in good order.

All these actions, which passed near Artemisa, though at
that time indecisive, yet served not a little to animate and in-
spire the Athenians, who were now taught to think that there
was nothing either formidable in their numbers, or useful in
the size of the Persian ships. Thus strengthening themselves
with the hopes of more splendid engagements, they sailed
away from Artemisa, and stopped at Salamis, where they
miirfat most conveniently assist the Athenians.

In the mean time, Xerxes having entered with his nu-
merous army into the country of Phocis, burned and plundered
every town through which he passed. The inhabitants of
Peloponnesus, who were naturally defended by their inaccessi-
ble situation, as their country was joined to the continent only
by a neck of land, thought it the most prudent way to defend
the isthmus by a wall, take shelter behind that rampart, and to
leave the rest of Greece to the mercy of the conqueror. The
Athenians, however, whose country lay without the isthmus,
vemoDstrated loudly against this desertion, and endeavoured
to persuade the Greeks to face the enemy in the plain. But
prudence prevailed, and Themistocles gave them to under-
stand, that, though their country should be for a while overrun

/

fie HISTORY OF ORBBCB.

by the barbarous iavader, yet they had still their wooden walls
to rely on, for their fleet was ready to transport them to aach
of their settlements as they thought proper. At first, ho<w-
ever, this advice was the most hateful that could be imagined.
l%e people thought themselves inevitably lost if they dimiM
bnce abandon the temples of their gods, and the tombs of timir
ancestors. But Themistocles, using all his eloquence and ad-
dress to work upon their passions, represented to tbem» ihMt
Athens did not consist either of its walls or its houses, but cf
its citizens, and that the saving of these was the true pnsetvah
tion of the state. A decree, therefore, was passed, by wUeh
it was ordained, that Athens, for a while, should be givem, vtp
ki trust to the gods, and that all the inhabitants, wheth^ in
fireedom or slavey, should embark on board the fleet. When
they began to prepare for this extraordinary embarkation, lliey
liad recourse to the council of Areopagus, who, from funds to
us unknown, distributed eight drachmas to every man who
went on board. In diis calamitous desertion, Cimon, tbo!iq[h
very young, was seen encouraging the citizens by iiis words
and example. Bearing in his hand a part of his horse's fonu-
ture, he went to offer it, as now useless, in the temple of Mi-
nerva, and then going down to the water-side, was the first
that cheerfully went on board. When he was followed by the
rest of the city, so moving and melancholy a sight drew tears
even from the most obdurate. A brave, generous, polite, «id
ancient people, now forced from their native seats, to undetigo
all the vicissitudes and dangers of the sea; to implore a re-
treat from foreign states, and give up their native lauds to the
apoiler, was a most moving spectacle. Yet the steadiness
and courage of some, and the pious resignation of all, de-
manded the utmost admiration. The young and adventurous
embarked for Salamis; the old, the women, and children, took
shelter at the city 'of Trezene, the inhabitants of which geae-
rously offered them an asylum. They even allowed them a
maintenance at the expense of the public, permitted tlirir
children to gather fruit wherever they pleased, and appointed
masters for their instruction. But, in this general desertion,
that which extremely raised the compassion of all was Ae
great nnmbar of old men they were obliged to leave in tbe

OAPTURK OF ATHbl^S. ^

city, on acoouat of their ag» and infinwties* AbMPQT afop
▼oloniarily lemaiiied behind, believing that th^ citadel, w^ii||
they had fortified with wooden ramparts^ w^s what tjie ojracjb
poiiited eot for general security. To heighten thia scene et
general disteess, the matrons were seen pUnging with foq4 ^-
feotion to the places in which they h(ui so long resided ; th^
wives filled the streets with loud lamentations, and even th^
poor domestic animals seenfted to take a part in the genei;i||
concern. It was impossible to see those poor creatures nm
bowling and crying after their masters^ who were going op
shipboard, without being strongly affected. Among these, tbp
itEuthfalness of a particular dog k recorded, who jumped intq
the sea after his master, and continued swimming as near a^
he could to the vessel till he landed at Salamis, and died the
moment after upon the shore. Those few inhabitants that re-
mained behind retired into the citadel, where, literally inter-
preting the <»acle, they fisrtified it as well 83 they could, and
patiently awaited the invader's approach.

While Xerxes was continuing his march, he was told th^
the drecians were employed in seeing the games and combats
then celebrating at Olympia. It was not without indignation
(bat he found his power so little able to terrify his enemies, or
interrupt their amusements. Having sent off a considerable
detachment of his army to plunder the temple at Delphos,
with the rest he marched down into Attica, where he found
Athens deserted of all but a few in the citadel. These men,
despairing of succour, and unwilUng to survive the loss of their
eofontry, would listen to no terms of accommodation; they
boldly withstood the first assault, and, warmed by enthusiasm
of religion, began to hope for success. But a second assault
carried their feeble out- works ; they were all put to the sword,
and Ae citadel reduced to ashes. Flushed with this success,
JKerxes dispatched a messenger to Susa with the news of his
victories, and, at the same time, sent home a great number of
pictures and statues, among which were those of Harmodius
and Aristogiton. "«

In the mean time, the confederate Greeks summoned a
council of war, to consult upon the proper manner and place
of opposing this barbarous inundation. With respect to the
operations by land, it was universally determined to defend

g2

84 HISTORY OF GRBECE.

the isthmaB by a wall/ and Cleombrotus, the brother of Leooi-
iaa, 'was appointed to command that station; bat as to the
operations at sea, these were not so generally agreed oo.
Eurybiades the Spartan, who was appointed to the commaad
of the fleet, was for having it advance near the isthmus, that
it might co-operate with the army at land: but Themistocles
was entirely of another opinicHi, and asserted, that it would be
the most manifest error to abandon so advantageoos a post aa
that of Salamis, wh^re they were then stationed. They were
now, he said, in possession of the narrow seas, where the
number of the enemy could never avail them; that the only
hope now left the Athenians was their fleet, and that this must
not be capriciously given up by ignorance to the enemy. Eu-
rybiades, who considered himself as glanced at, could not con-
tain his resentment, but offered to strike Themistocles for his
insolence. " Strike me," cried the Athenian, " strike me,
but hear me." His moderation and his reasoning prevailed ;
the generals were reconciled to each other, and the result of
the council was, that they should prepare to receive the Per-
rians on the isthmus by land, and in the strait of Salamis by

sea.

Meanwhile Xerxes, after having demolished and burned

Athens, marched down towards the sea, to act in conjunction
with his fleet, which he had determined should once more
come to an engagement with the enemy. This was what The-
mistocles most ardently desired in his present situation, but hp
was fearful his confederates would not have courage to abide
the encounter. Their thoughts were still bent upon sailing
towards the isthmus, and assisting their army in case of dis-
tress. Themistocles, therefore, in this exigence, was obliged
to have recourse to one of those stratagems which mark su-
periority of genius: he contrived to let Xerxes privately un-
derstand, that the confederates were now assembled at Sala-
mis, preparing for flight, and that it would be an easy task to
attack and destroy them. This information was attended with
the desired success. Xerxes gave orders to his fleet to sur-
round Salamis by night, in order to prevent an escape which
he so much dreaded.

In this manner the Grecian fleet was blocked up, and no
safety remained but in intrepidity and conquest. Even The-

BATTLE OF 8ALAMIS. .8&

inistocles Imnself was not apprised of the situation of his own
forces and that of the enemy; all the narrow straits were
blocked np, and the rest of the Persian fleet were sent for, to
make every passage impracticable. In this exigence, Aris-
tides, in whose bosom the love of his coontry always prevailed
over every private revenge, was resolved to venture all, in
order to apprise Themistocles of his situation and danger.
He was then at Egina, where he had some forces under his
command, and, with very great danger, ventured in a small
boat through all the fleet of the enemy by night. Upon land-
ing, he made up to the tent of Thembtocles, and addressed
him in the following manner: — '^ If We are wise, Themis-
tocles, we shall henceforth lay aside those vain and puerile dis-
sensions which have hitherto separated us. One strife, and a
noble emulation it is, now remains for us, which of us shall be
most serviceable to our country. It is yours to command as
a genera], it is mine to obey as a subject : and happy shall I
be, if my advice can any way contribute to your and my coun^
try's glory.'' He then informed him of the fleet's real situa-
tion, and warmly exhorted him to give battle without delay.
Themistocles felt all that generous gratitude which sb disin-
terested a conduct demanded ; and, eager to show a return
of noUe friendship, let him into all his projects and aims, par-
ticularly this last, of suffering himself to be surrounded. After
this, they used their joint authority with the other commanders
to persuade them to engage, and accordingly both fleets pre-
pared themselves for battle.

The Grecian fleet consisted of three hundred and eighty
«hips, the Persian fleet was much more numerous ; but, what-
ever advantage they had in numbers, and the size of their
ships, they fell infinitely short of the Ghreeks in their naval
skill, and their acquaintance with the seas where they fought ;
bat it was particularly in their commander that the Greeks
had the advantage. Eurybiades had nominally the conduct
of the fleet, but Themistocles in reality conducted all their
operations. Nothing escaped his vigilance, and he knew how
to improve every incident to the greatest advantage. He
therefore deferred the onset, until a wind, which at that time
of the year was periodical, and which he knew would be fa-
vourable, should set in. As soon as this arose, the signal

86 HISTORY OF GRBBGB.

was given for battk, and the Grecian fleet sailed foreirard in
exact order.

Xences, impntingf his former ill success at sea to his o^
libsence, was resolved to be a witness of the present engijige-
mefnt from the top of a promontory, where he caused a throne
to be erected for that purpose. This served, in some mea-
mire, to animate his forces, who, conscious of tfieir king^s db-
senrance of them, resolved to merit his applaose. The Pet-
sittns, therefore, advanced with such courage and impeteositj^
^ struck the enemy with terror, but their ardour abated when
the engagement became closer. The numerons disadvatttagea
of their circumstances and situation then began to appear.
The wind blew directly in tiieir ftces : the height and heavi-
ness of their vessels rendered them unwieldy and useless ; eToa
the number of their ships, in ^ narrow sea where diey fought,
only served to embarrass and increase their confusion. The
tonians, whom Themistocles had implored, by characters en-
graven along the rocks of the coast, to remmember from whenoe
ihey derived their original, were the first who betook theo^
selves to flight. In the other wing the contest was for som^
titae doubtful, until the Phoenicians and Cyprians being driren
on shore, the rest relited in great disorder, and fell foul of
each other in their retreats In this total defection, Artemisia
alone seemed to stop the progress of victory ; and, at the bead
of her five ships, performed incredible acts of valour. Xerxes,
who was a spectator of her conduct, could not help crying out,
that his soldiers behaved like women in the conflict, and the
women like soldiers. As tins queen, from her signal intre-
pidity, was becotte very obnoxious to the Athenians, a price
was set upon her head ; sensible of which, as she was upon
the point of falling into their hands, by a lucky turn of thooglM,
she pretended to desert from her own party, and to fail foal
of one of their ships. The Gredu, thus concluding that tike
either belonged to them, or was a deserter, permitted her to
escape. In the mean time, the confederates pursued the Pelr-
/lan fleet on every side ; some were intercepted at the straits
of Attica, many were sunk, and more taken. Above two
hundred were b6mt, all the rest were dispersed ; and the al-
lies, dreading the resentment of the Greeks, as well as of the
Ponton king, made the best of tbdr way to their own country.

RBTBBAT OF I^BRXB9. 87

Such was the success of thf battle of Salamis, in which the
Persians had received a severer blow than they had ever hi-
therto experienced from Greece, Themistocles, in a secret
conversation with Aristides, was, or pretended to be, so elated*
as to propose breaking down the bridge by which Xerxes had
made his way into Europe. Whether Thenii3tocles was really
lUDcere in the proposal, remains a doubt ; but Aristides used
all his powers to disstiade his eoadjutor from such an und^-
taking* He represented to Um the danger of reducing sa
powerful an enemy to desperation, and asserted, that it was
his wish to be relieved from such an usurper with all possum
dispatch. Tbemistocles at once acquiesced in his reasoipKi;
and, in mrder to hasten the king^s departure, contrived to have
him secretly informed, that the Grecians designed to break
down the bridge.

The situation of Xerxes was such, that the smallest repulse
W98 now sufficient to wean him from his darling expedition^
Astoiushed at the late overthrow, and alarmed at this new in^
fonowtioii, he only wanted a decent pretext far retreating,
when If ardonius came conveniently to extricate him from his
cmbarrassBients. He began by extenuating the late loss, ani
the many expedients that remained to relieve their situation ;
k^ laid all the blame of their defeat upon the cowardice irf'the
aiupliaries, and their insincere attachment to his cause. He
ndvised him to return speedily to his kingdom, lest his ill suc-
cess, aad fame, which dways represents things worse than
they are* shooid occasion any commotions in his absence. He
engaged, if he wo«ild leave him three hundred thousand of
lib choice troops, to subdue all Greece with glory. On the
other hand, if the event proved otherwise, he would take all
the blame of miscarriage, and suffer in person, if it were to
retrieve the honour of his master. This advice was very well
received by Xerxes, who, thinking enough had been given to
glory, when he had made himself master of Athens, prepared
to return to Persia at the head of a part of his army ; leaving
the other part of it with Mardonius, not so much with the
hopes of reducing Greece, as through the fear of being
pursued.

These resolutions were communicated in a council held
soon after the fight ; and the night following, the fleet set sail

88 f HISTORY OP 6RBBCE.

in great confusion towards the Hellespont, and took up fBeir
winter quarters at Cuma. The king himself, leaving the ge-
nerals to take care of the army, hastened with a small retinue
to the sea side, which he reached forty-five days after the bat-
tle of Salamis. When he arrived at that place, he found the
bridge broken down by the violence of the waves, in a tern*
pest that had lately happened. He was therefore obliged to
pass the strait in a small boat; which manner of returning, be-
ing compared to the ostentatious method in which he had ket
out, rendered his disgrace still more poignant and aflSicting.
The army, which he had ordered to follow him, having been
unprovided with provisions, suffered great hardships by the
way. After having consumed all the com they could find,
they werle obliged to live upon herbs, and even upon the bark
and leaves of trees. Thus harassed and fatigued, a pestilence
began, to complete their misery : and, after a fatiguing jour-
ney of forty-five days, in which they wese pursued rather by
vultures and beasts of prey than by men, they came to the
Hellespont, where they crossed over. They marched from
thence to Sardis. Such was the end of Xerxes' expedition
into Greece: a measure begun in pride, and terminated in
infamy. It is to be observed, however, that we have all this
account from the Greek writers only, who, no doubt, have been
partial to their countrymen. I am told, that the Persian his-
torians represent this expedition in a very different light ; and
say, that the king was recalled, in the midst of his successes,
to quell an insurrection at home. Be this as it will, the afiairs
of Persia seemed after that to go backward, until the time
when Alexander led 'a conquering army of Greeks to invade
them in turn.

CHAPTER VII.

PROM THB RBTRBAT OP XBRXBS TO THB PBACB CON-
CLUDBD BBTWBBN THB GRKBK8 AND PBRSIAMS.

Tub first object the Greeks attended to after
the batde of Salamis was to send the first fruits ^'^' ^**'
of the rich spoil they had taken firom the Persians to Delphos.
Considered in a confederated light, they were ever attentive
to the duties of religion ; and though their sects and opinions
in philosophy taught mankind to entertain but very mean ideas
of the object of public worship, yet it was religion that formed
their bond of union, and for a while held them feebly together.
When that bond came to be broken, and the council of the
Amphictyons became rather a political than a religious as-
sembly, the general union no longer prevailed, and the dtf^
ferent states fell a sacrifice to their own contentions.

The joy of the Greeks upon this victory was general and
loud ; every commander had his share of honour, but the glory
of Themistocles eclipsed that of all the rest. It was a custom
in Greece, that, after a battle, the commanding officers should
declare who had distinguished themselves most, by writing the
names of such as merited the first and second rewards. On
this occasion each officer concerned adjudged the first rank to
himself, but all allowed the second to Themistocles, which was
in fact allowing hiiti a tacit superiority. This was farther con-
firmed by the Lacedsemonians, who carried him in triumph to
Sparta; and who, having adjudged the reward of valour to
their own countryman, Eurybiades, adjudged that of wisdom
to Themistocles. They crowned him with olive, • presented
him with a rich chariot, and conducted him with three hun-
dred horse to the confines of their state. But there was an
bomcige pmd him tliat flattered his pride yet more : when he
appeared at the Olympio'games^ the spectators received him
with uncommon acclamations. As soon as he appeared the

90 H18T0RY OF ORBBCB.

whole assembly rose up to do him honour : nobody regarded
either the games or the combatants ; Themistocles was the
only spectacle worth their attention. Struck with such flatter-
ing honours, he could not help observing, that he that day
reaped the fruits of all his labours.

After the Grecians were returned from pursuing the Persian
fleet, Themistocles sailed to all the islands that had espoused
their interests, in order to levy cootributions. The first h^
applied to was that of A^ndros, from whose iidiabitants he re-
quired a considerable sum. " I come," said he, '* to yoa»
accompanied by two very powerful divinities. Persuasion and
Necessity." " Alas!" replied they, " we also have divinitiea
on our side. Poverty and Impossibility." In consequence of
this reply, he blocked them up for some time ; but, finding
them too well fortified, he was obliged to retire. Some other
islands, however, were neither furnished with so much reason,
nor so much power* He exacted large sums from all sach
as were incapable of opposition ; and these contributions he
ehiefly converted to his own private advantage ; thus showing
in his own character two very oddly assorted qualities, avarice
and a love of fame.

Mardonius, who remained in Greece with a body of three
hundred thousand men, passed the winter in Thessaly ; and,
in the beginning of spring, led them down into the province
of Boeotia. Fron thence he sent Alexander, king of Ma-
cedonia, with a splendid retinue, to Athens, to make proposals
for an accommodation, and to endeavour to make them separ
rate their interests from the general cause of Greece. He
ofiered to rebuild their city, to give them a considerable stun
of money, to sufier them to enjoy their laws and constitutioB,
and to give them the government of all Greece. The Spar*-
tans, alarmed at this aUuring offer, dispatched a messenger to
Athens, who was instructed to say, that they hoped tlie
Athenians entertained juster notions of true glory and pa-
triotism ; that they held the conmion danger, by which the
various states of Greece were bound to give mutual aid to
each other, as of a more urgent nature ; and, at least, that
they had a greater reverence for the memory of their illus-
trious ancestors, than to saorifioe those whom they had so
gallantly defended and delivered, by acceding to the infamous

MARDONIUS ENTBRS ATHENS. M

terms which had been ptoposed. That the Athenians might
not hold np necessity as a plea for their complying, the
Spartans generously Offered to maintain their wives and
ohitdren at their own expense, and in their own dty. Aris-
tides was at that time in the highest office, being principal
archon at Athens. It was in his presence that the king of
Maoedoa made his proposals, and that the deputies from the
other states of Ghreece endeayoored to ayert the force of
them. But Aristides wanted no prompter but the natural
dictaliB of his own heart to giye them an answer. " To
hmb/* wid he, ''bred up to pleasure and ignorance, it is
nflftdhd to profier great rewards, and to hope by bribes to buy
off yirtne. Barbarians, who make nlyer and gold the chirf
objects of tiieir esteem, may be excused for thinking to cor-
mpt the fidelity of a people ; but that the Lacedaemonians,
who came to remonstrate against these offers, should suppose
diey could prevail, was indeed surprising. The Athenians
have the common liberty of Greece entrusted to their care,
and mountains of gold are not able to shake their fidelity.
No : so long as that sun, which the Persians adore, continues
to shine with wonted splendour, so long shall the Athenians
be mortal enemies to the Persians ; so long shall they con-
tinue to pursue them for ravaging their lands, for burning
Aeir houses, and polluting their temples. Such is the answer
we return to the Persian proposal: and you," continued he,
addressiBg himself to Alexander, "if you are truly their
friend, refirain for the future from being the bearer of such
proposals ; your honour, and perhaps even your safety, de-
mands it**

The tieaty being thus broke up, Mardonius prepared to
act wMi vigour, and invaded Attica, which the Athenians
were once more obliged to desert, and leave to his fury. He
entered Athens ten months after it had been taken by Xerxes,
the inhabitants having again conveyed themselves to Salamis,
and other neighbouring places. In that state of exile and
want they continued, contented with all their sufferings, since
rapaid by freedom. Even Lycidas, a senator, who attempted
to propose a submission, was stoned to death, while his vrife
and children net with the same fate from the women; so

92 HISTORY OF 6RBBCB.

strong was the ayeiKion which the Athenians had conceived
against all communications with Persia.

In the mean time the Spartans, whose duty it was to co-
operate with the Athenians with equal ardour, unmindful Off
the general 4)ause, only thought of making preparations for
their own security, and resolved to fortify the isthmus, in
order to binder the enemy from entering into Peloponnesus.
This the Athenians considered as a base and ungrateful de-
fection ; and sent deputies to remonstrate against the Spartan
conduct. These had orders to say, that if Sparta should per-
sist in its partial method of seeking security, the Athenians
would follow their example ; and, instead of suffering all for
Greece, would turn with their fleet to the Persians, who, be-
ing thus masters of the sea, could invade the territory of
Sparta whenever they should think proper. These menaces
had so good an effect, that five thousand men were privately
dispatched, each attended with seven Helotes, and were ac-
tually upon their march before the Spartans gave the Athe<r
man deputies any answer.

Mardonius, at this time, had left Attica, and was on his re-
turn to the country of Boeotia, where he resolved to wait the
approach of the enemy, as he could there draw up his forces
with greater ease than in the hilly parts of Attica, where a
few might be opposed to numbers with greater success. He
encamped by the river Asopus, along the banks of which his
army extended, consisting of three hundred thousand fighting
men.

Great as this army w^s, the Greeks, with much inferior
forces, resolved to meet it in the field. Their forces were by
this time assembled, and amounted to seventy thousand men :
of these, five thousand were Spartans, attended by thirty-five
thousand Helotes. The Athenians amounted to eight thou-
sand, and the troops of the allies made up the remainder. In
the right ¥ring of this army the Spartans were placed, com-^
manded by Cleombrotus ; in the left wing the Athenians, with
Aristides at their head. In this order they followed Mardo*
niusinto Boeotia, determined on trying the fate of a battle, and
encamped at no great distance from them at the foot of Mount
Cythserou. Here they continued for some time, awaiting in

DISSENSIONS OF THE GREEKS. 98

dreadful suspense a battle that was to determiDe the fate of
Greece. Some skirmishiDg between the Persian cavalry and
the wing of the Grecian army, in which the lattier were suc-
cessful^ seemed to give a presage of future victory, which,
however, for ten days, neither side seemed willing to strike
for.

While the two armies were thus opposed, waiting the most
favourable opportunity of engaging, the Greeks, by their mu-
tual dissensions, were on the point of losing their freedom in
satisfying their mutual jealousy. The first dispute that arose
in the army was beg^n by the Tegeans, who contended with
the Athenians upon the point of precedence. They willingly *
allowed the Spartans the command of the right wing, as they
constantly had it ; but they insisted on having the left, alleg-
ing, that they had earned it by former acts of valour and well-
known success. The dispute ran high, a mutinous disposition
began to prevail in all parts of the army, and the enemy were
likely to become victorious without a blow. In this general
spirit of dissension, Aristides only appeared unmoved. Ijong
noted for his impartiality and justice, all parties fixed their
eyes upon him, as the only person firom whom they could ex*
pect a pacification. Wherefore, turning himself to the Spar-
tans, and some of the rest of the confederates, he addressed
them in the following manner : '' It is not now a time, my
fiiends, to dispute of the merit of past services, for all boasting
18 Tain in the day of danger. Let it be the brave man's pride
to own, that it is not the post or station which gives courage, ,
or which can take it away. I head the Athenians : what-
ever post you shall assign us, we will maintain it, and will en-
deavour to make our station, wherever we are placed, the post
of true honour and military glory. We are come hither, not
to contend with our firiends, but to fight with our enemies :
not to boast of our ancestors, but to imitate them. This bat-
tle will distinguish the merit of each city, each commander ;
and the lowest sentinel will share the honour of the day.'*
TUs speech determined the council of war in favour of the
Athenians, who, thereupon, were allowed to maintain their
former station.

A fatal conspiracy, in the midst of the Athenians, threatened
consequences still more dangerous, because they were unseen.

94 HI8T0RY OF 6RBECB.

Some of the best and richest families, who had wasted their
fortunes in the war, and lo9t their credit in the city, entered
into a conspiracy to deliver up Greece into the hands ot the
Persians. Aristides, however, still watchful in the service of
the state, was early informed of their machinations, aod i»>
stantly laid their schemes before the general coimcil. Not*
withstanding, he was contented with having eight of the con-
spirators arrested, and of these, two only were reserved for
trial. Yet his lenity, or, to call it by a tmer name, his pm-^
denoe, would not permit him to act rigorously even against
these : as he knew that severity, in times of general danger,
would but depress the ardour (rf* the army, he permitted them
to escape, and thus sacrificed public justice to puUio so*
carity.

Both armies had now continued for ten days in sight of
each other, in anxious expectation of an engagement, both
willing to begb, yet both afraid to strike, as the aggressor
was to engage 'at a disadvantage. But Mardonius, being bo^
turally of an impatient, fiery disposition, grew very uneasy st
so long a delay. Besides, he had only a few provisions left
for his army, and the Grecians grew every day stronger by the
addition of fresh supplies. He therefore called a council of
war, to deliberate whether he should give battle. Artabains,
a person of singular merit and great experience, was of
opinion, that they should not hazard a battle, but that th^
should retire under the walls of Thebes ; while the enemy,
formed of various troops, and subject to difierent leaders,
would destroy each other by their various dissensions, or might
be partly corrupted to give up the common cause. This
opinion was ihe most reasonable : but Mardonius, spurred on
by his natural impetuosity, and wearied with a protracted war,
resolved to engage, nor had the rest courage to eonlradict his
resolution. The result, therefore, was, that they should give
battle the next day.

This being resolved on the side of Persia, the Greeks wove
not less prepared for the engagement; for they had beense
cretly apprised the night before, by Alexander, king of Mo-^
cedon, of the result of the Persian councils. Pausanias, theie-
fore, the commander in chief, gave orders to his army to pre-
pare themselves for battle ; and, drawing up his forces, placed

BATTLB OP PLATJEA. 96

tJie AAeniaitt on the right, as^ being better acquainted with the
F^rsian manner of fighting, and flushed with fonner success.
Whether it was fear or prudence that suggested this change
to the general, the Athenians took the post of honour with
exultation; nodung was heard among them but mutual eap-
bortasioos to bnnreiy, and a steady resolution to eonqu^ or
fall, fiirt Mardonius, hearing of this alteration ia the dis-
poaitioB of the Grecian army, made an alteration also in his
own. This abo once more produced a change in the dispo-
siticm of the Greeks ; by this changing and rechanging the or-
dm of beittle, nothing farther was done for that day.

At night the Greeks held a council of war, in which it was
resolfed, that they should decamp from their present situation,
and march to another more conveniently situated for water.
As their removal was performed in the night, much disorder
ensued; and in the morning, Mardonius, perceiving them scat-
tered over the plain, su{^osed that they were flyii^, rather
than retreating; he therefore resolved to pursue with his
wlwle army. The Greeks, perceiving his design, soon col*
leded their scattered forces, which the daricness bad dis-
persed but not intimidated, and halting near the little city of
Piataea, there determined to wait the shock of their pursuers.
The baiiMurian forces soon came up to the engagement, with
their accustomed howling, expecting rather to plunder than to
%ht The Lacedsomoniaas, who closed up the rear of the
Grecian army, were the first who supported the shock of the
assaibuits. They were, in some (measure, separated from the
rest of the army by the obstinacy of one of their own regiments,
who considered their retreat as contrary to the idea of Spartan
dis<»pline ; but, still consisting of a formidable body of men,
they were in a capacity of midring head against the invaders.
Collecting themselves, therefore, into a phalanx, they stood
impenetrable and immoveable to all the assaults of the
enemy.

In the mean time, the Athenian troops, who were apprised
of the attack, quickly turned back, in order to assist their al-
lies ; but the Greeks, who were in Persian pay, to the num-
ber of five thousand, intercepted their return. Thus the
battle was divided into tw«, and fought with great ardour in
vavious parts of tlie field. But nothing could resist the weight

96 HISTORY OP GRBBCK.

of the Spartan phalanx, who, after some time, broke in' upon
the Persian forces, and put them into disorder. In this tu«
mult, Mardonius, attempting to destroy the order of battle,
and rushing into the midst of the carnage, was killed by Aim*
nestus, a Spartan, and soon after all his army betook them-
selves to flight. The other Greek troops soon followed tlie
brave example set them by Sparta, and the rout became ge-
neral. Artabazus, who commanded a body of forty thoosaod
Persians, fled with them towards the Hellespont, while the
rest fortified themselves in their camp with wooden ramparts.
There they were attacked by the Spartans, who were not
well skilled in that part of war ; but the Athenians soon came
up to their assistance, and easily effected a breach in this
hasty rampart. It was then that the slaughter of the eoeiny
was indiscriminate and terrible. Of all the Persian army that
had taken refuge there, not four thousand men escaped.
Above an hundred thousand men were put to the sword ; and
the conquerors, willing to rid their country at once of their
terrible invaders, refused to give quarter. Thus ended the
Persian invasions of Greece, nor ever after was the Persian
army seen to cross the Hellespont.

The carnage being at last over, the Greeks buried their
dead, which at most did not amount to ten thousand men ;
and soon after, as a testimony of their gratitude to Heaven*
they caused a statue of Jupiter to be made at the general ex-
pense, which they placed in his temple at Olympia. It was now
that the first funeral games and funeral orations were invented.
They were meant to serve, not only as monuments of honour to
the dead, but as incitements to glory to the living. The
names of the several nations of Greece, that were present in
the engagement, were engraven on the right side of the pe-
destal of the statue that was dedicated to Jupiter ; the Spar-
tans first, the Athenians next, and all the rest in order.

While success attended the Grecian arms by land, they
were not less fortunate at sea. The greatest part of the Per-
sian fleet, after the defeat at Salamis, wintered at Cumas, and
in the spring moved to Samos, both to guard and awe the
coasts of Asia. The Grecians, in the meah while, were
refitting their ships at i£gina ; and, being importuned by the
Samians, they put to sea, under the conduct of Leotychides

BATTLE OF MYCALl. W

Ike Spartan and Xanthippas the Athenian. The Persians,
apprised of their approach, and having long experienced their
own inferiority, would not venture to oppose them at sea, but
drew up their ships upon land at Mycale, a promontory of
Ionia, where they fortified them with a wall and a deep trench,
while they were also protected by an army of sixty thousand
foot, under the command of Tigpranes. This, howeVer, did
not deter the Greeks from venturing to attack them. Leo-'
tychides, having endeavoured to make the lonians revolt,
landed his forces, and the next day prepared for the assault.
fie drew up his army in two bodies; the one, coosisting
chiefly of Athenians and Corinthians, kept the plain, whilst the
other, of Lacedaemonians, marched over the hills and preci-
pices to gain the highest ground. The battle being joined,
great courage and resolution was shown on both sides, and the
fortune of the day continued for a long time in suspense. The
defection of the Greek auxiliaries in the Persian army turned
the fate of the battle; the Persians were soon routed, and
pursued with great slaughter to their very tents. The Athe-
nians had made themselves masters of the field before the
Lacedemonians could come up to their assistance; so that all
the share these had in the action was to disperse some Persian
troops, which were attempting to make a regular retreat: soon
after their ramparts were forced, and all their vessels burnt ;
mo that nothing could be more complete than the victory at
Mycale. Tigranes, the Persian general, and forty thousand
men of Ins army, lay dead on the field of battle; the fleet was
destroyed; and of the great army brought into Europe
by Xerxes, scarcely one man remained to carry back the
tidings.

The battle of Plataea was foyght in the morning, and that
of Mycale in the evening of the same day. But what is very
extraordinary, it is universally afiirmed, that the victory of
I'lataea was known at Mycale before the battle began, though
It is a passage of several days from one place to the other.
It is most probable, that Leotychides framed the report to
encourage his army, and incite them to emulate their asso-
ciates in the cause of freedom.

During these misfortunes, Xerxes, who had been the cause
of all, lay at Sardis, expecting the event of his expedition*

H

HISTORY OF GRBBCfi.

But messengers coming ever; hour, loaded with the news of
some fatal disaster, and finding himself unable to retrieve las
affairs, he retired farther into the country, and endeavoured to
drown in luxury and riot the uneasy reflections of his success-
less ambition. To the want of success abroad was added the
contempt of his subjects at home ; and this brought on a tmio
of treasons, insurrections, sacrilege, murder, incest, and cru-
elty; so that the latter part of his reign was as scandalous as
the first part of it bad been unfortunate.

The Grecian fleet, after the battle of Mycaie, set sail to-
wards the Hellespont, in order to possess themselves of the
bridges which Xerxes had built over that strait; but findiag
them already destroyed by the tempestuous weather, they
returned home. From this time all the cities of Ionia revolted
irom the Persians, and having entered into the general con-
federacy, most of them preserved their liberty during the tone
that empire subsisted.

The treasures which the Persians had brought into Grreeoe
were very great, and, in consequence of their defeat, beoame
a prey to the conquerors. From this period the Greeks be^ni
to lose their spirit of hardy and laborious virtue, and to ed<^t
the refined indolence and captious petulance, and the bound-
less love of pleasure, which extreme wealth is ever known to
produce. The former equality of the people now began to
be broken, and while one part of the inhabitants rioted in
opnlenco and luxury, another was seen pining in want and
despair. It was in vain that philosophy reared its head to
stop these calamities; its voice reaches but to a few; the great
and the little vulgar are equally deaf to its dictates. Froia
this time we are to view a different picture; and, instead of a
brave and refined people, coj^federating against tyranny* we
are to behold an enervated and factious populace, a compt
administration, and wealth alone making distinction*

CHAPTER VIII

VEOM THB VICTORY AT MYGALB TO THB BBGINVINa

OP THB PBJUOPONKBSIAN WAR.

No sooner were the Greeks freed from the ap- a -^ q5<m
prehensioBS of a foreign invasion, than they began
to flntertaiB jealousies of each other. Indeed^ these petty
«Bi«omtie« had all along subsisted among them, but they wer^
kept noder by the sense of general danger. As this collectioii
of republics was composed of states entirely dissimilar ia
mamiiersy interests, and inclinations, it was no w^y surprisipg
to find its parts ever at variance with each other. The first
marks of jealousy, upon the destruction of the Persian amy,
exhibited theaiselves between the Athenians and Spartani,
Hie one a r^oed, ambitiods state, unwilling to admit a sype-
rior in the general confederacy : the other a hardy, unpolished
race, which could never think of admitting a feeble state as an
equaL The Athenians, with their families, being returned to
their own country, began to think of rebuilding the city, whicl^
had been ahnost destroyed during the Persian war. As ev^
new foundation aims at improving the old, they laid a plan of
strengthenrng and extending their walls, and giving their city
at OBce more magnificence and security. This was but na-
taraL However, the Lacedsemonians conceived a jealousy at
this undertaking, and began to think, that Athens, from being
mistress of the seas, would soon attempt usurping all authority
«pon land. They therefore sent an embassy to the Athenians
Xo dissuade them from this undertaking; giving as an osten-
sible reason, the danger such fortifications would be of to the
'geueral confederacy, if they should ever fall into the hands of
the Persians. This message at first appeared reasonable, and
the Athenians put an immediate stop to their undertakiiig;
but Themistodes, who, since the battle of S^amis, continued

h2

100 HISTORY OF GRBBCB.

to gaide in the assemblies of Athens, easily saw through die
pretext, and advised the council to meet their dissimnlation
with similar address. He therefore answered the Spartan
ambassadors, that the Athenians would soon send an embassy
to Lacedaemon, in which they would fully satisfy all fbeir
scruples. Having thus gained time, he procured himself to be
elected for that important negociation, and took care to draw
out the treaty by studied delays. He had previously desired
Aat his colleagues should follow one after another, aod still,
he alleged at Lacedseroon, that he only waited for their arrival
to determine the affair at a single audience. During all this
time the work was carried on at Athens with the utmost
vigour and industry : the women and children, strangers and
slaves, were all employed in it, nor was it interrupted for a
ringle day. It was in vain that the Spartans complained of
this procedure ; it was in vain that they ui^ed Themistocles to
hasten his business; he stedfastly denied the fact, and en-
treated them not to give any credit to loose and idle repcurts.
He desired they would send again, and inquire into the tmtli
of the matter; and at the same time advised the Athenians to
detain the Spartan envoys until he and his colleagues shonU
return. At last, finding all his pretences for delay exhaustedf
he boldly demanded an audience, and knowing that the woilc
was finished, he no longer kept on the mask. He then in-
formed the Spartans, in full council, that Athens was now in
a condition to keep out an enemy, whether foreign or do-
mestic. That what his countrymen had done was conformable
both to the law of nations, and the common interest of Greece.
Every city had a right to consult for its own safety, without
submitting to the advice or control of its neighbours. Thai
what had been done was entirely in consequence of his
advice: and, in short, that whatever injury they offered him,
they must expect it would be returned upon their own ambas-
sadors, who were still detained at Athens. These declarations
extremely displeased the Lacedaemonians; but, either sensible
of their truth, or unwilling to come to an open rupture, they
dissembled their resentment; and the ambassadors on both
sides, having all suitable honours paid them, returned to their
respective cities. Themistocles was received with as much
joy by his'fellow citizens as if he had retnmed from triumph;

POLICY OP THBIilSTOCLBS. lOl

^uid he was ot a disposition to feel those houoors with the
highest delight.

Having thos taken proper precautions for securing the city,
his next care was to strengthen the port, apd form an harbour
«t once spacious and secure. He likewise obt^ed a decree,
that every year they should build twenty vessels, to continue
and augment their force by sea : and, in order to engage the
greater number of workmen and sailors to resort to Athens,
he caused particular privileges and immunities to be granted
to them. His design was to render Athens a maritime city ;
in which he followed a very different system of politics from
their fimrmer governors, who bent all their efforts to alie-
nate the minds of the people from commerce and naval
affiurs.

But as success in one part is apt to lead on to designs still
.more extensive, Themistocles was willing to outstep the
bounds of justice in the prosecution of his darling objects.
He even formed a plan of supplanting Sparta, and making
AthejDS the unrivalled mistress of Greece. On a certain day,
therefore, he declared, in a full assembly of the people, that
he had a very important design to propose, but which could
not be communicated to the public, as the execution required
secrecy and dispatch. He therefore desired they would ap-
point a person to whom he might explain himself, one whose
judgment might direct, and whose authority might confirm him
in his design. It was not easy to miss the wisest and the
best man of the state, and Aristides was unanimously chosen
by the whole assembly, as the properest person to weigh the
justice as well as the utility of the proposal. Themistocles,
therefore, taking him aside, told him, that the design he had
conceived was to bum the fleet belonging to the rest of the
Grecian states, which then lay in a neighbouring port, and
ttoam procure Athens an undisputed sovereignty of the sea.
Aristides, inwardly displeased at the proposal, made no
answer, but returning to the assembly informed them, that
nothing could be more advantageous to Athens than what
Themistocles proposed, but that nothing could be more im-
just The people, still possessed of a share of remaining
virtae, unanimously declined the proposal, without knowing
its contents, and conferred the surname of *' Just" upon

103 HISTORY OF GRBBCK.

AHstides ; a title still the more flattering^ as be bad •# WM
deserved it.

Thus Athens, being restored to peace and sctourtty, once
liiore began to apply to those arts that adorn life and aaemii
fireedom. The people began to assume a greater sbarB in tbe
government of the state than they had hitherto aspired at, aad
steps were every day taken to render the constitation estfirdly
popular. Aristides perceived this, and jnstly dreaded tha
consequences of a democratic government ; he therefore pm-
cured a decree, that the archoDs, who were the ehief litiq;ii-
trates of the state, should be chosen indiscriminately flrom d
ranks of the Athenians without distinction. Thus, by inda%^
ing the citizens in a part of their wishes, he secnred a higal
subordination among the whole.

In the mean time the Grecians, encouraged by their Ibttnei^
victories, resolved to send a fleet to deliver their confederates,
who still groaned beneath the Persian yoke. Pausbniati eoH-
manded the Spartan fleet, while Aristides, and Cimm, die
son of Miltiades, were appointed to conduct the fleeti bf
Athens. Tliis was the first time the latter, who was yet V0ty
young, was placed in a sphere for the exhibition of his vvtoea*
He had formerly suffered himself to be imprisoned ttii be
could pay his father^s fine ; and his piety upon that cteeasifOii
gave the most favourable presage of Us future greiatliefli.
When set at liberty, his services in war soon became tosspi-
isuous ; and it was seen that he acted with the courage trf bk
fktfaer, the judgment of Themistocles, and with ihore sincerity
Iban either. The ingenuous openness of bis temper beiii|^
easily seen, he was opposed in the state as a counterpoise to
the craft and subtlety of Themistocles, and thus advanced td
the highest employments, both at home and abroad. Under
these commanders the allied fleet first directed thmr orarse Id
tbe isle of Cyprus, where they restored all the cities to tbAr
liberty ; then, steering towards the Hellespont, they atltehM
tbe city of Byzantium, of which they made themselves IMI-
ters, and took a vast number of prisoners, many of whom^wvM
of the richest and most considerable families of Persia.

The success of this expedition was not more flattering to
tbe Greeks than in the end prejudicial to them. A deluge of
wealth pouring in, corrupted the simplicity, and tainted lb#

TRKACHBRY OP PAUIBANIAS. lOft

maonera of e?ery rank of people. The AtheniaiiB, already
skilled in the arts of politeness and effeminacy, concealed
their cheuige for a time ; but it soon broke ont among the
Spartans, and Pausanias himself, their commander, was the
first who was infected with the contagion. Being naturally of
an haaghiy and imperious temper, and still more impressed
with the gloomy aasterity of Sparta, he set no bounds to his
ambition ; he treated his officers, and even the confederate
generab, with severity, arrogance, and disdain ; and so much
alienated the minds of the soldiers, that he was forsaken by
aU the confederates, who put themselves under the command
and protection of Aristides and Cimon. This haughty and
impolitic conduct was the means of transferring the sove-
reignty of the sea from the Lacedasmonians to the Athenians ;
it gave a bias to the scale of the Athenian power, which no
snbseqaent effort of the Spartans could possibly counteract
Aristides and Cimon had ever preserved an evenness of con-
duct: afikble, courteous, and obliging, they tempered their
authority with mildness, and won, by their gentle manners,
sttch as they could not engage by their benefits. An opposir
tion 00 mortifying could not but be displeasing to Pausanias.
It was in vain that he attempted to keep up his authority by
pride and ostentation ; his importance sunk with his unpopu-
larity ; and he became contemptible, even to those that still
acknowledged his command.

Perhaps it was from these motives that he resolved to sacri-
fice Us country to his ambition, and give up to the Persians a
state, where he could no longer expect to dictate. Be this as
it will, he made overtures for gaining the favour of Xerxes ;
and, in order to ingratiate himself at the court of that mo-
nareh, he suffered some of his more exalted prisoners to make
fteir escape by night. These prisoners were commissioned
with letters to Xerxes, wherein he offered to deliver up Sparta
and all Greece, on condition that he would give him his
daughter in marriage. Xerxes readily hearkened to the pro-
posal, and referred him to Artabazus, his governor, to concert
measures with him for putting it in execution. He also fur-
nished him with a large sum of money, to be distributed
anioiig such of the Grecian states as would join in the con-

m

104 HISTORY OF GRKKCIi.

How loDg this treaty continued secret we are not toU, but
it was discovered at Sparta before it could be put in exeentioii;
and Pausanias was ordered home to take his trial for the of^
fence. The proofs, however, against him, were not saflideDt
for conviction, as the Ephori had made it a rule never to con-
vict a man but upon the plainest evidence. But his co|Diniaiid
was taken from him, and he retired, still meditating revengOp
and the destruction of his country. It was not long, howevar,
before he received a second summons to appear before the
Ephori, for fresh crimes ; and a number of his own slaves
were found to depose against him. Still, however, he bad the
fortune to come off; the mildness of the Spartan laws, and
the authority of his regal oflSce, which he stiil possessed, con-
spiring to protect him.

Pausanias, having in this manner twice escaped the justice
of his country, would not, however, abandon his base projects,
or sacrifice his resentment to his safety. Immediately upon
his being acquitted, he returned to the sea coasts, without any
authority from the state, and still continued to carry on hii
correspondence with Artabazus. He now acted with sueh
little reserve, that his conduct was known to the Ephori, and
they only wanted information to convict him. While they
were thus perplexed for want of evidence, a certain slave, who
was called the Argilian, cleared their doubts, and came with
proofs which could not be resisted. This man had been em-
ployed by Pausanias to carry a letter to Artabazus, and he
accordingly prepared himself for the expedition ; but, reOect-
ing that many of his fellow slaves had been sent on similar
messages, and seeing none of them return, he was induced to
open the packet of which he was the bearer, and there be dis-
covered the mystery, and his own danger. It seems that Pau-
sanias and the Persian governor had agreed to put to death ail
the messengers they mutually sent to each other as soon as
their letters were delivered, that there might be no possibility
left of tracing out or discovering the correspondence. This
letter he delivered to the Ephori, who were now convinced
that Pausanias was guilty ; but, for a more thorough confirma-
tion, they were willing to have it from himself. For this pur-
pose, they contrived that the slave should take sanctuary in
the temple of Neptune, as for safety and protection, and ua^

DEATH OP PAliSANlA^. 105

der a pretence of supplicating the deity for the infidelity he
had committed. The instant Paiisanias was informed of his
slave's behaviour, he hastened to the temple to inquire the
reason ; where the slave informed him, that, having opened
this letter, he found the contents fatal to himself, and there-
fore took this method of averting the danger?* Pausanias, in-
stead of denying the fact, endeavoured rather to pacify the
slave, and promised him a large reward to bribe his future se*
crecy. But during this interview, the Ephori had privately
posted persons to overhear the conversation, and they soon
divulged his guilt. The moment, therefore, he was returned
to the city, the Ephori resolved to seize him, and from the
aspect of one of these magistrates he plainly perceived his
danger: he therefore flew to take sanctuary in the temple of
Minerva, and got thither before his pursuers could overtake
him. As the religion of the state would not permit his being
taken forcibly from thence, the people stopped up the entrance
with great stones, and, tearing off the roof, left him exposed to
the inclemency of the weather. After a short stay, he was
starved to death : and in this miserable manner died the ge-
neral, who had led on the victorious troops to the field of
Piatfiea.

The fate of Pausanias soon after involved that of Themis-
iocles, who had some time before been banished, and lived in
great esteem at Argos. A passionate thirst of glory, and a
strong desire to command arbitrarily over the citizens, had
made him very odious at Athens. He had built near hb house
a temple in honour of Diana, under this title, " To Diana, the
Goddess of Grood Counsel ;" as hinting his own counsels upon
several important occasions, and thus tacitly reproaching his
fellow citizens of having forgotten them. This, though a small
offence, was sufficient to expel him from so fluctuating and
jealous a state as that of Athens ; but he was now accused of
having participated in, and having been privy to, the designs
of Pausanias. In fact Pausanias had communicated to him all
his designs, but Themistocles had rejected his proposals with
the utmost indignation. But then he concealed his enterprizes,
either thinking it base to betray the secrets tnisted to his con-
fidence, or imagining it impossible for such dangerous and ill-
concerted schemes to take effect. Be this as it will, upon the
downfal of Pausanias, it appeared that a conespondetv^ie W^

106 HISTORY OF GRUBCB.

been carried on between them, and the Laced»nionians Afr-
dared themselves his accusers before the assembly of the peo-
ple of Athens. Such of the chusens as had long either ea-
Tied or feared Themistocles, now joined in the general aoeii-
sation, and urged his death with great acrimony. Aristidea
alone, who had* long been his open opposer, refused to jon
them in this base confederacy against him, and rejected so
mean an opportunity of revenge, being as little inclined to de-
Kght in the misfortunes of his adversary, as he bad befoie
been to envy his successes. It was in vain that Themistoeles
answered by letters to the calumnies laid against him : it was
in vain that he alleged, that a mind like his, disdaining slavery
at home, could think of wishing for it in exile ; the people, toe
strongly wrought upon by his accusers, sent persons to seisB
and bring him before the council of Greece. Fortunately,
however, he had timely notice of their design, and went to
take refuge in the island of Corcyra : to the inhabitants of
which he had formerly done signal services. From thence be
fled to Epirus, and finding himself still pursued by the Athe>
mans, grown at length desperate, he fled to Admetus, king of
the Mulossians, for refuge. There he first practised all the
abject arts of a man obliged to sue to a tyrant for suocoiir.
He had, upon a former occasion, been instrumental in pre-
venting the Athenians from granting aid to this monarch, and
this was now severely remembered against him. Admetns
was from home at the time Themistocles came to implore pro-
tection ; and, upon his return, he was surprised to find his ^oU
adversary, who had come to put himself under his protection.
As soon as the king appeared, Themistocles took that mo-
narch's young son in his arms, and, seating himself amidst the
honsehoald gods, informed him of the cause of his arrival, and
implored his clemency and protection. Admetus, snrpriied
and moved with compassion at seeing the greatest man of
Greece an humble suppliant at his feet, raised him immedintriy
firom the ground, and promised him protection. Accordingly,
when the Athenians and Lacedaemonians came to demand him,
he refused absolutely to deliver up a person who had made Ins
palace an asylum, in the firm persuasion that it would afford him
safety and protection. Thus continuing to spend the dose of
life in indolence and retirement, having learned to pardon and
despise die ingratitude of bis comtry, he expected at least

BXILB or THEMISTOCIiBS. 107

thtir forgiTeiieas. Bat the Athenians and Lacedsmonians
woald not suffer him to live in peace, and still insisted on
kaying him delivered up. In this exigence, as the king found
himself unable to protect his illastrions guest, he resolved to
promote his escape. He was therefore put on board a
me^hantsbip, which was sailing to Ionia, and his quality con*
cealed with the utmost precaution. A storm having carried the
ship near the island of Naxos, then besieged by the Athe-
nians, the immiiient danger he was in of falling into their
hands compelled him to discover himself to the pilot, and pre-
vailed upon him to steer for Asia ; where, arriving at Cumss,
a city of j£olia, in Asia Minor, he was from thence sent under
a strong guard, and in one of those covered chariots in which
the Persians were accustomed to convey their wives, to the
oonrt of Sardis.

When the unfortunate exile was arrived at the palace of the
voluptuous monarch of the country, he waited on the captain
of the guazd, requesting as a Grecian stranger to have per-
itussinn to speak with the king. The officer informed him of
a ceremony, whidb he knew was insupportable to some Greeks,
bat without which none were allowed that honour : this was to
^di prostrate before the Persian monarch, and to wcMrship Urn
w the living image of the gods on earth. Themistocles, who
was never scrupulous of the means of obtaining what he sought,
flromised to comply, and falling on his face before the king,
m the Persian manner, declared his name, his country, and
ttusfortumSi. " I have done," cried he, ** my ungratrfdl
toontry semees more than once, and I am now come to offer
those services to you. My life is in your hands : yon may now
ekertyoor elemency, or display your vengeance : by the former
jpott will preserve a faithful suppliant ; by the latter you will
4estiwy the greatest enemy to Greece." The king made him
tto answer at tiiis audience, though be was struck with admi-
TOlfba at his eloquence and intrepidity ; but he soon gave a
loose to his joy for the event. He told his courtiers, that he
^considered the arrival of Themistocles as a very happy inci-
^ieM, and wished that his enemies would for ever pursue the
oafene destructive methods of bamshing from among them the
-^^obd and wise. His joys were even continued in a dream. At
tnght'he Was seefi to start ftxHU his sleep, and three times to
nry oat, '* I have got Themistocles, the Atheman." lS.Ci «^«fi

106 HISTORY 01? GREfiCfi.

gave him three cities for his support, and had him mmtaiiied
10 the utmost afiBuence and splendour. It is said, that such
was his favour at the Persian court, and so great was the con-
sideration in which he was held by all ranks of mankind, Aat,
one day at table, he was heard to cry out to his wife and
children that were placed there, " Children, we should hate
been certainly ruined, ii' we had not been formerly undone/' -

In this manner he lived in affluence and contented slavciy,
until the king began to think of employing his talents in send-
ing him at the head of an army against Athens. Althoogh
Themistocles professed himself an open enemy to that state,
yet he still harboured a latent affection for it, which no resent-
ment could remove. The consciousness that he should be in-
strumental in overturning a city which had been made to flon-
rish by his counsels, gave him inexpressible pain. He found
himself at last unable to sustain the conflict between bis gra-
titude to the king and his love to his country ; and therrfoie
resolved upon dying, as the only means of escaping from hk
perplexity. He therefore prepared a solemn sacrifice, to
which he invited all his friends, when, after embracing them
all, and taking a last farewell, he swallowed poison, which soon
put an end to his life. He died at Magnesia, aged threescore
and five years, the greatest part of which he had spent in the
intrigues and bustles of active employment. Themistodes
seemed to unite in himself all the prominent features of the
Greek character ; sagacious, eloquent, and brave, yet unprin-
cipled, artful, and mercenary ; with too many virtues ever to
be mentioned as a despicable character, and too many defects
ever to be considered as a good one.

In the mean time, while Themistocles was thus become the
sport of fortune, the just Aristides attempted a nobler path to
glory. It has already been observed, that the command df
Greece had passed from Sparta to the Athenians ; and it was
agreed among the body of the states, that their common trea-
sure, for carrying on the expenses of the war, should be lodged
in the island of Delos, under the custody of a man of a clear
head and an uncomipt heart. The great question, therefore,
was, where to find a man to be trusted with so important a
charge, and stedfastly known to prefer the public interest to
his own. In this general disquisition, all parties at last east
their eyes on Aristides, of whom Themistocles used jestingly

i

CHARACTBR OF ARISTIDSS. l09

say, that be had no other merit than that of a strong box,
keeping safely what was committed to his charge.
The condact of Aristides, in his discharge of this duty, only
^rved to confirm the great opinion mankind had formed of
is integrity. He presided over the treasury with the care of
^ father over his family, and the caution of a miser over what
lie liolds dearer than life. No man complained of his ad-
Kninistration, and no part of the public money was exhausted
in vain. He, who thns contributed to make government rich,
^nwas himself very poor ; and so far was he from being ashamed
of poverty, that he considered it as glorious to him as all the
^victories he had won. It happened, upon a certain occasion,
tliat GalKas, an intimate friend and relation of Aristides, was
sammoned before the judges for some offence ; and one of
^e chief objections alleged against him was, that, while he
volled in affluence and luxury, he suffered his friend and rela-
tion, Aristides, to remain in poverty and want. Upon this
occasion Aristides was called upon, when it appeared that
CalUas had often offered to share his fortune with him, but
that be declined the benefit ; asserting, that he only might be
said to want, who permitted his appetites to transgress the
bounds of his income; and that he, who could dispense
^th a few things, thus rendered himself more like the gods,
that -want for nothing.

- In this manner he'lived, just in his public, and independent
in his private capacity. His house was a public school for
^rtne, and was open to all young Athenians, who sought wis-
dlooi, or were ambitious of power. He gave them the kindest
x-eception, heard them with patience, instructed them with fa-
siiliarity, and endeavoured, above all things, to give them a
just value for themselves. Among the rest of his disciples,
Cimon, who afterwards made such a distinguished figure in
the state, was one of the foremost.

History does not mention the exact time or place of his
death ; but it pays the most glorious testimony to his disin-
terested character, in telling us, that he, who had the absolute
disposal of all the public treasures, died poor. It is even as-
serted, that he did not leave money enough behind him to pay
^he expenses of his funeral, but that the government was
oU^ed to bear the charge of it, and to maintain his family.
His daughters were married, and his son su\>s\sled ^1 V\\e ^^-

110 HISTORY OF GRUBCE«

pense of the public : and some of his grandchildren ware sap-
ported by a pension, equal to that which such received as had
been victorious at the Olympic games. But the greatest
honour which his countrymen paid to his memory was in
giving him the title of Just, a character far superior to all tlM
empty titles of wisdom or conquest ; since fortune or asddeat
may confer wisdom or valour, but the virtues of morally
solely of our own making.

Athens being in this manner deprived of the counsels
integprity of her two greatest magistrates, room was now mads
for younger ambition to step forward; and Cimon, the mm of
Miltiades, promised to act his part with dignity and hoaev.
Cimon had spent 'his youth in excesses, from the bad effect of
which it was thought no effort could extricate hinu Wliea lie
first offered to gain public favour, he was so ill received by the
people, prejudiced against him for his former follies, that be
suffered the most cruel neglect. But, though he was pes-
sessed of courage and abilities, he began to lay aside all
thoughts of public respect, being contented with humbler satis-
factions. But Aristides perceiving that the dissolute tnm ef
mind was united with many great qualifications, he inspired
him with fresh hopes, and persuaded him once more lo reoew
the onset. He now, therefore, entirely changed his conduct,
and, laying aside his juvenile follies, aimed at nothing bat
what was great and noble. Thus he bebame not inferior to
Miltiades in courage, or to Themistocles in prudence, and
was not far surpassed by Aristides in integrity.

The first expedition of any note, to the command of which
Cimon was appointed, was of the fleet destined to scour the
Asiatic seas. When he was arived at Caria, all the Grecian
cities upon the sea-coast immediately came over to him ; and
the rest, which were garrisoned by the Persians, were taken
by storm. Thus, by his conduct, as well as by his intelligence,
the whole country from Ionia to Pamphylia declared against
the power of Persia, and joined in the association with
Greece.

The capture of the city of Eion is too remarkable to ba
passed over in silence. Boges was governor, who held it for
his master, the king of Persia, with a firm resolution to save
it, or perish in its fall. It was in his power to have capita-
lated with the besiegers, and Cimon had often offered him

i

SUCCfiSSBS OP CIMON. HI

very advantageovB tenns ; bat, prefeniog Jus honour to his
safety, kerdecKiied all treaty, and defended his station with
ineredtUe fury, till he found it no longer possible to continue
Us defence. Being at last in the utmost want of provisions,
he threw all his treasures from the walls into the river Stry-
mon, after which, killing his wife and children, he laid them
upon a pile, which he had erected for that purpose, and then
setting fire to the whole, rushed and expired in the midst of
the flames.

From thence Cimon repaired to Scyrus, an island inhabited
by a set of piratical Pelasgi and Dolopians. Having attacked
and dispersed these banditti, he planted some Athenian colo-
nies along the shores of the JEges^n sea ; the trade of which
was now laid open to the Greeks. He next carried the arms
of Greeoe into Euboea, where he procured the alliance of the
Caiystians, on terms of his own proposing. He now reduced
Kaxos to obedience ; but, having found the inhabitants very
obstinate and refractory, he judged it proper to deprive them
of their freedom. This is the first instance in which any de*
peodeDt oity was enslaved, without the concurrence of the
confederacy. But such stretches of power soon became com--
moa to dl the leading states in Greece. The Athenians had
imposed taxes on many of the colonies, and of the cities and
isliuids that had been conquered. These taxes the people
sirfMnitted to with much reluctance; and, whenever they saw
^ promising opportunity, they were sure to revolt. Hence
^was afforded a plea, for the first Grecian general that might
overeome such a people, to rob them of their liberty.

Cimon, thus proceeding from one conquest to another, was

^t last informed, that the whole Persian fleet was anchored at

^iie month of the river Eurymidon, where they expected a re-

mmforcement of ships from Phoenicia, and therefore deferred

^ui engagement till then. The Athenian general, however,

v-QsoWed, if possible, to prevent this junction, and ranged his

S^U^P ^ <i*Msh a posture as to prevent it, and yet compel the

«n«ny to an engagement It was in vain that the Persian

Seat retired fiuther up the mouth of the river, the Athenians

itiH pwsoed them up the stream, until they were obliged to

ipwftte for battle. The Persians, having the superiority of a

^Hmdred sail, maintained the conflict for some time with great

intrepidity ; but, being at last forced on shore, iW.y wYio caxaA

112 IIISTORV UP (iREBCK.

first threw themselves upon land, leaving their empt^ Tesse

to the enemy. Thus, besides what were sunk, the Atheniairi^ joa

took above two hundred ships ; and, following their blow

lend, the Greek soldiers, jumping from their stiips, and se

up a shout, ran furiously upon the enemy, who sustained

first shock with great resolution. But, at length, the

valour surmounted the enemy's desperation ; a total rent ^

the Persians ensued, numbers were made prisoners, and *

great quantity of plunder seized, which was .found in

tents. Thus the Greeks obtained a double victory by sea

land upon the same occasion.

Cimon, having returned successful from this expedition,
solved to expend those treasures, which he had taken in
in beautifying and adorning his native city. A taste for
tecture had for some time been gaining ground in Greece, am
the Athenians gave the world examples in this art, that sur
pass all others to this very day. Victories so very humiliatini
to the pride of Persia, induced that empire at last to think
peace ; and, after some time, a treaty was concluded, in w
the terms were very honourable on the side of Greece. I
was stipulated, that the Grecian cities in Asia sboold be le:
in quiet enjoyment of their liberty, and that both the land and
sea forces of the Persians should be kept at such a distance
from the Grecian seas, as not to create the smallest suspicion.
Thus entirely ended the Persian war, which had kept the
Grecian states united, and called all their abilities into exer-
tion ; from that time forward, those enmities, which were dis-
sipated upon the common foe, began to be turned opon each
other: the Greeks lost all warlike spirit in petty jealonsies,
and, entirely softened by the refinements and luxuries d
peace, prepared themselves for submission to the first invader
of their freedom.

About this time the study of philosophy was carried from
Ionia to Athens, by Athenagoras the Clazomenian. Poetry
was, at the same time, cultivated by Simonides, of the island
of Ceos, who sung the exploits of his country in a style be-
coming their valour. His writings, however, have not had
merit enough to preserve them from oblivion ; and it may be
asserted, that mankind never suffer any work to be lost, which
tends to make them more wise or happy.

CHAPTER IX.

\OM THB PEACE WITH PERSIA TOTHB PBAGK OF

NIGIAS.

B state of Athens, being thus, in a great measure, freed
m its fears of a foreign enemy, began to cherish intestine
mosities, and its citizens laboured with every art to sup-
nt each other in aiming at places of trust and authority.
sides CimoD, who, by general consent, had been appointed
Mmdact the fleet and army, others endeavoured to take the
1 at home, and to govern with less hazard the operations
the state. The foremost in this attempt was Pericles, who
B mucli younger than Cimon, and of a quite different cha-
ter. Pericles was descended from the greatest and most
0friou8 families of Athens: his father, Xantippus, defeated
Persians at Mycale; and his mother, Agarista, was neice
3aUisthenes, who expelled the tyrants, and established a
alar government in Athens. He had early thoughts of
ig ID the state, and took lessons from Anaxagoras, in the
oaofdiy of nature. He studied politics with great assiduity,
particularly devoted himself to eloquence, which, in a
radar state, he considered as the fountain of all promotion.
I studies were crowned with success; the poets, his con-
iporaries, affirm that his eloquence was so powerful, that,
I dmnder, he shook and astonished all Greece. He had
ait of uniting force and beauty ; there was no resisting
strength of his arguments, or the sweetness of his delivery.
Doydides, his great opponent, was often heard to say, that,
ngii he had often overthrown him, the power of his per-
oon was such, that the audience could never perceive him

to this eloquence he added also a thorough insight into
■MD nature, as well as a perfect acquaintance with the dis-
■tiott of Ids auditors. It was a constant saying with him to

1

114 HISTORY OF GRBBCK.

himself, '' Remember, Pericles, thou art going to speak to
bom in the arms of liberty, and do thou take care to flatter them
in their ruling passion." He resembled the tyrant Pisistratas,
not only in the sweetness of his voice, but the features of his
face, and his whole air and manner. To these natural and
acquired graces he added those of fortune ; he was very rich,
and had an extensive alliance with all the most powerful &-
miiies of the state.

The death of Aristides, the banishment of Themistodes,
and the absence of Cimon, gave opportunities to his growing
ambition. Yet he at first concealed his designs with the mort
eantious reserve, till, finding the people growing more and
more in his interest, he set himself at their head, and oppoaed
the principal men- of the state with great appearance of disin-
terested virtue. The chief obstacle to his rise was Cimoa,
wboae candour and liberality had gained him a numerous party
of ail ranks and denominations. In opposition to him» Peri-
cles called in popular assistance; and, by expending the
public money in bribes, largesses, and other distributions, he
easily gained the multitude to espouse his interests.

Thus having laid a secure foundation in popularity, be next
struck at the council of the Areopagus, composed of the most
respectable persons of all Athens; and, by the assistance of one
Ephialtes, another popular champion, he drew away most
causes from the cognizance of that court, and brought the
whole order into contempt. In this manner, while Cimon was
permitted to conduct the war abroad, he managed all the sup-
plies at home ; and, as it was his interest to keep Cimon at a
dutance, he took care to provide him with a sufficiency of fi>>
reign employment.

In this state of parties at Athens, an insurrection of the
Helotas, or Lacedsemonian slaves, gave an opportunity of
trying the strength of either. These men, who had, for ae-
Teral centuries, groaned under the yoke of oppression, and
had been excluded from all hopes of rising, merely by the in-
fluence of an unjust prejudice, at last took up arms against
their masters, and threatened no less than the destruction of
the Spartan state. In this extremity the Lacedadmoniani sent
to Athens to implore succour; but this was opposed by Eph^
altes, who declared, that it would be no way advisable to an-

DISSENSIONS IN GREBCK. US

\, cftim make a rival city powerful by their assistance.
On tke atker hand, Gimon espoused the cause of Sparta, de-
<^ring, that it was weak and inconsistent to maim the Grecian
confederacy, by suffering one of its members to be tamely
lopped away, flis opinion for this time prevailed: he was
pennitted to march forth, ult the head of a numerous body, to
tlieir irfhC ad the insurrection was quelled at their approach.
But, shortly after, the mischief broke out afresh. The Helotes
fXWseMed IhasaeWes of the strong fortress of Ithome, and the
Spartans i^in petitioned for Athenian assistance. It was
mow that the party of Pericles was found to prevail, and the
Z^acednmonians were refused a compliance with their de-
mands. Thus left to finish the war with their insurgent slaves
in the best manner they could, after besieging Ithome, which
lield oot for ten years, they at last became 'masters of it, spar-
in; the lives of those who defended it, upon condition of leav-
ing Pekyponnesus ever after.

In the mean time, the refusal on the side of Athens, and
some infignities said to have been received from the Lacedas-
saonians, revived a jealousy that had long subsisted between
Cliese ifral states, which contiaued thenceforward to operate
yritb greater or more diminished influence, until both were ut-
terly nnable to withstand the smallest efforts of foreign in-
vasioD.

The first instance the Athenians gave of their resentment
was to banish Cimon, who had been a favourer of the Spartan
<3anae» for tea yens, firom the city. They next dissolved their
aillianee with Sparta, and entered into a treaty with the Ar-
^Ten, the professed enemies of the former. The slaves of
Ilfcome were abo taken under Athenian protection, and set-
ded with their fiEunilies at Naupactns. All the privileges of
iahjects were demanded in behalf of the Athenians
in Lacedsemon; and all the benefits of the Spartan
lawa, hi behalf of their own dependent cities. But what
eoBtribotad to widen the breach still more, the city of Megara,
iwroHhig firooi its alliance with Sparta, was protected and
inrisoned by the Athenians: thus was laid the foundation of
^iifetprate hatred, which ended in the mutual destruction
<>fVoai states.
Tk dbief active to fliis insolent and treacherous condud

I 2

116 HISTORY OP GRBBCK.

of the Athenians was the high tone of saperioiity which th^i

had assumed ever since the victory of Plataea. That

had raised them to the same national eminence with the La-.

cedsemonians. Their ideas of grandeur and rank had,

that period, been fostering. It was not, in theur opiniomr^iOj

sufficient that they were accounted equal to the Spartans;' the^^^^cy

most needs be looked upon as their superiors. They theiefuiv m^^re

call themselves the *' Protectors of Greece:*' they desire

the convention of the state shall be held at Athens; and it

termine to avenge the slightest affront by the edge of th»

sword.

As in all beginning enmities, several treaties were
intOy and several leagues concluded on both sides, till at las
they came to a for...al rupture. Two pitched battles
the Athenians and Corinthians, in which either side was alter — '
nately victorious, sounded the alarm. Another followed be-
tween the Athenians and Spartans at Tanagra, in which Ci —
mon, forgetting the injury he had sustained from his eountrys.
came to its assistance ; but the Athenians suffered a defeats
A month or two after, another engagement happened, and tl
Athenians were in their turn victorious. The conduct of Ci- — *'
mon again restored him to public favour; he was recalled from^^^^

banishment, in which be had spent five years; and it was Pe ' ^'

ricles, his rival, who first proposed the decree.

The first use Cimon made of his return was to reconcile
the two rival states to each other; and this was so far effected
outwardly, that a truce for five years was concluded between
them. This led the way to exerting the power of the state
npon a more distant enemy. By his advice, a fleet of two
hundred sail was manned, and destined, under his command,
to conquer the island of Cyprus. He quickly sailed, overran
the island, and laid siege to Cytium. Here, being either
wounded by the defendants, or wasted by sickness, he began
to perceive the approaches of dissolution ; but, still mindful of
his duty, he ordered his attendants to conceal his death, antil
their schemes were crowned with success. They obeyed with
secrecy and success. Thirty days after he was dead, the army,
which still supposed itself under his command, gained a signal
victory; thus he died not only in the arms of conquest, bat
gained battles merely by the efficacy of his name. With Ci-

POWBR OP PBRIGLBS. 117

moDi in a great measure, expired the spirit of glory in Athens.
As he was the last> so he was the most successful of the Gre-
cian heroes* Such was the terror of the Persians at his name,
that they universally deserted the sea coasts, and would not
come within four hundred furlongs of the place where he could
possibly be ejected.

Pericles being now, by the death of Cimon, freed from a
potent rival, set himself to complete the work of ambition
which he had begun ; and, by dividing the conquered lands,
amnidng the people with shows, and adorning the city with
public buildings, he gained such an ascendant over the minds
of tl^ people, that he mig^t be said to have attained a mo-
narchical power in Athens. He found means to maintain, for
eight months in the year, a great number of poor citizens, by
putting them on board the fleet, consisting of threescore ships,
which he fitted out every year. He planted several colonies
in the many places which had lately submitted to Athens. By
this he cleared the city of a great number of idle persons, yho
were ever ready to disturb the goverment, and were, at the
same time, unable to subsist. But the public buildings, which
he. raised, the ruins of some of which subsist to this day, are
sufficient to endear his name to posterity. It is surprising,
that in a city not noted for the number of its inhabitants, and
in so short a space of time as that of his administration, such
laborious, expensive, and magnificent works could be per-
formed. All the arts of architecture, sculpture, and painting,
were exhausted in his designs ; and what still remain, continue
to this hour as inimitable models of perfection. To efl:ect these
great, works, he, in some measure, had recourse to injustice,
and availed himself of those treasures which had been supplied
by Greece for carrying on the war with Persia, and which,
having been lodged at Delos, he had address enough to get
transported to Athens, where he expended them in securing
ins own power by all the arts of popularity. By these means
Athens became so much admired and envied by her neigh-
Iwnrs, that it went by the name of the " Ornament;" and
^when it was urged, that the common treasure was squandered
^^way in these works of show, Pericles answered, that the peo-
ple of Athens were not accountable to any for their conduct;
^or they had the best right to the treasures of the confederated

n8 HISTORY OP GREBCB.

states, who took the greatest eare to defend then* Hn adcfcijl,
that it was fit that iugeniotts artisans should have their ahaw of
the public money, since there was still enough left for
on the war.

These were rather the arguments of power thai|
of a man already in possession, than willing, upon just gromidSy
to relinquish what he claimed. It was seen, not oidy bj Ihe
wiser citizens, but all the states of Greece, that he waa
daily striding into power, and that he would, as Piaistvata»
had done before, make the people the fabricators of their own
chains. For remedying this growing evil, the hernia of tb»
eity opposed Thucydides to his growing power, and nttfyfind
to restrain his career by opposing eloquence to popularity.

Thucydides was brother-in-law to Cimon, and had dtsfilmyad
bis wisdom on numberless occasions. He was not poataoMi
of the military talents of his rival, but his eloquence gasre bint
a very powerful influence over the people^ As be never left
the city, he still combated Pericles in all Us meaaves^ aai
for a while brought down the ambition of fab rival to tba
standard of reason.

But his efforts could not long avail against the peranaatvo
power and corrupt influence of his opponent. Peridas every-
day ganied new ground, till he at last found himself poaaesaed
of the whole authority of the state. It was then that be b^^
to change his behaviour, and, from acting the fawniog and
hofmble suppliant, he assumed the haughty airs of royalty*
He now no longer submitted himself to the caprice of ^
people, but ehanged the democratic state of Athena into a
kind of monarchy, without departing, however, from tbe pah*
lie good. He would sometimes indeed win his fellow ciliieaa
over to his will ; but, at other times, when he found them ok«
stinate, be would in a manner compel them to consult tbeir
own interests. Thus, between power and persuasion, pobKo
profusion and private economy, political falsehood and private
integrity, Pericles became the principal ruler at Athena, mod
all such as were his enemies became the enemies of tbe
state.

It is not to be wondered, tibat this prosperous and vag'-
nificent state of Athens was not a little displeasing to tbe rival
states of Greece, especially as its stetr of splendour waa, id

CAUSE OE THli PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 119

9one measare, formed from their contribations. The Spar-
tans, particolarij, still continued to regard this growing city
with envy, and soon showed their displeasure, by refusing to
send deputies to Athens, to consult about repairing the temple
that had been burnt down during the wars with Persia. The
successes of Pericles, against the enemy in Thrace, still more
increased their uneasiness ; and particularly when sailing round
PelopooDesus with an hundred ships, he protected the allies,
of Greece, and granted their cities all they thought fit to ask
iim. These successes raised the indignation of Sparta, while
Uiqr intoxicated Athens with ideas of ambition, and opened
mm inlets for meditating conquest. The citizens now began
to talk of attempts upon Egypt, of attacking the maritime
pfO?iiicea of Persia, of carrying their arms into Sicily^ and of
extending their conquests from Italy to Carthage. These
were Tiews beyond their power, and that rather marked their
pride than their ability or wisdom.

An expedition against Samos, in favour of the Milesians^
who had craved their assistance, was the beginning of this
raptnre, which never after was closed up. It is pretended,
thait Pericles fomented this war to please a famous courtezan
aamed Aspasia, of whom he was particularly enamoured*
After aeveral events and battles, not worth the regard of hi»-
tarj, Pericles besieged the capital of Samos with tortoises and
Wttermg rams, which was the first time these military engines
liad been employed in sieges. The Samians, after sustaining
months' siege, surrendered. Pericles razed their walls,
them of their ships, and demanded immense >sunu
to defray the expenses of the war. Flushed with this success,

retoraed to Athens, buried all those who had lost their lives

tlie siege in the most splendid manner, and pronounced
funeral oration.

A mptnie now between the Athenians and Qttfyn

seemed inevitable. Pericles,
% to anticipate the designs of the rival state, advised

it aid should be sent to the people of Corcyra, whom the
^Jorintfaians, assisted by the Lacedaemonians, had invaded.

Ardie quarrel between the Corey reans and Corinthians
^ave rise to the great Peloponnesian war, which soon after
nnrohed all Oreeoe, it will be necessary to give a slight ac-

120 HISTORY OP 6RBBCE.

coimt of its originaL Epidamnns was a colony of the Gorej

fesMB, which, growing first rich, and soon after factiooSy hm» — *
nished the chief of her citizens. The exiles joining with the
niyrians, brought the Epidamnians so low, that thej were
obliged to send to Corcyra, their parent city, for assistanoe.
The Corcyreans rejecting their request, they had recoime to
Corinth ; and giving themselves up to that state, were taken
under its protection. This, however, the Corcyreaua began
to resent, and, having been remiss in affording assistance them-
selves, resolved to punish such as should offer any. A rapture
took place between the Corinthians and Corcyreans, some na-
val engagements ensued, in which the Corcyreans, beiog
worsted, had recourse, as has been already observed, to tibe
Athenians for support, who sent some naval succours, whioh,
however, proved of no great efficacy in their defence.

From this war arose another ; for Potidsa, a city belonging
to Athens, declaring for Corinth, these two states, from being
accessaries, became principals, and drew their forces into the
field near Potidaea, where a battle ensued, in whtch the Athe-
nians had the victory. It was in this battle that Socrates
saved the life of Aleibiades, his pupil ; and, after the battle
was over, procured him the prize of valour, which he himself
had more justly earned. The city of Potidsea was soon after
besieged, in consequence of this victory, and the Corinthians
complained to the states of Greece against the Athenians, as
having infringed the article of peace. The LacedGemonians,
in particular, admitted them to an audience, where the depu-
ties of Corinth endeavoured to rouse them into a sense of their
danger from the ambitious designs of Athens ; and threatened,
if left unprotected, to put themselves under the command of a
power strong enough to grant them protection and safety.
After hearing what the Athenians had to reply, the Spartans
came to a close debate among themselves, wherein it was
universally agreed that the Athenians were the aggressors,
and that they should be reduced to a just sense of their doty.
But the dispute was, whether war should be immediately de-
clared against them, or remonstrances made to bring them to
reason. Archidamus, one of their kings, a man of prudence
and temper, was of opinion, that they were not at this time a
nuitch for Athens, and ondeavourf^d to dissuade them from

THB PBLOPONNBSIAN WAR^ 1^

•

ildiig intoia flKinghtiess and improvident war. Bat Stbene-
laides, one of the Ephori, urged the contrary, alleging, that
^when once ^y had received an injury, they ought not to de-
liberate, bat that revenge should follow insult. Accordingly a.
war mM declared, and all the confederates were made ac«
quainted wiA the resolution.

War being thus resolved upon, in order to give a colour of
justice to their designs, the Lacedeemonians began by sending
ambassadors to Athens ; and, while they made preparations for
acting with vigour, still kept up a show of seeking redress by
tieatf • They required of the Athenians the expulsion of some
who had profaned the temple of Minerva at Cylon from their
rity : they demanded that the siege of Potidaea should be
raised, and that the Athenians should cease to infringe upon
the liberties of Greece.

Pericles now saw, that, as he had led the Athenians into a
war, it was incumbent upon him to inspire them with courage
to prosecute it with vigour. He showed his countrymen, that
even trifles, extorted from them with an air of command, were
in themselves a sufficient ground for war ; that they might
promise themselves a considerable share of success from the
division in the confederated councils of their opponents ; that
they had shipping to invade their enemy's coasts, and their
city, being well fortified, could not easily be taken by land.
He concluded with telling them the absolute necessity there
lias for war ; and that the more cheerfully they undertook it^
the easier it would be to bring it to a happy conclusion. That
the greatest honours had generally recurred to their state from
the greatest extremities; that this should serve to animate
ikem in its defence, so as to transmit it with undiminished ho-
near to poste^ty. The people, giddy, fond of change, and
untenified by distant dangers, readily came into his opinion ;
and, to give some colour to their proceedings, returned evasive
answers to the Spartan demand ; and concluded with asserting,
that they desired to adjust all differences by treaty, as unwilling
to begin a war; but, in case of danger, they would defend
themselves with desperate resolution.

Thus the people, from their love of change, entered hastily
into the war, but Pericles was personally interested in its de-
daratioD. He . was deeply indebted to the state, and knew

MI8TORY OF GRKBCK.

* tibat a time of peaee was the only opportoni^ kfc

oonld'be called upon to settle his accounts. It .. tJd
Akibiades, his nephew, seeing him one day very pensive, <
demanding the reason, was answered, that he was coi
how to make up his accounts. ^* You had better,** said
** consider how to avoid being accountable." Beaida
Pericles, finding no happinesa in domestic society, gmwe
afM up to the allurements of his mistress Aspasia, whoss inl^S''^
aed Tivacity had captivated aU the poets and philosopfaerr
die age, Socrates himself not excepted. She was ineliiiad
oppose the Spartan state; and he, in some measuiey
Aonght to have acquiesced in her advice.

War being thus resolved on, on every side, the first daiwa
of success seemed to ofler in favour of Athens ; Ibe cily
Platasa, that had lately declared for them, was sarpiiaaii by
three hundred Thebans, who were l6t in by a party of the
town that joined in the conspiracy. But a part of the
Umi had espoused the opposite interests, falling upon
the night, killed a part, and took two hundred prisonen, who,
a little time after, were put to death. The Athenians, as sooa
as the news was brought of this action, sent succours and pro-
visions thither, and cleared the city of all persons wiio were
incapable of bearing arms. From this time all Greece ap-
peared in motion ; every part of it took a side in the cmnmoo
quarrel, except a few states, who continued neuter till they
should see the event of the war. The majority were te te
Lacedaemonians, as being the deliverers of Greece, and «§•
poosed their interests with ardour. On their side were ranged
the Achaians, the inhabitants of Pellene excepted, the people
of Megara, Locris, Boeotia, Phocis, Ambracia, Leucadia, and
Anactorium. On the side of Athens were the people of
Chiosy Lesbos, Platssa, many of the islands and several tri-
butary maritime states, including those of Thrace, PotUhea
excepted.

The LacedsBmonians, immediately after their attempt iipoa
PlatsM, assembled a body of men, making up, with their ooa-
federates, sixty thousand in number. Archidamus, who coa^
OMUided the army, harangued them in an anunated speech.
He told them, that the eyes of all Greece were upon Aem;
ttat they were superior in numbers, and were to oppose an

THE SPARTANS INVADK ATTICA. ISt

Bfii«iil)^iB&noriii nnmber, bat oppmscd witli the
aoiiflMB of tiieir own violence and injostioe. He ea&*
Iwrted then to march boldly into the country they wem aboot
to eDtnr, widi that courage for which they had been long
fiMnona^ and with that caution which was requisite against so
insidHHM an adversary. The whole army answered with an
acnbanation of joy; and thus that war, which was to be the
destrattioB of Greece^ was commenced in a frsnay of trans>
port by its shortsi^ted inhabitants, who hurried on to mutual

Petides, on the other hand, prepared Us scanty body of
Athenians to meet the threatened blow. He declared to the
^.thaniani, that should Archidamus, when he was hiying waste
&e Athman tenilories, spare any part of those lands that
beloaged to Peiieles himself, he would only consider it as a
look to impoee upon Athenian credulity ; he, therefore, gave
up all his property in those lands, and resigned them back to
Ike stato, from which his ancestors had orig^ally received
them. He declared to the people, that it was their interest
to pirotraet the wv, and to let the enemy be ruined by delay.
He advised them to remove all their effects from their coun-
try, and to shut tfiemselves up in Athens without ever hazard-
lag a battfe. Their troops indeed were but veiy scanty, com-
pared to those they were to oppose ; they amounted but to
thnieea thousand heavy armed soldiers, sixteen thousand in-
habilants, and twelve hundred horse, with a body of archers
abont double that number. This was the whole army of the
Atheoiaas; but their chief strength consisted in a fleet of
Ihrae hndied galleys, which, by continually infesting and
phodering the enemy's coast, raised contributions suflbsient
to defray the expense of the war.

Impnosed with the exhortation of Pericles, the Athenians,
with a mixture of grief and resolution, forsook the culture of
their fields, and carried all their possessions that could be con-
▼eyed away with them into Athens. They had now enjoyed
the sweets of peace for near filFty years, and their lands bore
an appearance of wealth and industry ; but, from the fate of
war, they were once more obliged to forsake culture for en-
oanipBient, the sweets of rural Kfe for the shocks of battle.

In the mean time the LacednmoDians entered the country

194 HISTORY OP GABKCE.

atO^noe, a frontier fortress^ and, leaving it behind. tbeSf^
marohed forward to Achame, an unwalled town, within mr^
miles of Athens. The Athenians, terrified at their appioaoii».«
now. began to convert their fury against the enemy into le-
proaohes against their former leader. They abused hu
bringing them into a war, in which he had neither strength to
oppose, nor courage to protect them; they loudly desired,
notwithstanding the inferiority of their number, to be led into
the, .field of battle. Pericles, however, chose the more
derate part. He shut up the city gates, placed snflScieot
guards at all the posts around, sent out parties of horse, to
keep the enemy employed ; and, at the same time, ordered
ont one hundred galleys to infest the coast of Peloponnesns.
These precautions at last succeeded; after the LacedaBmonians
had. laid waste the whole country round Athens, and insolted
the defenders of the city by their numbers and their reproaches,
finding the place impregnable, they abandoned the siege, and
the inhabitants ouce more issued from their walls in joy and
security.

. The Athenians, after this severe mortification, resolved to
retaliate ; being left at liberty to act ofiensively, as well by
land as sea, they invaded the enemy's territory with their
whole force in turn, and took Nisse, a strong haven, with
walls reaching into the city of Nigara.

Proud of the first dawn of success, the first campaign beii^
elapsed, during the winter they expressed their triumph by
public games at the funerals of those that were slain in battle.
They placed their bodies in tents three days before the, fu-
neral ; upon the fourth day coffins of cypress were sent firom
the tribes, to convey the bones of their relations ; the pro-
cession marched with solemn pomp, attended by the inha*
bitants and strangers who visited the city ; the relations and
children of the soldiers who were killed stood weeping at, the
sepulchre ; those who fell at the battle of Marathon indeed
were buried on the field, but the rest received one common
interment in a place called Ceramicus. Pericles, who. had
contributed to the saving of his country, contributed also to
its honour, and pronounced a funeral oration over them, which
remains to this day, at once a mark of his eloquence and his
gratitude. But the joy of the public was not confined to

THE PLAGUB IN ATHENS. 1S5

empty prases; ceremonies, and tears ; a stipend was set apart
for maintaining the widows and the orphans 6( those who fell
in the serfice of their country. And thas ended the first year
of the Peloponnesian war.

In the beginning of the ensuing summer, the Lacednmo-
nians renewed their hostilities, and invaded the territories of
Athens with the same number of men as before. In this
manner these capricious states went on to harass and depopu-
late each other : but a more terrible punishment now began
to threaten them from nature. A plague broke out in the
city of Athens, a more terrible than which is scarcely re-
corded in the annals of history. It is related, that it began in
Etfiiopia, whence it descended into Egypt, from thence tra-
velled into Libya and Persia, and at last broke like a flood
upon Athens. This pestilence baflBed the utmost efforts of
art; the most robust constitutions were unable to withstand
its attacks ; no skill could obviate, nor no remedy dispel, the
terrible infection. The instant a person was seized, he was
struck with despair, which quite disabled him from attempting
a cnre. The humanity of friends was as fatal to themselves,
as it was ineffectual to the unhappy sufferers. The prodigious
quantity of baggage, which had been removed out of the coun-
try into the city, increased the calamity. Most of the inha-
bitants, for want of lodging, lived in little cottages, in which
they could scarcely breathe, while the burning heat of the sum-
mer increased the pestilential malignity. They were seen
confusedly huddled together, the dead as well as the dying,
some crawling through the streets, some laying along by the
sides of fountains, whither they had endeavoured to repair, to
queneb the raging thirst which consumed them. Their very
tsmples were filled with dead bodies, and eveiy part of the
city exhibited a dreadful scene of mortality, without the least
remedy for the present, or the least hopes with regard to fu-
turity. It seized the people with such violence, that they
fell one upon another as they passed along the streets. It
was also attended with such uncommon pestilential vapours,
that the very beasts and birds of prey, though famishing round
the walls of the city, would not touch the bodies of those who
died of it. Even in those who recovered, it left such a tinc-
ture of its malignity, that it struck upon their senses. It ef-

Iflg HISTORY OF GRfiECB.

fiwed the memory of all the passages of their former lifts, «
and ihey knew neither themselves nor their neareit relalkms. ^
Vke eavcumstances of this disease are described at large by
Thncydides, who was sick of it himself; and he obs($rrei»
among other effects of it, that it introduced into the city a
novo licentions way of living. For the people at first had
iMomrse to their gods to avert that judgment; but,
they were all alike infected, whether they worshipped tbei
ar not, and that it was generally mortal, they abandoned tfa
aehres at once to despair and riot ; for, since they heU
lives but as it were by the day, they were resolved to
the most of their time and money. The cause of it
nendly imputed to Pericles, who, by drawing such
failo tfie city, was thought to have corrupted the very air.
Yet, though this was raging within, and the enemy
tin country without, he was still in the same mind as befwej
Ihat they ought not to rest all their hopes on the issiie of
batde. In the mean time the enemy, advancing towards
tM»ast, laid waste the whole country, and returned, after bav<
ing insulted the wretched Athenians, already thinned by
lOence and famine.

Fickleness and inconstancy were the prevailing
of the Athenians ; and as these carried them on a sudden to
Aeir greatest excesses, they soon brought them back within
tbe bonnds of moderation and respect Pericles had beaa
long a favourite : the calamities of the state at last began to
render him obnoxious ; they had deposed him from the gob^>
VMind of hb army, but now repented their rashness, and w^
instated him a short time after, with more than fonnet aatt6-
rity. By dint of suffering, they began to bear patiently Ikeir
domestic misfortunes ; and, impressed with a love of their ooaa*
tejt to ask pardon for their former ingratitude. But he did
not live long to enjoy his honours. He was seiased with Ilia
plagoe» which, like a malignant enemy, struck its severast
How at parting. Being extremely ill, and ready to bvaalte
bis last, the principal citizens, and such of his friends tbat had
toat forsaken him, discoursing in his bed-chamber conoerauig
the loss they were about to sustain, ran over his exploita, aad
caaipnted the number of his victories. They did not iniagiBe
that Pericles attended to what they said, as he seemed i

-•

DEATH OF PBRIOLSS. 127

ibie ; but it i far otherwise^ for not a siugle word of their
liiQOurae had ^^^^3d him. ''Alas!'' cried he» ''why will
«u e3ctol a series of actions^ in which fmrtone had the greatest
Ntft: there is one circumstance which I would not have for-
gotten, yet which you have passed over; I could wish to have
tvonembered, as the most glorious circumstance of my life-^
bsd I never yet caused a single citiien to put on mourning,"

Thus died Pericles, in whom were united a number of ex-
lelieot qnalities» without impairing each other. As well skilled
■ naYal affairs as in the conduct of armies ; as well skilled in
he arts of raising money as of employing it ; eloquent in
Niblie and pleasing in private ; he was a patron of artists, at
mee informing them by his taste and example.

The most memorable transaction of the following years was
the siege of Plataea by the Lacedeemonians. This was one of
the flMwt famous sieges in antiquity, on account of the vigorous
Bflbrtsof both parties, but especially for the glorious resistanee
made by the besieged, and the stratagems to escape the fury
of the assailants.

The Lacedemonians besieged this place in the beginning
of the third campaign. As soon as they had fixed their camp
rovod the city, in order to lay waste the places adjacent, the
Platasans sent deputies to the Lacedemonian general, de-
dariog the injustice of injuring them, who had received their
Sberties on a former occasion from the Lacedsemonians them-
lelves. The Lacedaemonians replied, that there was but one
MBtlM>d to ensure their safety ; which was, to renew that al-
linwe by which they had originally procured their freedom ; to
diiclaim iheir Athenian supporters, and to unite with the
Laoechemonians, who had power and will to protect them.
The deputies replied, they could not possibly come to any
agreement without first sending to Athens, whither their wives
and children were retired. The Lacedaemonians permitted
then to send thither ; and the Athenians solemnly promising
to soccour them to the utmost of their power, the PlatseatiB
resolved to suffer the last extremities rather than surrender,
and prepared for a vigorous defence, with a steady resolution
to tncceed or fall.

Arcbidamus, the Lacedaemonian general, after calling upon
the fods to witness that he did not first infringe the alliance.

128 HISTORY OP GRRBCE.

prepared for the siege with equal perseverance. He snr-
roanded the city with a circumvallation of trees, which were
laid very close together, their branches turned towards the
city. He then raised batteries upon them, and formed a ler-
ralse sufficient to support his warlike machines. Mis army
worked night and day, without intermission, for seventy daya,
one half of the soldiers reposing themselves while the othefl
were at work.

The besieged, observing the works begin to rise romid
them, threw up a wooden wall upon the walls of the city
opposite the platform, in order that they might always out-
top the besiegers. This wall was covered on the oatakfo
with hides, both raw and dry, in order to shelter it from the
besieger's fires. Thus both walls seemed to vie with each
other for superiority, till at last the besieged, without amusiiii^
theodselves at this work any longer, built another within,
the form of a half moon, behind which they might retife,
ease their outer works were forced.

In the mean time the besiegers, having mounted
engines of war, shook the city wall in a very terrible maBser^
which, though it alarmed the citizens, did not, however, dis-
courage them : they employed' every art that fortification eoi
suggest against the enemy's batteries. They catdied wit
ropes the heads of the battering rams that were urged againsV-'
them, and deadened their force with levers. The besi^^ers,.*^
finding their attack did not go on successfully, and that a
wall was raised against their platform, despaired of being
to storm the place ; and therefore changed the siege into
blockade, after having vainly attempted to set fire to the city,
which was suddenly quenched by a shower. The city was
now surrounded by a brick wall, suddenly erected, streng&*
ened on each side by a deep ditch. The whole army was
engaged successively upon this wall, and when it was finished
they left a guard over half of it; the Bceotians offering to
guard the other half, while the rest of the army returned to
Sparta.

In this manner the vnretched Plat»ans were cooped up by
a strong wall, without any hopes of redress, and only awaited
the mercy of the conqueror. There were now in Plataea bat
four hundred inhabitants and fourscore Athenians, with en

SI ROB OF PLATiBA. 129

iiimdred and ten women to dress their victuals, and no o&er
peirson, triwdier freeman or slave, all the rest having been
sent to AAens before the siege. At last, the inhabitants of
I^atsBa, having lost all hopes of succour, and being in the
utmost want of provisions, formed a resolution to cut their
way through the enemy. But half of them, struck with the
greatness of the danger, and the boldness of the enterprize,
entirely lost courage when they came to the execution ; but
the rest (who were about two hundred and twenty soldiers)
persisted in their resolotion^ and escaped in the following
nanner.

The besieged first took the height of the wall, by counting
Ike rows of bricks which composed it ; and this they did at
different times, and employed several men for that purpose,
in order Aat they might not mistake in the calculation. This
was the easier, because, as the wall stood but at a small dis-
tance, every part of it was very visible. They then made
ladders of a proper length. All things being now ready for
executing the design, the besieged left the city one night,
when there was no moon, in the midst of a storm of wind and
rain. After crossing the first ditch, they drew near the wall
undiscovered, through the darkness of the night, not to men-
tbn that the noise made by the rain and wind prevented their
being beard. They marched at some dbtance from one an-
other, to prevent the clashing of their arms, which were light,
in order that those who carried them might be the more
active ; and one of their legs was naked, to keep them from
sliding so easily in the mire. Those who carried the ladders
laid th^n in the space between the towers, where they knew
no goard was posted, because it rained. That instant twelve
men mounted the ladders, armed with only a coat of mail and
a dagger, and marched directly to the towers, six on each side.
They were followed by soldiers armed only with javelins, that
they mij^t mount the easier, and their shields were carried
after them to be used in the charge. When most of those
were got to the top of the wall, they were discovered by the
(ailing of a tile, which one of their comrades, in taking hold of
the parapet, had thrown down. The alarm was immediately
given from the towers, and the whole army approached the
iraU, without diseovering the occasion of the outcry, from the

180 HI8T0KY OP GRB£CK.

{^oom of the night and the violence of the stonn.
which, those who had staid behind, in the city, beat an
at the same time in another quarter,, to make a diversioii:
that die enemy did not know which way to turn themseW'
and were afraid to quit their posts. But a corps de reaerr*
of three hundred men, who were kept for any
accident that might happen, quitted the contravailatioo,
ran to that part where they heard the noise, and torches
held up towards Thebes, to show that they must run that
But those in the city, to render the signal of no use,
others at the same time in different quarters, having pre
them on the walls for that purpose. In the mean time*
who had mounted first having possessed themselves of the
towers which flanked the interval where the ladders were sei
and having killed those who guarded them, posted them8elv<
there to defend the passage, and keep off the besiegers,
aettbg ladders on the top of the wall, betwixt the two towen
they caused a good number of their comrades to monnt, i
order to keep off, by the discharge of their arrows, as wdK
those who were advancing to the foot of the wall, as the others
who were hastening to the neighbouring towers. Whilst tfai^
was doing, they had time to set up several ladders, and tc^
throw down the parapet, that the rest might come up witlv>
greater ease. As fast as they came up, they went down oi»
the other side, and drew up near the fosse, on the outside, tc^
shoot at those who appeared. After they were passed over,^.
the men who were in the towers came down last, and made U^
the fosse, to follow after the rest. That instant the guard,^
with three hundred torches, came up. However, as the
tflsans saw their enemies by this light better than they
seen by them, they therefore took a surer aim, by whick

rns the last crossed the ditch, without being attacked im
r passage. However, this was not done without mncb
diflicnlty, because the ditch was frozen over, and the ice could
not bear, on account of a thaw and heavy rains. The Tio-
lence of the storm was of great advantage to them. After all
were passed, they took the road towards Thebes, the better
to conceal their retreat, because it was not likely they had fled
towards a city of the enemy's. Immediately they perceived
the besiegers, with torches in their hands, pursuing them in

81BGB OP PLATiBA. 181

tke road that led to Athens. After keepii^ that of Thebes
about six or seven stadia, they tamed short towards the moun-
tain, and lesumed the route of Athens, whither two hundred
and twelve arrived out of two hundred and twenty, who had
quitted the place, the rest having returned back to it throng^
fear, one archer excepted, who was taken on the side of the
fbflie of contravallation. The besiegers, after having pursued
them to no purpose, returned to their camp.

Tn the mean time the Platasans, who remained in the city,
supposing that all their companions had been killed (because
thej who. were returned, to justify themselves, affirmed they
were), sent a herald to demand their dead bodies ; but being
told the true state of the affair, he withdrew.

At the end of the following campaign the Plataeans, being
in absolute want of provisions, and unable to make the least
defence, surrendered, upon condition that they should not be
punished till they bad been tried and adjudged in form of
loatiee. Five commissioners came for this purpose from La-
eedsBmon, and these, without charging them with any crime,
barely asked them, whether they had done any service to the
Lttcedasmonians and the allies in this war? The Platssans
were much surprised, as well as puzzled, at this question, and
were sensible, that it had been suggested by the Thebans,
9ieir professed enemies, who had vowed their destruction.
rhey therefore put the Lacedcenionians in mind of the services
tkey had done to Greece in general, both at the battle of Ar-
teoiiaaum and that of Platsea, and particularly in Lacedemonia
at Ae time of the earthquake, which was followed by the
rerolt of their slaves. The only reason they offered, for their
liaTiog joined the Athenians afterwards, was, to defend them-
lelves from the hostilities of the Thebans, against whom they
lad implored the assistance of the Lacedaemonians to no pur-
pose. That if that was imputed to them as a crime, which
iras only their misfortune, it ought not, however, entirely to
ibliterate the remembrance of their former services. " Cast
four eyes," said they, " on the monuments of your ancestors,
rhich you see here, to whom we annually pay all the honours
irliieh can be rendered to the manes of the dead. You
thought fit to entrust their bodies with us, as we were eye-
witnesses of their braverv : and yet you will now give up their

182 HISTORY OF GRBBCB.

aslMM to their murderers in abaadoning us to the Tbebanf^^'SBf^
who fought against them at the battle of Plataea. Will joib:.^ ^>tt
endave a province where Greece recovered its liberty? WilKS^iU
jov destroy the temples of those gods to vrhom you owed
▼ictory ? Will you abolish the memory of their founders,
contributed so greatly to your safety? On this occasion w<
may venture to say, our interest is inseparable from yonrs^^^
glory, and you cannot deliver up your ancient friends

boiefactors to the unjust hatred of the Thebans, without' ^^ '^

eternal infamy to yourselves." One would conclude,
thes^ just remonstrances must have made some impression
the Lacedsemonians ; but-they were biassed more by the
swer the Thebans made, and which was expressed in the mos9'
haughty and bitter terms against the Plataeans ; and bendes,^
tbey had brought their instructions from Laccdaemon.
stood, therefore, to their first question, whether the PlatsBans
had done them any service since the war ? and making them
pass one after another, as they severally answered ".No,"
each was immediately butchered, and not one escaped. About
two hundred were killed in this manner, and twenty-five
Athenians, who were among them, met with the same luihappy
fate. Their wives, who had been taken prisoners, were made
slaves. The Thebans afterwards peopled their city with exiles
from Megara and Thebes, but the year after they demolished
it entirely. It was in this manner the Lacedamonians, in the
hopes of reaping great advantages from the Thebans, sacii-
fioed the Platssans to their animosity ninety-three years after
tlwir first alliance with the Athenians.

: Much about this time was set on foot the expedition for IIm
relief of Lesbos. But the Peloponnesians hearing in their
voyage of a violent insurrection in Corcyra, resolved to nil
thither, hoping that the disaffected state of that island wonld
make it fall an easy prey to their army. They were, howeTeff
disappointed in their expectation ; for the Corcyreans had be-
oome so exasperated and so desperate as to deter the moat
daring enemy from approaching their city. It was about the
•ame time also, that Sicily began to be agitated by a qoaml,
that took place between the inhabitants of Syracuse and llioae
of Leontium. Their dissensions ran high ; but the dettdl of
them, and of the operations at Corcyra, and other plaoea^ I

81B6B OP SPHACTXRIA. 188

am iiicliiic»d to pass over in silence, as they were incidents In
wbich the Gfeeian states mutually destroyed each other, with-
out promoting genera] happiness, or establishing any common
form of goremment.

The ioctnations of success were various. The Athenians
took diecity of Pylus from the Lacedaemonians; and they, on
die other hand, made annual incursions into Attica. More
Hum one overture for a peace was made by the Lacedsemo-
nian ambassadors without effect ; for Cleon, who had a great
aioendant among the Athenians, boasted that he would take
■11 the Spartans prisoners in the island of Sphacteria within
twenty days. The war was therefore renewed, with all its
fovmer animosities.

This island, winch was situate near Pylus, became the scene
of matual contention. Demosthenes, the Athenian admiral
(whose valour and conduct his eloquent descendant of the
nme name afterwards extolled), being joined in commission
with Cleon, landed on the island, in order to dispossess the
Iiaeed»monians who still remained there. They attacked the
enemy with great vigour, drove them from post to post, and,
gaining ground perpetually, at last forced them to the extre-
nity of the island. The Lacedaemonians had stormed a fort
tliat was thought inaccessible. There they drew up in order
>f battle, faced about to that side only where they could be
itlacked, and defended themselves like so many lions. As
lie engagement had lasted the greatest part of the day, and
the soldiers were oppressed with heat and weariness, and
parched with thirst, the general of the Messenians, directing
himself to Cleon, and Demosthenes, the general who was
loined in commission with him, said, that all their efforts would
ie> to no purpose unless they charged their enemy's rear ; and
le promised, if they would give him but some troops, armed
vith missive weapons, that he would endeavour to find a pas-
(age. Accordingly he and his followers climbed up certain
iteep and craggy places, which were not guarded; then com-
Dg down unperceived into the fort, he appeared on a sudden
it the backs of the Lacedaemonians, which entirely damped
heir courage, and afterwards completed their overthrow,
rhey now made but a very feeble resistance, and, being op-
Jfessed with numbers, attacked on all sides, and dejected

}S4 HI8TOAY OF 6RBK0E.

tkioiigh £iitig«e and despair, they began to give way ; ImI the
A^nians seized on all the passes, and cut off their letottt^
Cleon and Demosthenes finding, that, should the battle eon*
tinue, not a man of them would escape, and being deweus
of cnrrying them aliye to Athens, commanded their soldiers to
desisty and caused proclamaticm to be made to them by heraU
to lay down their arms and surrender at discretion. At these
words the greatest part lowered their shields, and ekpped
tlwir hands in token of approbation. A kind of sospensioB
of arms was agreed upon, and their commander dewed that
leave might be granted him to dispatch a messenger to the
camp, to know the resolution of the generals. This was not
allowed, but they called heralds from the coast, and,
sereral messages, a Lacedaemonian advanced forward; and
oried aloud, that they were permitted to treat with the enemy,
peavided they did not submit to dishonourable terms. Upon
this they held a conference, after which they surrendered at
discretion, and were kept till the next day. The Athenians
then raising a trophy, and restoring the LacedsBmoniaDs their
dead, embarked for their own country, after distiibutiiq^ the
prisoners among the several ships, and committing the guard
of them to the captains of the galleys. In this battle one
hundred and twenty-eight Lacedaemonians fell oat of four
hundred and twenty, which was their number at first; ao that
there survived not quite three hundred, an hundred and twenty
of whom were inhabitants of the city of Sparta. The siege
of the island, to compute from the begining of it, including
the time employed in the truce, had lasted threescore and
twelve days. They all now left Pylus, and Cleon*s promise,
though deemed so vain and rash, was found literally tine.
But the most surprising circumstance was the capitulation that
had been made ; for it was believed, that the Lacedaemooiam^
to far from surrendering their arms, would die sword in hand.
Being come to Athens, they were ordered to remain prisonen
till a peace should be concluded, provided the Lacedesmoniaos
did not make any incursions into their country, for that then
they should all be put to death. They left a garrison in Pylus.
The Messenians of Naupactus, who had formerly poss^sed
il; sent thither the flower of their youth, who very much in-
fissted the Lacedaemonians by their incursions ; and as theae

CHARACTER OP BRA8IDAS. 196

Jlegteiiiam i ke the language of the country, th^y prevaikd
with a great er of slaves to join them. The Iiaoedflanlo-

nians, dreading a greater evil, sent' several deputations to
Athens, but to no purpose ; the Athenians being too much
elated with their prosperity, and especially their late success,
to listen to any terms. For two or three years successivdy
hostilities were carried on with alternate success, and nothing
bvt the humbling of the one or other of the two rival states
ooold decide ttie quarrel. The Athenians made themselves
masters of the island of Cythera ; but, on the other hand, were
dafiMited by the Lacedaemonians at Dellion. At leng^ the
two nations began to grow weary of a war, which put them to
great expense, and did not procure them any real advantage.
A tmce for a year was, therefore, concluded between them,
which served to pave the way for a more lasting reconciliation.
The death of the two generab, that commanded the contend-
ing armies, served not a little to hasten this event* Brasidas,
the LaoedsDmonian, was killed as he was conducting a sally,
when beneged in Amphipolis ; and Cleon, the Athenian, de-
ipiiing an enemy to which he knew himself superior, was set
upon unawares, and, flying for safety, was killed by a soldier
who happened to meet him. Thus these two men, who had
ODg opposed the tranquillity of Greece, and raised their repu-
ations, but in a very different way, fell a sacrifice to their own

They were, however, men of very opposite characters.
Brasidas had courage and conduct, moderation and integrity ;
Hid it was he alone who at this time kept up the sinking re*
patation of his country. He was the only Spartan, since Pta-
MUiias, who appeared with any established character among the
Mnfederates, to whom he behaved so well, that they were
igain brought under the dependence of Sparta ; and several
Mm came in to him as their common deliverer from the ty-
ranny of Athens. The inhabitants of Amphipolis, besides their
oining with the other allies in solemnizing his funeral in a pub-
ic manner, instituted anniversary games and sacrifices to his
aemoiy as a hero ; and so far considered him as their founder,
hat they destroyed all the monuments which had been pre-
lerved as marks of their being an Athenian colony. His op-
position to the peace was not so much the effect of his obsti-

185 HISTORY OK GRBKCB.

mMCff 08 of a true Spartan zeal for the honour of ■
which he was sensible had been treated by the A
too tnoch insolence and contempt. He had now a fidr
spect of bringing them to reason^ as he was gaining
upon them, and every day making fresh conqaests ; and,' how—'
ever he might be transported with the glory of performing great
actions, yet the main end of his ambition seems to have beeSc
the bringing the war to a happy eonciosion. I most not
omit the generous answer ins mother made to the persona w.
brought her the news of his death. Upon her asking
whether be died honourably, they naturally fell into enconii
on his great exploits and bis personal braveiy, and pre
him to all the generals of his time : — " Yes,** said she. *^
son was a valiant man, but Sparta has. still many citi
braver than he."

Cleon was another sort of man ; he was rash, arrogant, and
obstinate ; contentious, envious, and malicious ; covetous and
corrupt ; and yet, with all these bad qualities, he had some
little arts of popularity, which raised and supported him. He
made it his business to caress the old men ; and, as much
as he loved money, he often relieved the poor. He hod a
readiness of wit, with a kind of drollery, that took with maay,
though with the generality it passed for impudence and buf-
foonery. He had one very refined way of recommending him-
self, which was, upon his coming into power, to discard all his
old friends, for fear it should be thought be would be biassed
by them. At the same time he picked up a set of vile syco-
phants in their room, and made a servile court to the lowest
dregs of the people ; and yet even they had so bad an opinion
of him, that they often declared against him for Nicias, ' Us
professed enemy ; who, though he took part with the nobility,
stiU preserved an interest with the commons, and was more
generally respected. That which Cleon chiefly depended on
was his eloquence : but it was of a boisterous kind, verbose
and petulant, and consisted more in the vehemence of his
style and utterance, and the distortion of his action and ges*
ture, than in the strength of his reasoning. By this furious
manner of haranguing, he introduced among the orators and
statesmen a licentiousness and indecency which were not knowi»
before, and which gave rise to the many riotous and disorderly

PBACB OP NICIAfi^. V&f

pioeeediiiBi iriieb took place aAerwardi in tte asMmblies,
wiwb almoit every tbiiig^ was carried by iKriaeand tnmalt. In
the military part of his service he was as nnaccoimtahle as in
Hke rest of Us eondnet He was not naturally formed for war,
and maif made use of it as a cloak for his ill practices^ and be-
cause he could not carry on his other views without it His
taking S|Jiacteria was certainly a great action, but it was a
rash and desperate one; and it has been shown how he was
undesignedly drawn into it by a boast of his own. However,
he was so elated with the success of that expedition, that he
fimcied himself a general, and the people were brought to
have the same opinion. Bnt the event soon undeceived them,
and convinced them that he knew better how to lead in the
assembly than in the field. In reality, he was not a man to be
trusted in either; for in the one he was more of a blusterer
than of a soldier, and in the other he had more of an inceiK
diary than a patriot.

The Lacedsemonians were no less inclined to peace than the
Athenians, and were glad to treat at this time, while they
could do it with honour : besides, they had nothing more at
heart than the imprisonment of their men taken at Pylus, they
being the chief of their city; and among other- considerations,
it was not the least, that the truce which they had made with
Argos, for thirty years, was jnst upon expiring. This was a
strong and flourishing city, and though it was not of itself a
match for Sparta, yet they knew it was far from being con-
temptible; and that it held too good a correspondence with its
neighbours not to make itself capable of giving them a great
deal* of uneasiness. The matter having been canvassed and
debated most part of the winter, the Lacedaemonians, to bring
the treaty to a conclusion, gave out, that they resolved, as
aoon as the season would permit, to fortify in Attica* Upon
wUch the Athenians grew more moderate in their demands,
and a peace was concluded in the tenth year of the war be-
tween the two states and their confederates, for fifty years,
the chief articles being, that the garrisons should be evacuated,
and the towns and prisoners restored on both sides. This was
called the Nician peace, because Nicias, who was just the re-
verse of his rival Cleon, was the chief instrument in effecting

188

HISTORY OP «RBBCK.

it Besides the tender concerD he always expresieii for
iGOuntryv he had more particular ends in it, in secaring fail
Imitation : for he had been upon many expeditions, md ha*
generally succeeded in them ; but yet he was sensible how mne :
ho' owed to his good fortune and his cautious managemear,
aad he did not care to risk what he had already got for
hopes of more.

CHAPTER X.

FROM THE PBACU OF NIGIA8 TO THE END OP THE

PELOPONNESIAN WAR.

Etbry thing now promised a restoration of former tran-
qnilUty. The Boeotians and Corinthians were the first who
showed signs of discontent, and used their utmost endeavours
to excite fresh troubles. To obviate any dangers arising from
that quarter, the Athenians and Lacedaemonians united in a
league offensive and defensive, which served to render them
more formidable to the neighbouring states, and more assured
with regard to each other. Yet still the former animosities
and jealousies fermented at bottom; and while friendship
seemed to gloss over external appearances, firesh discontents
were gathering within. The character, indeed, of Nicias, was
peaceable, and he did all in his power to persuade the Athe-
nians to seek the general tranquillity. But a new promoter
of tronbles was now beginning to make his appearance, and
from him, those who wished for peace had every thing to fear.
This was no other than the celebrated Alcibiades, 4he disciple
of Socrates, a youth equally remarkable for the beanty of his
person and the greatness of his mental accomplishments.

The strict intimacy between Alcibiades and Socrates is one of
the most remarkable circumstances of his life. This phUosopher,
observing excellent natural qualities in him, which were greatly
heightened by the beauty of his person, bestowed incredible
pains ui cultivating so valuable a plant, lest, being neglected,
it should wither as it grew, and absolutely degenerate: and,
indeed, Akibiades was exposed to numberless dangers: the
greatness of his extraction, his vast riches, the authority of his
ftmily, the credit of his guardians, his personal talents, his ex-
qpnisite beauty, and, still more than these, the flattery and com-
plaisance of all who approached him. One would have con-
cluded, says Plutarch, that fortune had surrounded and in-

140 HISTORY OF GRBBCE.

vested him with all these pretended advantages, as witb mo
many ramparts and bulwarks, to render him inaccessible and
invulnerable to all the darts of philosophy, those salutary darts
which strike to the very heart, and leave in it the strongest
incitements to virtue and solid glory. But those very ol»ta-
cles redoubled the zeal of Socrates. Notwithstanding the
strong endeavours that were used to divert this young Athe-
nian from a correspondence, which alone was capable of ae-
ciiring him from so many snares, he devoted himself entiiely
to it: he had the most unbounded wit; he was fully sensible
of Socrates' extraordinary merit, and could not resist the
charms of. his sweetly insinuating eloquence, which at that
time had a greater ascendant over him than the aUurements of
pleasure. He was so zealous a disciple of that great master,
that he followed him wherever he went; took the utmost de-
light in his conversation, was extremely well pleased with his
principles, received his instructions, and even his reprimands,
with wonderful docility, and was so moved with his discourses*
as even to shed tears, and abhor himself: so weighty was tbe
force of truth in the mouth of Socrates, and in so odious a
light did he show the vices to which Alcibiades had abandoned
himself. Alcibiades, in those moments when he listened to
Socrates, differed so much from himself, that he appeared
quite another man. However, his head-strong, fieiy temper,
and his natural fondness for pleasure, which was heightened
and inflamed by the discourses and advice of young people,
soon plunged him into bis former irregularities, and tore him
as it were from his master, who was obliged to pursue him as
a slave who had escaped correction. This vicissitude of flights
and returns, of virtuous resolutions and relapses into vice»
continued a long time ; but still Socrates was not disgusted by
his levity, and always flattered himself with hopes of bringing
him back to his duty ; and hence certainly arose the strong
mixture of good and evil that always appeared in his conduct ;
the instructions which his master had given him sometimes pre-
vailing, and at other times the fire of his passions hurrying
him, in a manner against his own wiU, into things of a quite
opposite nature. Among the various passions that were dis-
covered in him, the strongest and most prevailing was a
baughty turn of mind, which would force all things to submit

JILCIBIADES BXCITE8 A NBW WAR. 141

to it, and coald not bear a superior, or even an eqaal. Al-
though his birth and uncommon talents smoothed the way
to his attaining the highest employments in the republic^ yet
it was his wish, that the confidence of the people should be
gained by the force of his eloquence, and the persuasive grace
of his orations. To this end his intimacy with Socrates might
be of great service. Alcibiades, with such a cast of mind as
we have described, was not born for repose, and had set every
engine at work to reverse the treaty lately concluded between
the two states; but not succeeding in his attempt, he en-
deavoured to prevent its taking effect. He was disgusted at
the Lacedaemonians, because they directed themselves only io
NiciaSy of whom they had a very high opinion ; and, on the
contrary, seemed to take no manner of notice of him, though
his ancestors had enjoyed the rights of hospitality among them.
The first thing he did to infringe the peace was this ; having
been informed, that the people of Argos only wanted an op-
portunity to differ with the Spartans, whom they equally hated
and feared, he flattered them secretly with the hopes, that the
Athenians would succour them, by suggesting to them, that
tbey were ready to break a peace which was no way advan-
tageous to them. Accordingly he laid hold of this juncture,
and improved the pretext the Lacedaemonians had given to
exasperate the people both against them and Nicias; which
bad BO good an effect, that every thing seemed disposed for a
treaty with Argos, of which the Lacedaemonians being very
apprehenmve, immediately dispatched their ambassadors to'
Athens, who at first said what seemed very satisfactory, that
they came with full power to concert all matters in difference
upon eqaal terms. The council received their propositions,
and the people were to assemble the next day to give them au-
dience. Alcibiades, in the mean while, fearing lest this ne-
g^iation should ruin his designs, had a secret conference with
the ambaasadord, and persuaded them, under a colour of
friendship, not to let the people know at first what full powers
tlieir commission gave them, but intimate, that they came only
to treat and make proposals ; for that otherwise they would
grow exorbitant in their demands, and extort from them such
anreasonaUe terms as they could not with honour consent to.
They were so well satisfied with the prudence and sincerity of

142 HISTORY OF GRKBCE.

this advice, that he drew them from Nicias to rely entirely
upon himself; and the next day, when the people were 9th
sembled, and the ambassadors introduced, Alcibiades, witb
a yery obliging air, demanded of them with what powers they
were come. They made answer, that they were not come at
plenipotentiaries. Upon which he instantly changed his Toioe
and countenance, exclaimed against them as notorioiu liart,
and bid the people take care how they transacted any thiDg
with men on whom they could have so little dependence.
The people dismissed the ambassadors in a rage ; and Nicias,
knowing nothing of the deceit, was confounded and in dis-
grace. To redeem his credit, he proposed being sent once
more to Sparta ; but not being able to gain snch terms there
as the Athenians demanded, they immediately, upon his re-
tarn, stmck np a league with the Argives for an knndred
years, including the Eleans and Mantineans ; which yet did
not in terms cancel that with the Lacedemonians, thoagfa it is
plain that the whole intent of it was leyelled against them.
Upon this new alliance, Alcibiades was declared general ; and,
though his best friends could not commend the method by
which he brought about his designs, yet it was looked upon as
a great reach in politics, thus to divide and shake almost all
Peloponnesus, and to remove the war so far from the Athe-
nian frontier, that eyen success would profit the enemy but
little, should they be conquerors ; whereas, if they were de-
feated, Sparta itself would be hardly safe.

The defection of the confederates began to awaken the
jealousy of Sparta : they resolved, therefore, to remedy the
evil before it spread too far ; wherefore, drawing out dieir
whole force, both of citizens and slaves, and being joined by
their allies, they encamped almost under the walls of Argos.
The Argives having notice of their march, made all possible
preparations, and came out with a full resolution to fight them.
But, just as they were going to engage, two of their officers
went over to Agis, the Spartan king and general, and pro-
posed to him to have the business made up by a reference.
He immediately closing with the offer, granted them a truce
for four months, and drew off his army ; the whole afiair be-
ing transacted by these three, without any general consent or
knowledge on either side. The Peloponnesians, though they

PROSPltRITY OF THB ATHENIANS. 148

durst not disobey their orders, inveighed grievously against
A^ for letting such an advantage slip as they could never
promise to themselves again. For they had actually hemmed
in the enemy, and that with the best, if not the greatest, army
that ever was brought into the field. And the Argives were
so little apprehensive of danger on their side, that they were
DO less incensed against their mediators, one of whom they
forced to the altars, to save his life, and confiscated his
goods.

Thus every thing seemed to favour the Athenian interest ;
and their prosperity — for this was the most flourishing period
of their duration — blinded them to such a degree, that they
were persuaded no power was able to resist them. In this
disposition they resolved to take the first opportunity of adding
the island of Sicily to their empire ; and an occasion soon
offered of executing their resolution. Ambassadors were sent
firom the people of Egesta, who, in quality of their allies,
came to implore their aid against the inhabitants of Selinuta,
who were assisted by the Syracusans. They represented,
among other things, that, should they be abandoned, the Sy-
racusanSy after seizing their city, as they had done that of
Leontium, would possess themselves of all Sicily, and not fsal
to aid the Peloponnesians, who were their founders ; and that
they might put them to as little charge as possible, they
offered to pay the troops that should be sent to succour
them. The Athenians, who had long waited for an opportunity
to dedare themselves, sent deputies to Egesta, to inquire into
the state of affairs, and to see whether there was money
enough in the treasury to defray the expense of so great a
war. The inhabitants of that city hn/i been so artful as to
borrow from the neighbouring nations a great number of gold
and silver vases, worth an immense sum of money, and of
these they made a show when the Athenians arrived. The
deputies returned with those of Egesta, who carried three-
score talents in ingots, as a month's pay for the galleys whioh
they demanded, and a promise of larger sums, which they
said were ready both iu the public treasury and in the temples*
The people, struck with these fair appearances, the truth of
which they did not give themselves the leisure to examine,
and seduced with the advantageous reports which their depu-*

144 HISTORY OF GRRBGE.

ties made with the view of pleasing them, immediately gnml^
the Egestans their demand, and appointed Alcibiades, Nici>^^»
and Lamachus, to command the fleet, with full power, not o^^^
to succour Egesta, and restore the inhabitants of LeontianB. ^
their city, but also to regulate the affairs of Sicily in sucfc^ i
manner as might best suit the interests of the republic. Nic^ ^^
was appointed one of the generals, to his very great re|
for, besides other motives, which made him dread that
mand, he shunned it because Alcibiades was to be hiii c
league. But the Athenians prombed themselves greater 8C7^
cess from this war, should they not resign the whole conda^
of it to Alcibiades, but temper his ardour and audacity, witf
the coldness and wisdom of Nicias. Nicias not daring to op-
pose Alcibiades openly, endeavoured to do it indirectly, hj
starting a great number of difficulties, drawn particularly from
the great expense of this expedition. He declared, that since
they were resolved upon war, they ought to carry it on in such
a manner as might suit the exalted reputation to which Athens
bad attained. That a fleet was not sufficient to oppose so for-
midable a power as that of the Syracusans and their allies:
that they must raise an array composed of good horse and
foot, if they desired to act in a manner worthy of so noble a
design; that, besides their fleet, which was to make them
masters at sea, they must have a great number of transports
to carry provisions perpetually to the army, which otherwise
could not possibly subsist in an enemy's country ; that they
must carry vast sums of money with them, without waiting for
that promised them by the citizens of Egesta, who, perhaps,
were ready in words only, and very probably might break their
promise ; that they oug||t to weigh and examine the disparity
there was between themselves and their enemies, with regard
to the conveniences and wants of the army, the Syracnsans
being in their own country, in the midst of powerful allies,
disposed by inclination, as well as engaged by interest, to as-
sist them with men, arms, horses, and provisions ; whereas
the Athenians would carry on the war in a remote countxy,
possessed by their enemies, where, in the winter, news could
not be brought them in less than four months' time ; a couatij
where all things would oppose the Athenians, and nodung
be procured but by force of arms. That it would reflect the

ORIGIN OP SYRACUSE. 145

greatest ignominy on the Athenians, should they be forced
to abandon their enterprise, and thereby become the sconi
and contempt of their enemies, by their neglecting, to take all
the precautions which so important a design required : that as
for himself, he was determined not to go, unless he was pro-
vided with all things necessary for the expedition, because the
safety of the whole army depended on that circumstance; and
that he would not rely on caprice, or the precarious engage-
ments of the allies. Nicias had flattered himself, that this
speech would cool the ardour of the people ; whereas it only
inflamed it the more. Immediately the generals had full
powers ^ven them to raise as many troops, and fit out as
many galleys as they should judge necessary ; and the levies
were accordingly carried on in Athens, and other places, with
inexpressible activity.

Before we enter upon the narration of the important events
that took place in the expedition to Sicily, it will be proper
to say a few words respecting Syracuse, the capital of that
island. About the year of the world 2920, Corinth had ac-
quired considerable reputation as a maritime power. As the
improvement of navigation generally leads to discovery, so it
leads to commerce also, and to colonizatioo. It had this ef-
fect on the Corinthians. They had not been long acquainted
with Sicily, before they projected the scheme of peopling part
of it with the natives of Peloponnesus. Archias, therefore, a
descendant of Hercules, was sent with a fleet, furnished with
every thing necessary for such an enterprise. He built and
peopled Syracuse ; which, from the peculiar advantages which
it derived from its rich soil and capacious harbours, soon be-
came the roost flourishing city in Sicily : in size^ indeed, and
beauty, it yielded not to any city in Greece. It was long
subject to Corinth, and governed by nearly the same laws.
But as it increased in power it became proud and insolent,
and by .degrees renounced its allegiance. To its emancipation
-are owing the occurrences which we are now to recite.

The levies being now prepared, the fleet set sail, after
baving appointed Corcyra the rendezvous for most of the
allieSy and such ships as were to carry the provisions and war-
like stores. All the citizens as well as foreigners in Athens,
flocked by day-break to the port of Pyrasus. The former at-

L

146 HISTORY OF GKBBCE.

tended by their children, relations, friends, and companioiis^ ^
with a joy overcast with a little sorrow, upon their Uddiag^a
adien to persons that were as dear to them as life ; who weri
setting out on a distant and very dangerous expeditioD,
which it was uncertain whether they would ever return
though they flattered themselves with the hopes that it
be successful. The foreigners came thither to feed tbek
eyes with a sight which was highly worthy of their curioai^
for no single city in the world had ever fitted out so gallant
fleet Those, indeed, which had been sent against Epidi
and Potidsea, were as considerable with regard to the namben
of soldiers and ships, but then they were not equipped wit&
so much magnificence, neither was their voyage so long, nor
their enterprize so important. Here were seen a land and a
naval army provided with the utmost care, and at the expense
of particular persons, as well as of the public, with all things
necessary on account of the length of the voyage, and the
duration of the war. The city furnished an hundred empty
galleys, that is, threescore light ones, and forty to transport
the soldiers heavily armed. Every mariner received' daily a
drachma, or ten pence English, for his pay, exclusively of what
the captains of ships gave the rowers of the first bench. Add
to this, the pomp and magnificence that was displayed uni-
versally, every one striving to eclipse the rest, and each en-
deavouring to make his ship the lightest, and, at the same
time, the gayest in the whole fleet. I shall not take notice
of the choice of the soldiers or seamen, who were the flower
of the Athenians, nor of their emulation with regard to the
beauty and neatness of their arms and equipage, any more
than of their officers, who had laid out considerable aoms
purely to distinguish themselves, and to give foreignen ao
advantageous idea of their persons and circumstaneea ; 99
that this sight had the idea of a pageant, in which the otmoft
magnificence was displayed, rather than of a warlike eup^^
tion. But the boldness and greatness of the design still es-
oeeded its expense in splendour.

When the ships were loaded, and the troops got on boaidC
the trumpet sounded, and solemn prayers were offered up fiir
the success of die expedition ; gold and silver cups weie fiUinig
everywhere with wine, and ti» accustomed libations w«te

BXILB OP ALCIBIADK8. 147

poured out; ike people, who lined the shore, shouting, at die

«anie time, aad KftiDg up their bands to heaven to wish tfa^

fellow-citizens a good voyage and saccess. And now the

liymn beti^ snng, and the ceremonies ended, the ships sailed

one irfler another out of the harboor, after which they strove

to outsail one another, till the whole fleet met at iBgma.

From thence it made to Corcyra, where the army of the allies

was assembled with the rest of the fleet.

Being now arrived at Sicily, the generals were divided in
their opinions as to the place where they should make a de-
scent. Lamachus, one of the generals, was for making di-
Tectly for Syracuse. He urged, that it was as yet unprovided,
m»d under the greatest consternation ; that an army was al-
ways most terrible on its approach, before the enemy had
time to recollect and make dangw familiar : these reasons,
liowever. were over-ruled. It was agreed to reduce the
amaller cities 6rst ; when, having detached ten galleys only,
to take a view of the situation and harbour of Syracuse, they
landed with the rest of their forces, and surprised Catana.

In the mean time, the enemies of Alcibiades had taken
occasion, from his absence, to attack him with redoubled
T%uur- They aggravated his misconduct in neglecting the
proper method of attack, and enforced their accusations by
alleging, that he had profaned the mysteries of Ceres. This
was raffieieat to induce the giddy multitude to recal their
general ; but, for fear of raising a tumult in the army, they
only sent him orders to return to Athens, to pacify the people
by his presence. Alcibiades obeyed the orders with seeming
jmbmission ; but, reflecting on the inconstancy and caprice of
toB judges, the instant he was arrived at Thurinm, and had
got on shore, he disappeared, and eluded the pursuit of those
^ who sovght after him : the galley, therefore, returned without
faim, and the people in a rage condemned him to death for
ins contumacy. His whole estate was confiscated, and all the
orders of religion were commanded to curse him. Some time
after, news being brought him that the Athenians had con-
demned him to death; '' I hope one day," said be, "to make
them sensible that I am still alive."

Hie Syracusans had, by this time, put themselves in a
posture of defence, and finding that Nicias did not advance

l2

148 HISTORY OF 6RBBGE.

towards them, they talked of attacking him in his camp; and
some of them asked, iu a scoffing way, whether he was come
into Sicily to settle at Catana ? He was roqsed by this insidt,
and resolved to make the best of his way to Syracase. He
durst not attempt it by land, for want of cavahry ; and he
thought it equally hazardous to make a descent by sea upon
an enemy who was so well prepared to receive him : however,
he chose the latter way, and succeeded in it by a stratagem.
He had gained a citizen of Catana to go as a deserter to the
Syracusans, and to inform them, that the Athenians lay eveij
night in the town without their arms ; and that, early in the
morning, on a certain day appointed, they might suqmse
them, seize on their camp with all their arms and baggage,
bum their fleet in the harbour, and destroy the whole army.
The Syracusans gave credit to him, and marched with all their
forces' towards Catana; which Nicias had no sooner notice of,
but he embarked his troops, and, steering away for Syracuse*
landed them there the next morning, and fortified himself is
the outskirts of the town. The Syracusans were so provoked
at this trick being put upon them, that they immecUately re-
turned to Syracuse, and presented themselves without the
walls in order of battle. Nicias marched out of his trenches
to meet them, and a '^ery sharp action ensued, wherein, at
length, the Athenians got the better, and forced the enemy
back to the city, after having killed two hundred and sixty of
them and their confederates, with tiie loss of fifty of their own
men. They were not as yet in a condition to attack the city, and
therefore took up their winter quarters at Catana and Najnis.

The year following, greater projects were undertaken ; for»
having received a supply of horse from Athens, with provisions
and other stores of war, Nicias set sail for Syracuse, in order
to block it up by sea and land. In this manner did the little
state of Athens spread terror among all the neighbouring
states, and now, risen to its utmost height, began to aspire at
universal empire. Athens had already been the mistress of
arts and philosophy ; it now, with inverted ambition, aimed al
setting mankind an example of the arts of conquest and of
war : but they had never c^onsidered that a petty state, raised
artificially into power, is liable to a thousand accidents in its
way to universal conquest. They had now sent out tbeir

SIEGE OF SYRACUSE. 149

whole force into Sicily, and, while they fought to decide the
fate of Syracose, they were, in fact, contending for their own ;
the existence of Athens and Syracuse depended so much upon
the event of the present invasion, that both sides fought with
the utmost perseverance, and historians have been minute in
the detail.

The siege was now carried on in a more regular and skilful
manner than had ever been practised before, and men were
taught a new lesson, as well in the arts of attack as of defence.
Nicias found it necessary, in the first place, to gain Epipolse,
a high hill which commanded the city, and had a steep, Craggy
pa8S%e up to it. The Syracusans were so sensible of the im-
portance of this post, that they had ordered a detachment of
seven hundred men to march upon a signal given to the de-
fence of it. But Nicias had landed his men in a little remote
harbour so secretly and so suddenly, that they easily made
themselves masters of it. And the seven hundred, running
up from the plains in a confused manner to dispossess them,
-were repulsed with the loss of three hundred of them, and
their leader. Nicias built a fort there, as a magazine, and
proceeded to invest the town on the land side, so as to pre-
Tent any communication with the country. ThB enemy en-
deavouring to defeat his works, and render them useless,
several skirmishes ensued, wherein the Athenians had gone-
rally the better ; but, in one of them, Lamachus being pressed
luord, and abandoned by his men, was killed. The Syracusans
being still intent on the recovery of Epipolse, ordered up ano-
ther detachment thither. Nicias was at this time sick in the
fort, and in bed, with only his servants about him. But when
he found the enemy were forcing his intrenchments, he got up
and set fire to the engines, and other wood that lay scattered
about the fort : which had so good an effect, that it served as
a ngnal to his own troops to come up to his relief; and so
terrified and confounded those of the enemy, that they re-
treated into the city. From thenceforth Nicias, who was
now sole general, conceived great hopes; for several cities
of Sicily, which hitherto had not declared for either side,
came and joined him ; and there arrived from all quarters
vessels laden with provisions for his army, all parties being
eager to go over to him, because he had acquired the su-

HISTORY OF 6RKBCE.

y, and been exceedingly successful in all hb

The Syracusans, seeing themselves blocked up both 4

sea and land, and losing all hopes of being able to ddeod «

city any longer, already proposed an accommodatioD. «

^ylippus, who was coming from Lacedaemon to their assist —

, having heard in his passage the extremity to which they ^

reduced, and looking upon the whole island as lo8t»^«

^ forward nevertheless, not in the view of defending^

y, but only to preserve to the nations of Italy such citiestfi

;re subject to them in that island, if it were not too late,.*.

) it could be done ; for fame had declared, in all places,.^

f the Athenians had already possessed themselves of tbei^

iole island, and were headed by a general, whose wiaikiBL

1 good fortune rendered him invincible.

The fortifications of tbe Athenians were now almost con^
pleted ; they had drawn a double wall, nearly half a league in
length, along the plain and the fens towards the great port»
and had ahnost reached it. . There now remained on one side-
only a fimall part of the wall to be finished, and the Syracu-
sans were upon the brink of ruin ; they had no hopes left ;
they were unable to defend themselves, and they knew noi
where to look for succours ; for this reason they resolved to
surrender, and a council was held to settle the articles of ca^-
pitulation, which were to be presented to Nicias.

It was at that very instant, and in this most distressful
juncture, that a messenger arrived at Syracuse from Corinth,
with news of speedy relief. The whole body of citiaeni
flocked round the messenger of such welcome informatioB
He gave them to understand, that Gylippus, the Lacedaemf
nian general, would be with them immediately, and was fc
lowed by a great many other galleys which came to his w
The Syracusans, astonished, or rather stupified as it wf
with this news, could scarcely believe what they hee
Whilst they were thus fluctuating and in doubt, a courier
rived from Gylippus to inform them of his approach,
ordered them to march over all their troops to meet him.
himself, after taking a fort in his way, marched in ordi
battle directly for Epipolas, and ascending by Euryelus, i
Athenians bad done, he prepared to attack them from wi^
whilst the Syracusans should charge them on theur sidi

SIB6E OP 8YRAOVSB. Ifil

the forces of Syracuse. The Athenians, exceedingly surprised
by his arrival, drew up hastily, and without order, under the
walL With regard to himself, laying down his arms when he
approached, he sent word by a herald, that he would allow
the Athenians five days to leave Sicily. Nicias did not con-
descend to make the least answer to this proposal ; and some
of his soldiers, bursting out a laughing, asked the herald,
iribether the presence of a Lacedaemonian privateer, or the
trifling wand of a herald, could make any change in the pre*
sent state of the city? Both sides, therefore, prepared for
bflttle.

Oylippus began by storming the fort of Labdalla, and cnt-
tfag in pieces all who were found in it. The Athenians, in
tte mean time, were not idle in forming intrenchments to
impose Um, while the besieged were equally assiduous in^
evtting down and breaking through those walls and circum-
mBations which were carried round their city. At length
both sides drew up their forces in order of battle, between^
the walls which the Athenians had raised to keep off the
enemy. In the first engagement, the cavalry of Gylippus
being rendered useless from the narrowness of the place, to
ie-animate his soldiers, by doing them justice, he had the
eoorage to reproach himself for the ill success they had met
wMi, and to declare publicly, that he, not they, had occa-
■kmed the late defeat, because he had made them fight in too
■arrow a spot of ground. However, he promised soon to
give them an opportunity of recovering both their honour and
Us; and accordingly, the very next day, he led them against
the enemy, after having exhorted them in the strongest terms
to behave in a manner worthy of their ancient glory. Nicias
perceiving, that though it should not be his desire to come to
i battle, it would, however, be absolutely necessary for him to
prevent the enemy from extending their line beyond the con-
tmvallation, to which they were already very near (because
otherwise this would be granting them a certain victory),
dierefore marched boldly against the Syracusans. Gylippus
brooght up his troops beyond that place where the walls ter-
minated on both sides, in order that he might leave the more
room to extend his batlle ; upon which, charging the enemy's
left wing wit i his horse, he put it to flight, and soon after

15^ HISVO^Y OF GREECE.

defeated their right. We have an instance of what the ex^
perience and abilities of a great captain are capable of pro^
ducing ; for Gylippus, with the same men, the same arms, the*!
same horses, and the same ground, by only changing his order'
of battle, defeated the Athenians, arid beat them quite to
their camp. The following night the victors carried on their'
wall beyond the contravallation of the Athenians, and thereby
deprived them of all hopes of being ever able to surround the

city*

Nicias had, ever since the arrival of Gylippus, been
pot upon the defensive ; and, as he daily lost ground in the
country, he retired towards the sea, to keep that open, m
case of accidents, and to bring in provisions. For this pur-
pose he possessed himself of Plemmyrium, near the great
harbour, where he built three forts, and kept up himself, as
it were, in garrison. Gylippus took this opportunity to g^ain
over the inland cities : and, at the same time, the fleet that
was expected from Corinth arrived. Nicias, under these cir-
cumstances, wrote a very melancholy account of his affairs to
Athens ; that the enemy were become so superior to him, that
he was not in a condition to force intrenchments ; and that,
instead of besieging them, he was now besieged himself; that
the towns revolted from him ; the slaves and the mercenaries
deserted: that the troops were employed in guarding the
forts and fetching in provisions ; and that, in this latter ser-
vice, many of them were cut off by the enemy's horse : that
the fleet was in as bad a condition as the army ; and that, in
short, without a speedy reinforcement of men, ships, and
money, equal to what he had at first set out with, it was in
vain to attempt any thing farther. Then, as to his own parti-
cular, he complained of his being troubled with sharp nephritic
' pains, which rendered him incapable of going on with the
service ; and therefore pressed to be recalled. The Athenians
were so affected with this letter, that they named Eurymedon
and Demosthenes to ge over with fresh supplies ; the former
immediately with ten galleys, and the other early in the spring
with a stronger force. At the same time time they appointed
Menander and Euthydemus to act as assistants to Nicias, but
would not grant his request of coming home. In the mean
time Gylippus, who had made the tour of Sicily, returned

SIBOfi OF SYRACUSE. 153

at many men as he could raise in the whole island, and
iled with the Syracusans to Git out the strongest fleet in
power, and to hazard a battle at sea, upon the presump-
hat the success, would answer the greatness of the enter-
This advice was strongly enforced by Hermocrates,
sslmrted the Syracusans not to abandon to their enemies
impire of the seas. He observed, that the Athenians
lelves had not received it from their ancestors, nor been
m possessed of it; that the Persian war had in a manner
1 them into a knowledge of naval affairs, notwithstanding
great obstacles, their disposition, and the situation of
eaty, which stood at a considerable distance from the sea ;
ttmj had made themselves formidable to other nations,
to mnch by their real strength as by their courage and
lidity ; that they ought to copy them, and since they had
with enemies, who were so enterprising, it was fit they
d be equally daring.

IB advice was approved, and accordingly a large fleet
equipped. Gylippus led out all his land forces in the
; time, to attack the forts of Plemmyrium. Thirty-five
fi of Syracuse, which were in the great harbour, and
•five in the lesser, where was an arsenal for ships, were
ed to advance towards Plemmyrium, to amaze the
mans, who would find themselves attacked both by sea
land at the same time. The Athenians, at this news,
<ni board also, and, with twenty-five ships, sailed to fight
birty-five Syracusan vessels, which were sailing out of the
t harbour, and opposed thirty-five more to the forty-five
le enemy which were come out of the little port. A
I engagement was fought at the mouth of the great bar-
one party endeavouring to force their way into it, and
tber to keep them out.

KMe who defended the ports of Plemmyrium having
ed to the shore to view the battle, Gylippus attacked the
unexpectedly by day-break; and, having carried the
est of them by storm, the soldiers who defended the
' two were so terrified, that they abandoned them in a
ent. After this advantage, the Syracusans sustained a
derable loss ; for such of their vesels as fought at the
nee of the harbour (after having forced the Athenians)

1&4 HI8TOBY OP 6RBBCB.

drove iiiriously one against the other, as they entered it in
disorder, and by this means shifted the victory to their ene-
mies ; who, not contented with pursuing, also gave chase to
those who were victorious in the great harbour* Eleven
Syracusan galleys were sunk, and great numbers of the sailors
in them killed. Three were taken ; but the Athenians like*
wise lost three : and, after towing off those of the enemy,
they raised a trophy in a little island lying before Plemmyrinm,
and retired to the centre of their camp.

One circumstance, which the besieged considered q£ the
greatest importance, was to attempt a second engagement,
both by sea and land, before the fleet and other succours sent
by the Athenians should arrive. They had concerted fresh
measures for a battle at sea, by improving from the errors
they had committed in the last engagement. The change
made in the galleys was, that their prows were now shorter,
and at the same time stronger and more solid than before*.
For this purpose they fixed great pieces of timber projecting
forward on each side of the prows, and to these pieces thej
joined beams, by way of props. The beams extended to the-
length of six cubits on each side of the vessel, both within and
without. By this they hoped to gain an advantage over the
galleys of the Athenians, which did not dare, because of the
weakness of their prows, to attack an enemy in front, but
only in flank ; not to mention, that, should the battle be fought
in the harbour, they would not have room to spread them-
selves, nor to pass between two galleys, in which lay their
greatest art, nor to tack about after they should have heesL
repulsed, in order to return to the charge : whereas the Sy-
racusans, by their being masters of the whole extent of ^e
harbour, wouSd have all these advantages, and might reci-
procally assist one another. On these circumstances the latter
founded their hopes of victory.

Gylippus, therefore, first drew all the infantry out of the-
camp, and advanced towards that part of the contravallation of
the Athenians which fieiced the city, whilst the troops of
Olimpia marched towards the other, and their galleys aet
sail. I

Nicias did not care to venture a second battle, saying, that»
as he expected a fresh fleet every moment, and a great rein*

SIEGB OP 8YRAGU8B. US

#bicemeiit nader Demostbenes, it would betray the greatest

^want of judgmenty should he, as his troops were iaferior in

number to those of the enemy, and already fatigued, hazard a

battle without being forced to it. On the contrary, Menander,

and Eothydemus, who had just before been appointed to share

the command with Nicias till the arrival of Demosthenes, fired

with ambition, and jealous of those generals, were eager to

perform some great exploit, to bereave the one of his glory,

and, if possible, eclipse that of the other. The pretence they

alleged on this occasion was, the fame and reputation of

Athens ; and they asserted, with so much vehemence, that it

would be entirely destroyed, should they shun the battle, as

the Syracusans offered it them, that they at last forced Nicias

to a compliance. The Athenians had seventy-five galleys,

and the Syracusans eighty.

The first day, the fleets continued in sight of each other, in
the great harbour, without engaging, and only a few skirmishes
passed, after which, both parties retired : while the land forces
acted in the same manner. The Syracusans did not make the
least motion the second day. Nicias, taking advantage of this
inactivity, caused the transports to draw up in a line at some
distance from one another, in order that his galleys might re-
tire behind them with safety, in case he shonid be defeated.
On the morrow the Syracusans came up sooner than usual,
when a great part of the day was spent in skirmishing, after
which they retired. The Athenians did not suppose they wouM
return, but imagined that fear would make them fly. But
having refreshed themselves in great haste, and returning on
board their galleys, they attacked the Athenians, who were far
£rom expecting them. The latter being now forced to return
immediately on board their ships, they entered them in great
disorder : so that they had not time to draw them up in a line
of battle, and most of the sailors were fasting. Victory did not
long continue in suspense. The Athenians, after making a
short and slight resistance, retired behind the line of transports.
The enemy pursued them thither, but were stopped by the
yards of those ships, to which were fixed dolphins of lead :
these being very heavy, had they fallen f n the enemy's galleys,
would have sunk them at once* The Athenians lost seven

156 HISTORY OF GREECE.

galleys in this eDgagement, and a great number of soldiers
were either killed or taken prisoners.

This loss threw Nicias into the utmost constematioD : all
the misfortuoes he had met with, ever since the time he had
enjoyed the supreme command, came into his mind, and he
was now involved in a greater than any of them, by complying
with the advice of his colleagues. Whilst he was revolviug
these gloomy ideas, Demosthenes's fleet was seen coming for-
ward in great pomp, and with such an air as might fill the
enemy with dread. It was now the day after the battle. This
fleet consisted of seventy-three galleys, on board of which
were five thousand fighting men, and about three thooaand
archers, slingers, and bowmen.

All these galleys were richly trimmed, their prows being
adorned with shining streamers, manned with stout rowers,
commanded by good oflScers, and echoing with the sound of
clarions and triumpets; Demosthenes having affected an air of
pomp and triumph purposely to strike terror into the enemy.

Thb gallant sight alarmed them indeed beyond expression.
They did not see any end, or even the least suspension of their
calamities. All they had hitherto done or suffered was as
nothing, and their work was to begin again. What hopes
could they entertain of being able to weary out the patience of
the Athenians, since, though they had a camp intrenched in the
middle of Attica, they were, however, able to send a second
army into Sicily, as considerable as the former ; and that their
power, as well as their courage, seemed, notwithstanding all
their losses, instead of diminishing, to increase daily.

Demosthenes, having made an exact inquiry into the state of
things, imagined it would not be proper for him to lose time, as
Nicias had done ; who, having spread a universal terror at his
first arrival, became afterwards an object of contempt, for his
having wintered in Catana, instead of going directly to Syracuse,
and had afterwards given Gylippus an' opportunity of throwing
troops into it. He flattered himself with the hopes that he
should be able to carry the city at the first attack, by taking
advantage of the alarm which the news of his arrival would
spread in every part of it, and by that means would imme-
diately put an end to the war ; otherwise he intended to raise

SIBOE OP SYRACUSE. 1S7

die siege, and no longer harass and lessen the troops by figfat-
ng battles never decisive, nor quite exhaust the dty of Athens,
>y employing its treasures in needless expenses.

Nicias, terrified by this bold and precipitate resolution of
Demosthenes, conjured him not to be so hasty, but to take time
p weigh things deliberately, that he might have no cause to
epent of what he should do. He observed to him, that the
iDemy would be ruined by delays ; that their provisions as well
8 money were entirely exhausted ; that their allies were going

> abandon them; that they must soon be reduced to such ex-
remity, for want of provisions, as would force them to sur-
soder, as they had before resolved ; for there were certain
persons in Syracuse, who held a secret correspondence with
4icia8, and exhorted him not to be impatient, because the
lyracusans were tired with the war and with Gylippus ; and
luit, should the necessity to which they were reduc^ be ever
0 litde increased, they would surrender at discretion.

As Nicias did not explain himself clearly, and would not de-
lare, in express terms, that sure and certain advices were sent
im of whatever was transacted in the city, his remonstrances
rere considered as an effect of the timidity and slowness with
rhich he had always been reproached. Such, said they, are
is usual prptractions, delays, distruts, and fearful precaution,
rbereby he has deadened all the vivacity, and extinguished all
le ardour of the troops, in not marching them immediately
gunst the enemy ; but on the contrary, by deferring to attack
bem till his own forces were weakened and despised. This
Bade the rest of the generals, and all the oflGlcers, come over to
)emosthenes's opinion, and Nicias himself was at last forced
0 acquiesce in it.

Demosthenes, after having attacked, to no purpose, the wall
iiich cut the contravallation of the besiegers, confined himself

> the attack of Epipolce, from a supposition, that, should he
nee be master of it, the wall would be quite undefended. He,
lerefore, took provisions for five days, with workmen, imple-
lents, and every thing necessary for him to defend that post
Eler he should possess himself of it. A.s there was no going
p to it in the day-time undiscovered, he marched thither in
le night with all his forces, followed hf Eurymedon and Me-
ander ; Nicias staying behind to guard the camp. They went

168 HI8tORY Oli' ORBBGS.

up by the way of Euryelus, as before, nnperceived by the sen*
tineis, attacked the first intrenchment, and stormed it, after
killing part of those who defended it. Demosthenes, Mi
satisfied with this advantage, to prevent the ardoor of his troops
from cooling, and n6t to delay the execation of .his design,
marched forward. Daring diis interval, the forces of the city,
sustained by Gylippns, marched under arms out of the intrendi'
ments. Being seized with astonishment, which the darkneii
of the night increased, they were immediately repulsed aad
put to flight. But, as the Athenians advanced in disorder, to
force whatever might resist their arms, lest the enemy might
rally again, should time be allowed them to breathe nd
recover from their surprise, they are stopped on a sadden bj
the Boeotians, who make a vigorous stand, and, marcluBg
against the Athenians with their pikes presented, they repnbe
them witii great shouts, and make a dreadful slaughter. This
spreads a universal terror through the rest of the army. Those
who fled, either force along such as were advancing to then:
assistance, or else, mistaking them for enemies, turn their anns
against them. They now were all mixed indiscriminately, it
being impossible to discover objects in the horrors of a night,
which was not so gloomy as entirely to make objects imper-
ceptible, nor yet light enough to distinguish those whisk were
seen. The Athenians sought for one another to no purpose,
and, from their often asking the word, by which only they
able to know one another, a strange confusion of sounds
heard, which occasioned no little disorder; not to mention,
that they, by this means, divulged the word to the enemy, and
could not learn theirs ; because, by their being together, and
in a body, they had no occasion to repeat it. In the mean
time, those who were pursued threw themselves from the top
of the rocks, and many were dashed to pieces by the fall ; and
as most of those who escaped straggled from one to another
up and down the fields and woods, they were cut to pieces the
next day by the enemy's horse, who pursued them. Two
thousand Athenians were slain in this engagement, and a great
number of arms were taken ; those who fled having throwii
them away, that they might be the better able to escape OTer
the precipices. Soon after Oylippus, having made the tonr
of Sicily, brought a gpreat number of troops with him, wkick

SIB0B OP SYRACUSE. l&t

wemdereA the affiurs of Athens still more despetate, and de-
prived Nieias of all hopes of success; besides, the Adienian
army now began to diminish exceedingly by sickness, and
nothing was seen to remain, but their quitting an island, in
which they had experienced every mortification. Nieias no
longer opposed the resolution, and only desired to have it kept
secret Orders were therefore given, as )mvately as possible,
for the fleet to prepare for setting sail with the utmost ex-
pedition.

When all things were ready, the moment they were going
to set sail (wholly unsuspected by the enemy, who were far
firom surmising they would leave Sicily so soon), the moon was
suddenly eclipsed in the middle of the night, and lost all its
splendour, which terrified Nieias and the whole army, who,
firom ignorance and superstition^ were astonished at so sudden
a change, the causes of which diey did not know, and there-
fore dreaded the consequences of it. They then consulted (be
soothsayers, who, being equally unacquainted with the reasons
of thb phenomenon, only augmented their consternation. It
was the custom, after such accidents had happened, to suspend
their enterprise but for three days. The soothsayers ph>-
nounced, that he must i^ot sail till nine times three days were
past (these were Thucydides' words), which doubtless was
a mysterious namber in the opinion of the people. Nieias,
scrupulous to< a fault, and full of a mistaken veneration for
those blind interpreters of the will of the gods, declared that
he would wait a whole revolution of the moon, and not return
till the same day of the next month, as if he had not seen the
fdaoet very clearly the instant it had emerged firom that part
which was darkened by the interposition of the earth's body.

But he was not allowed time for this. The news of the in-
tended departure of the Athenians soon spread over the city :
a resolution was taken to attack die besiegers both by sea and
land. The Syracusans began the first day by attacking the
intrenchments, and gained a slight advantage over the ennny.
On the morrow they made a second attack, and, at the same
lime, sailed with seventy-six galleys against dlghty-six of the
Athenians. Eurymedon, who eommanded the right of the
Athenian fleet, having spread along the shore to surround
them, this movement proved fatal to him ; for, as he was de-

IGO HISTORY OP 6REBGB.

tached from the body of the fleet, the Syracusans, after fortcing^
the main battle, which was in the centre, attacked him, dro^e^
him vigorously into the galph called Dascon, and there de-
feated him entirely. Enrymedon lost his life in the engagements
They afterwards gave chase to the rest of the galleys, and run.
them against the shore. Gylippus, who commanded the land
army, seeing the Athenian galleys were forced aground, and -
not able to return into the stoccado, landed with part of his
troops, in order to charge the soldiers, in case they should be
forced to run ashore, and give his friends the more room to
tow such galleys as they should have taken ; however, he was
repulsed by the Tyrrhenians, who were posted on that side,
and obliged by the Adienians, who flew to sustain them, to
retire with some loss, as far as a moor, which lay near it. The
latter saved most of .their ships, eighteen excepted, which
were taken by die Syracusans, and their crews cut to pieces
by them. After this, resolving to bum the rest, they filled an
old vessel with combustible materials, and having set fire to it,
they drove it by the help of the wind against the Athenians,
who nevertheless exting\iished the fire, and drove off that
ship : each side erected trophies, die Syracusans for the death
of Eurymedon, and die advantage they bad gained the day be-
fore, and the Athenians for their having driven part of the
enemy into the moor, and put the other part to flight. But the
minds of the two nations were very difierently disposed ; the
Syracusans, who had been thrown into the utmost consterna-
tion at the arrival of Demosthenes with his fleet, seeing them-
selves victorious in a naval engagement, resumed fresh hope,
and assured themselves of a complete victory over their
enemies. The Athenians, on the contrary, frustrated of their
only resource, and overcome at sea, so contrary to their ex-
pectations, entirely lost courage, and had no thoughts but of
retiring.

The enemy, to deprive diem of all resource, and prevent
their escaping, shut the mouth of the great harbour, which
was about five hundred paces wide, with galleys placed cross-
wise, and other vessels, fixed with anchors and iron chains,
and, at the same time, made the requisite preparations for a
batde, in case they should have courage to engage again.
When the Athenians saw themselves thus hemmed in, the

^ 8ia»B OP SYBACU8B. 161

generals and priaeipal officers assembled, in order to deUbante
on the present state of aSkirs. They were in absolate want of
proTisioBs, irinoh was owing to their having forbid the people
of Catana to bring any, from the hopes they entertained of
tbeir being able to retire ; and they conld not procure any
from other places, unless they were masters of the sea : this
made them resolve to venture a sea>fight. In this view, they
were determined to le^ve their old camp and their walls, and
to intrench themselves on the shore near their ships, in the
smallest compass possible. Their design was to leave some
forces in that place to guard their baggage and the sick, and
to fight with the rest aboard all the ships they should have
saved. They intended to retire into Catana, in case they
should be victorious; otherwise, to* set fire to their ships, and
to march by land to the nearest city belonging to their allies.
. This resolution being taken, Nicias immediately filled a
himdred and ten galleys (the others having lost their oars)
with the flower of his infantry, and drew up the rest of the
forces, particularly the bowmen, in order of battle, on the
shore. As the Athenians dreaded very much the beaks of the
Syracusan galleys, Nicias had provided harping-irons to grap-
ple them, in order to break the force of the blow, and to come
immediately to close fight, as on shore. But the enemy, per-
caving this, covered the prows and upper part of their galleys
with leather, to prevent their being so easily laid hold of.
The commanders on both sides had employed all their rhetoric
to ammate their men ; and none could ever have been prompted
with stronger motives : for the battle, which was going to be
fought, was to determine, not only' their lives and liberties,
bat also the fate of their country.

This battle was very obstinate and bloody. The Athenians,
being arrived at the mouth of the port, easily took those ships
wUch defended the entrance of it ; but when they attempted
to break the chain of the rest, to widen the passage, the enemy
came up from all quarters. As near two hundred galleys came
rushing on each side in a narrow place, there must necessarily
be a very great confusion, and die vesseU could not easily ad-
vance forward, or retire, or turn about to renew the attack.
The beaks of the galleys, for this reason, did very little ex-
ecution ; but there were very furious and frequent discharges.

M

163 HISTORY OP caBfiGB. *

The Athenians were overwhelmed with a shower of stooev,
whioh always did execution from what place soever they were
thrown ; whereas they defended themselves by only shooting
darts and arrows, which, by the motion of the ships, from the
agitation of the sea, did not carry true, and by that means die
greatest part of them did little execution. Ariston, the {Mlot,
had given the Syracusans this counsel. These discharges be*
ing over, the soldiers, heavily armed, attempted to enter the
enemy's ships, in order to fight hand to hand ; and it often
happened, that, whilst they were climbing up one side, their
own ships were entered on the other, and two or three riups
were grappled to one, which occasioned a great perplezi^
and confusion. Farther, the noise of the ships that dashed
one against the other, the different cries of the victors and
vanquished, prevented the orders of the oflScers from being
heard. - The Athenians wanted to force a passage, whatever
might be the consequence, to secure their return into dieir
own country ; and this the enemy employed their utmost ef-
forts to prevent, in order that they might gain a more complete
and more glorious victory. The two land armies, which were
drawn up on the highest part of the shore, and the inhabitants
of the city who were there, ran to the walls, whilst the rest,
kneeling in the temples, were imploring Heaven to give suc-
cess to their fellow-citizens : all these saw clearly, because of
their little distance from the fleet, every thing that passed,
and contemplated the battle as from an amphitheatre, but not
without great anxiety and terror. Attentive to, and shudder*
ing at every movement, and the several changes which hap*
pened, they discovered the concern they had in the battle,
their fears, their hopes, their grief, their joy, by different cries
and different gestures ; stretching out their hand sometimes
towards the combatants to animate them, at odier times to-
wards heaven, to implore the succour and protection of the
gods. At last, the Athenian fleet, after sustaining a long
battle, and a vigorous resistance, was put to flight, and drove
against the shore. The Syracusans, who were spectators of
this victory, conveyed the news to the whole city by a univer-
sal shout The victors, now masters of the sea, and saiBng
with a &vourable wind towards Syracuse, erected a trophy,
whilst the Athenians, who were quite dejected and over-

S1R6K OF SYRACUSE. 163

powered, did net so mach as request that their dead soldiers
might be delivered to them, in order to pay the last sad daty
to their remains.

There now remained but two methods for them to choose ;
either to attempt the passage a second time, for which they
had ships and soldiers sufficient, or to abandon their fleet to
the enemy, and retire by land. Demosthenes proposed the
former ; but the sailors, in the deepest affliction, refused to
obey, fnlly persuaded that it would be impossible for them to
sustain a second engagement. The second method was, there-
fore, resolved upon ; and accordingly they prepared to set out
in the night, to conceal the march of their army from the
enemy.

But Hermocrates, who suspected their design, was very
sensible, that it was of the utmost importance not to suffer so
great a body of forces to escape, since they otherwise might
fortify themselves in some corner of the island, and renew die
war. The Syracusans were, at that time, in the midst of
their festivity and rejoicings, and meditating nothing but how
they might divert themselves after the toils they had sustained
is fight. They were then solemnizing the festival of Hercules.
To desire the Syracusans to take up arms again in order to
pursue the enemy, and to attempt to draw them from their
diversions, either by force or persuasion, would have been to
no purpose ; for which reason another expedient was em-
ployed. Hermocrates sent out a few horsemen, who were to
pass for friends of the Athenians, and ordered them to cry
aloud. Tell Nicias not to retire till day-light, for the Syra-
cusans lie in ambush for him, and have seized on their passes.
This fiailse advice stopped Nicias at once, and he did not even
set out the next day, in order that the soldiers might have
more time to prepare for their departure, and carry off what-
ever might be necessary for their subsistence, and abandon the
rest

The enemy had time enough for seizing the avenues. The
next morning early they possessed themselves of the most dif-
ficult passes, fortified those places where the rivers were ford-
aUe, broke down the bridges, and spread detachments of
horse up and down the plain, so that there was not one place
whiqh *the Athenians could pas3 without fighting. They set

M 2

164 HISTORY OP GRBBCE.

oat upon their march the third day after the battle, with a de-
sign to retire to Catana. The whole army was in an inex*
pressible consternation, to see such a great number of men
either dead or dying, some of whom were left exposed to wild
beasts, and the rest to the cruelty of the enemy. Those who
were sick and wounded conjured them, with tears, to take
them along with the army, and held by their clothes when they
were going, or else, crawling after them, followed them as
far as dieir strength would permit ; and when this failed, had
recourse to tears, sighs, imprecations, and, sending up towards
heaven plaintive and dying groans, they called upon the g^ods
as well as men to avenge their cruelty, whilst every place
echoed with lamentations.

The whole army was in a deplorable condition. All the
Athenians were seized with the deepest melancholy. They
were inwardly tortured with rage and anguish, when they re-
presented to themselves the greatness from which they were
Mien, the extreme misery to which they were reduced, and
the still greater evils from which they foresaw it would be im*
possible for them to escape. They could not bear the com-
parison, for ever present in their thoughts, of the triumphant
state in which they had left Athens, in the midst of the good
wishes and acclamations of the people, with the ignominy of
their retreat, aggpravated by the cries and imprecations of their
relations and fellow citizens.

But the most melancholy part of the spectacle, and that
which most deserved compassion, was Nicias: dejected and
worn out by a tedious illness, deprived of the most necessary
comforts, at a time when his age and infirmities required them
most, pierced not only with his private grief, but with that of
others, all which preyed upon his mind. However, this'^great
man, superior to all his evils, thought of nothing but how he
might best comfort his soldiers, and revive their courage. He
ran up and down in all places, crying aloud, that their situa-
tion was not yet desperate, and that other armies had escaped
firom g^reat dangers ; that they ought not to accuse themselvesp
or grieve too immoderately for misfortunes, which they had
not occasioned ; that, if they had offended some god, his ven-
geance must be satiated by this time ; that fortune, after hav-
igg so long fii^oured the enemy, would at last be tired of per-

8IB6B OF SYRACUSE. 165

secQting them; that their bravery pod theur nambers made
them still formidable (being still near forty theasand strong) ;
that no city in Sicily would be able to withstand them, nor
prevent their settling wherever they might think proper; that
they had no more to do, but to take care severally of them-
selves, and march in good order ; that, by a prudent and cou-
rageous retreat, which was now become their only resource,
they would not only save themselves, but also their country,
and enable it to recover its former grandeur.

The army marched in two bodies, both drawn up in the
form of a phalanx, the first being commanded by Nicias, and
the second by Demosthenes, with the baggage in the centre.
Being come to the river Anapis, they forced their passage,
and afterwards were charged by the enemy's cavalry, as well as
archers, who dbcharged perpetually upon them. They were
annoyed in this manner during several days' march, every one
of the passes being guarded, and the Athenians being obliged
to dispute every inch of their way. The enemy did not care
to hazard a battle against an army, which despair alone might
render invincible; and the instant the Athenians presented
the Syracusans battle, the latter retired ; but, whenever the
former proceeded in their march, they advanced and diarged
them in their retreat.

Demosthenes and Nicias, seeing the miserable condition to
which the troops were reduced, being in extreme want of pro-
visions, and great numbers of them wounded, judged it ad-
visable to retire towards the sea, by a quite contrary way from
that in which they then marched, and to make directly for
Camarina and Gela, instead of proceeding to Catana, as they
first intended. They set out in the night, after lighting a
great number of fires. The retreat was made in great con-
fusion and disorder, as generally happens to great armies in
the gloomy horrors of the night, especially when the enemy
is not far off. However, the van guard, commanded by Ni-
cias, went forward in good order; but above half the rear
gaard, with Demosthenes at their head, quitted from the main
body, and lost their way. On the next day, the Syracusans,
who, on the report of their retreat, had marched with the ut-
most diligence, came up with Demosthenes about noon, and,
having surrounded him with their horse, drove him into a nar-

166 HISTORY OF GREECE.

row place, enclosed with a wall, where his soldiers foaght like
Kons. Perceiving, at the close of the da;, that that they were
oppressed with fatigue, and covered with wounds, the con-
qnering Syracusans gave the invaders leave to retire, which
some of them accepted, and they afterwards spared the lives
of the rest, who surrendered at discretion, with Demosthenes,
after it having been stipulated that they should not be put to
death, nor sentenced to perpetual imprisonment. About six
thousand soldiers surrendered on these conditions.

Nicias arrived, the same evening, at the river Erineus, and,
passing it, encamped on a mountain, where the enemy came
up with him &e next day, and summoned him to surrender at
discretion, as Demosthenes had done. Nicias could not per-
$uade himself at first, that what they told him concemiog De-
mosthenes was true, and therefore desired leave to send some
horse for information. Upon their returning with the news,
that Demosthenes had really surrendered in that manner, Ni-
cias offered to pay the expenses of the war, upon conditio*
they would permit him to leave the country with his forces,
and to give as many Athenians for hostages as they should be
obliged to pay talents. But the enemy rejected this proposal
with disdain and insolence, and renewed the attack. Nicias,
though in absolute want of all things, however, sustained the
charge the whole night, and marched towards the river Asi-
narus. When they were got to the banks of it, the Syra-
cusans, advancing up to them, threw most of them into the
stream, the rest already having plunged voluntarily into it, to
quench their thirst. Here the greatest and most bloody havoc
was made, the poor wretches being butchered, without the
least pity, as they were drinking. Nicias, finding all lost, and
unable to bear this dismal spectacle, surrendered at discretion^
upon condition that Gylippus should discontinue the fight, and
spare the rest of his army. A great number were killed, and
more taken prisoners, so that aJl Sicily was filled with them.
The Athenians seem to have been displeased with their ge-
neral for surrendering in this manner at discretion; and, for
this reason, his name was omitted in a public monument, od
which was engraved the names of those commanders who had
lost their lives in fighting for their country.

The victors adorned with the arms taken from the prisoners

TRIUMPH or THB SYRACUSANS. l4S7

ttie finest and largest trees they could find on the banks of the
rivers, and made a kind of trophies of those trees> when,
crownings themselves with chaplets of flowers, dressing their
hones in the richest caparisons, and cropping those of their
enemies, they entered triumphantly into Syracuse, after har-
ing happily terminated the most considerable war in which
they had ever been engaged widi the Greeks, and won, by
their strength and valour, a most signal and complete victory.

The next day a council was held to deliberate on what was
to be done with the prisoners. Diodes, one of tbe leaders of
graitest authority among the people, proposed, that all the
Athenians, who were bom of free parents, and all such Si*
ribanB as had joined with them, should be imprisoned, and
only two measures of flour, and one of water, given them
daily ; that the slaves, and all the allies, should be publicly
sold; and that the two Athenian generals should be first
seourged with rods, and afterwards put to death.

This last article was exceedingly disliked by all wise and
compassionate Syracusans. Uermocrates, who was very fit-
mons for his probity and justice, attempted to make some re-
mmistrances to the people, but they would not hear him, and
tbe shouts, which echoed on all sides, prevented him firom
continuing his speech. At that instant, an ancient man, ve-
nerable for his great ago and gravity, who in this war had lost
two sons, the only heirs to his name and estate, made his ser-
vants carry him to the tribunal for harangues, and, the instant
he appeared, a profound silence was made. " Yon here be-
hold," says he, " an unfortunate father, who has felt more
than any other Syracusan the fatal efiects of this war, by the
death of two sons, who formed all the consolation, and were
the only supports of my old age. I cannot, indeed, forbear
admiring their courage and felicity, in sacrificing to their
country's welfare a life, of which they would one day have
been deprived by the common course of nature : but then I
cannot but be strongly afiected with the cruel wound which
their death has made in my heart, nor forbear hating and de-
testing the Athenians, the authors of this unhappy war, as the
■mrderers of my children; but, however, I cannot conceal
one circumstance, which is, that I am less sensible of my pri-
vate aflBiction than that of the honour of my coantry, and I see

I HISTORY OF GRBBGS.

. to eternal infamy by the barbarous -adrae whUk

given y6n. The Athenians, indeed, merit the wont
/ , and every kind of punishment that can be inffieteii

m, for so unjustly declaring war against us ; bat have

t i gods, the just avengers of crimes, punished them, and

us sufficiently? When their general laid down Us

. surrendered, did he not do this in the hopes of b«r-

ir lives spared? and if we put them to death, will it be
I tie for us to avoid the just reproach of our having violated

r of nations, and dishonoured our victory by an nnheibd*
omelty? How will you suffer your glory to be thus smllied
in the fisce of the whole worid, and have it said, that a nation,
who first dedicated a temple in this city to Clemency, had not
found any in yours ? Surely victories and triumphs do not give
immortal glory to a city : but the exercising mercy towards a
vanquished enemy, the using moderation in the greatest peos*
perity, and fearing to offend the gods by a haughty and in*
solent pride, will ever ensure it. You, doubtless, have not
forgot, that this Nicias, whose fate you are going to prononnoe,
was the man who pleaded your cause in the assembly of the
Athenians, and employed all his credit, and the whole power
of his eloquence, to dissuade his country from embarMog ^
this war; should you, therefore, pronounce sentence of death
on this worthy general, would it be a just reward for the seal
he showed for your interest? With regard to myself, death
would be less grievous to me than the sight of so horrid an in-
justice committed by my countrymen and fellow-citiasens.'*

The people seemed moved with compassion at this speedi,
especially when this venerable old man first ascended. They
expected to hear him cry aloud for vengeance on those who
had brought all these calamities upon him, instead of suing for
their pardon. But the enemies of the Athenians expatiated
with vehemence on the unheard-of cruelties which their re*
public had exercised on several cities belonging to their ene*
mies, and even to their ancient allies ; the inveteracy wliioh
the commanders had shown against Syracuse, and the evils
they would have made it suffer had they been victorious ; the
aflSictions and g^ans of infinite numbers of «Syracusans, who
bewailed the death of their children and near relations, whoso
manes could be appeased by no other way than by the blood

DBATH AND CHARACTER Of^ NICIAS. 109

I

%

of their murderen. These representations prevailed, and die
people retamed to their sanguinary resolntion, and followed
Diocles's advice in every respect. Gylippus nsed bis utmost
endeavours, but in vain, to have Nicias and Demosthenes
g^ven up to him (especially as he had taken them), in order
for Urn to cany them to Lacedemon ; but his demand was
rejected with a haughty scorn, and the two generals were put
to death.

No wise and compassionate man could forbear shedding
tears at the tragical fate of two such illustrious personages,
and particularly for Nicias; who, of all men of his time,
seemed least to merit so ignominious and untimely an end.
When people recollected the speeches and remonstrances he
had made to prevent the war ; and, on the other side, when
they considered how high a regard he had always retained for
thi^ps relating to religion, the gpreatest part of them were
tempted to exclaim against Providence, in seeing that a man,
who had ever shown the highest reverence for the gods, and
had alwf^ ezerted himself to the utmost for their honour and
worship, should be so ill rewarded by them, and meet with no
better fate than the most abandoned wretches.

Nicias must be regarded by posterity as a good, rather than
a great man. He was humane and benevolent. He wanted
not for wisdom and discernment: and no man ever possessed
more of the true amor patria. But then he was too timid
for the services in which he was sometimes employed; and,
upon all occasions, too diffident of his own abilities. These
qualities in him, however, were not without their advantages :
for, while they subjected him to the mortification of seeing Us
counsels rejected, himself s^nt out on duty which did not suit
his inclination, or his operations in the field less acceptable
than they might otherwise have been, they procured him the
esteem of the people, by the appearance of moderation, and
of respect for their privileges, which they always bore; and
the confidence of the soldiery, by those ideas of caution, or
of stratagem, or even piety tovrards the gods, which they were
always ready to affix to them. It was of no small service to
the character of Nicias, that he was called upon to act in con-
cert with Cleon and Alcibiades. The fire and impetuosity of
these men required to be tempered by the coolness and de-

170 HISTORY. OP 6RBB0B.

liberation of their collea^e; and every reflectioOy on tfie con*
trast which their dispositions made, tends to enhance our good
opinion of Nicias. Nicias is said always to have given good
advice, and always to have foaght well. From thence, one
would think that he merits a higher title than we fseem willing
to allow him; and so he would, had the promptitude of his
designs kept pace with the sincerity of his intentions, or even
with the vigour of his execution. The unhappy event <^ hii
last exertions in Sicily was owing to a variety of canses.
Many of his fellow citizens strove, through envy, to min hii
reputation: his indifferent state of health admitted not of the
unremitting vigilance and application which the Athenian af-
fairs in that island demanded; and infectious diseases, and
wounds, and death, had rendered the greatest efforts of his
troops feeble and ineffectual. Nicias was a rich man: a silver
mine, which he had in his estate at Laurinm, furnished him
with the means of displaying his magnificence in public shows
and donations. This gained over to him many that weie dHc*
affected to his measures, and secured the good opinion of
those who approved of them.

Demosthenes was a brave, intrepid officer, and by no means
defective in military tactics. There was no contemporary
of his more likely to preserve the honour of the Atiienian
name than he: but the misery was, that the affairs of Syracnae
were become desperate before he entered upon the expedition.
His name was long had in estimation at Athens. Demoa-
thenes, the orator, many years after the discomfiture we have
related, valued himself upon being of the same family wUh
Demosthenes who fell at Syracuse.

The prisoners were shut up in the prisons of Syracnae,
where, crowded one upon the other, they suffered inciedible
torment for eight months. Here they were for ever expoaed
to the inclemencies of the. weather: scorched in the day-time
by the burning rays of the sun, or frozen in the night by tlie
colds of autumn ; poisoned by the stench of their own exor^
ment, by the carcasses of those who died of their wounds and
of sickness, and worn out by hunger and thirst, for the daily
allowance to each was but a small measure of wat^ and two
of meal. Those who were taken out of this place two months
after, in order to be sold as slaves, many of whom were eili*

COK8TBRNATION UV TH£ ATHENIANS. 171

lens, who bad opnceded their condition, found m ieas rigoroos
fate. Their wisdom, their patience, and a certain air of pro*
bity and modesty, were of great advantage to them : for they
were soon restored to their liberty, or met with the kindest
and most generous treatment from their masters. Several of
them even owed the good usage they met with to Euripides,
the finest scenes of whose tragedies they repeated to the
Sicilians, who were extremely fond of them : so that, when
they returned to their own country, they went and saluted
that poet as their deliverer, and informed him of the admirable
effects wrought in their favour by his verses.

The news of the defeat being carried to Athens, the Giti*"
zens at first would not believe it, and were so far from giving
credit to the report, that they sentenced that man to death
who first published the tidings; but when it was confirmed,
all the Athenians were seized with the utmost consternation ;
and* as if themselves had not decreed the war, they vented
their rage and resentment against the orators who had pro>
moted the enterprise, as weU as against the soothsayers, who,
by their suf^sosed prodigies, had flattered them with the hopes
of success. They had never been reduced to so deplorable a
condition as now, having neither horse, foot, money, galleys,
nor mariners; in a word, they were in the deepest despair,
expecting every moment that the enemy, elated with so great a
victory, and strengthened by the revolt of the allies, would
come and invade Athens, both by sea and land, with all the
forces of Peloponnesus. Cicero had reason to observe,
speaking of the battles in the harboar of Syracuse, that it
was there the troops of Athens, as well as their galleys, were
mined and sunk; and that, in this harbour, die power and
glory of the Athenians were miserably shipwrecked.

The Athenians, howerer, did not suffer themselyes to be
wholly dejected, but resumed courage. They now resohred
to raise money on all sides, and to impcnrt timber for building
of ships, in order to awe the allies, and particularly the in-
habitants of the island of Euboea. They retrenched all su-
perfluous expenses, and established a new council of ancient
men» who were to weigh and examine all affirirs, before tfaey
shonld be proposed to the people. In fine, ttey omitted
nothing which might be of service in the present conjuncture ;

172 HISTORY OP GRKBCE.

the afaurm which they were in, and their* common danger;
cfUiging every individual to be attentive to the necessities of
the state, and sedulous to all advice that might promote its
interest.

Such was the event of the siege of Syracuse, the failure of
winch destroyed the power of those that had undertaken it
We have hitherto seen Athens rising in arts and arms, giving
lessons both in politeness, humanity, philosophy, and war,' to
all the nations round, and begining to fix an empire, which, if
once established, no neighbouring power could overthrow.
But their ambition grew faster than their abilities ; and, flieir
^ views extending beyond their capacity to execute them» they
fell at once from that height to which, for ages, they had been
assiduously aspiring. We are now, therefore, to be presented
with a different picture ; we are no longer to view this Gttie
state panting for conquests over other nations, but timorohsly
defending itself at home ; we are no longer to view Athens
taking the lead in the councils, and conducting the confederated
armies of Greece : they now become, in a measure, annihilated ;
they fade from the eye of the historian ; and other nations,
whose names have hitherto been scarcely mentioned, emerge
from obscurity. The rashness of this enterprise was severely
punished in the loss of their best generals, fleets, and armies ;
all now was destroyed, or left at the mercy of those, whom
they had so unseasonably undertaken to subdue.

Their allies began now to think of throwing off their yoke ;
and even those who had stood neuter took this occasion to de-
clare against them. But the Lacedasmonians, being more
particularly elevated, resolved to prosecute the war with
vigour, and the winter was spent in preparations on both
sides. The Athenians, in their present distress, scarcely knew
where to turn ; many of their allied cities revolted, and it was
with the utmost difficulty, that, by placing their forces and
fleets at Samos, they reduced such states as had abandoned
them to their former obedience, and kept the rest to their
duty : thus, still struggling with a part of their former spirit*
they kept themselves in a.condition to make head against dieir-
enemies, over whom they had obtained several advantages.

Alcibiades, who was well informed of all that passed among
the Athenians, sent secretly to the principal of them at Sattios

CHANGE IN THB ATHENIAN 60VBRNMENT. 173

to sound their seatiments, aod to let them know that he wafr
not averse from returning to Athens, provided the adminis-
tration of the republic were put into the hands of the great
aind powerful, and not left to the populace, who had expelled
liiin. Some of the principal officers went from Samos, with a
design to concert with him the proper measures for the suc-
cess of that undertaking, He promised to procure the Athe^
nians, not only the favour of Tissaphemes, the king of Persia's
lieutenant, with whom he had taken refuge, but of the king
bimself, upon condition they would abolish the democracy, or
popular government : because the king would place more con-
fidence in the engagements of the nobility, than upon those
of the inconstant and capricious multitude. The chief man
who opposed his return was Phrynicus, one of the generals,
who, to compass his designs, sent word to Astyochus, the
Lacedssmonian general, that Alcibiades was treating with Tis-
saphemes, to bring him over to the Athenian interest. He
offered, farther, to betray to him the whole army and navy of
the Athenians. But his treasonable, practices being all de*
tected, by the good understanding betwixt Alcibiades and
Astyochos, he was stripped of his office, and afterwards stabbed
in the market-place.

In the mean time, the Athenians went eagerly forward to
complete that change of government which had been proposed
to them by Alcibiades : the democracy began to be abolished
in several cities of Athens, and, soon after, the scheme was
carried boldly forward by Pysander, who was chie6y concerned
in the transaction. To give a new form to this govemmenty
he caused ten commissaries, with absolute power, to be ap-
pointed, who were, however, at a certain iSxed time, to g^ve
the people an account of what they had done. At the ex[Mra-
tion of that term, the general assembly was summoned, where-
in their first resolution was, that every one should be ad-
mitted to make such proposals as he thought fit, without being
liable to any accusation, or consequent penalty, for infringing
the law. It was afterwards decreed, that a new council
should be formed, with full power to administer the puUio
affiurs, and to elect new magistrates. For this purpose, five
presidents were established, who nominated one hundred per-
sons, including themselves. Each of these chose and asso-

174 HISTORY OP GRBBGK.

ctated three more at his own pleasure, which made in all four
faoBdred, in whom an absolute power was lodged. But, to
amnse the people, and to console them with a shadow of
popnlar government, whilst they instituted a real oligarchy, it
was said, that the four hundred should call a council of fire
thousand citizens to assist them, whenever they should judge
it necessary. The council and assemblies of the people were
lield as usual ; nothing was done, however, but by order of
the four hundred. The people of Athens were deprived, in
this manner, of their liberty, which they had enjoyed almost a
hundred years, after having abolished the tyranny of the Pi-

This decree being passed without opposition, after the sepa-
ration of the assembly, the four hundred, armed with daggers,
and attended by a hundred and twenty young m^n, whom they
made use of when any execution required it, entered the
senate, and compelled the senators to retire, after having paid
tfem the arrears due upon their appointments. They elected
new magistates out of their own body, observing the usual
ceremonies upon such occasions. They did not think proper
to recal those who were banished, lest th^y should authorize
the return of Alcibiades, whose uncontrollable spirit they
dreaded, and who would soon have made himself master of
the people. Abasing their power in a tyrannical manner, they
put some to death, others they banished, and confiscated their
estates with impunity. All, who ventured to oppose this
duMge, or even to complain of it, were butchered upon fiilse
pretexts : and those were intimidated, who demanded justice
of the murderers. The four hundred, soon after their establish-
ment, sent ten deputies to Saraos, for the army's concurrence
to their establishment.

The army, in the mean time, which was at Samos, protested
against these proceedings in the city ; and, at the persuasion
of Thrasybulus, recalled Alcibiades, and created him general,
with fiill power to sail directly to the PyrsBus, and crush this
new tyranny. Alcibiades, however, would not give way to
thb rash opinion, but went first to show himself to Tissapher-
nes^ and let him know, that it was now in his power to treat
widi him as a friend or an enemy. By which means he awed
Urn Athenians with Tissaphemes, and Ttssapheroes with tbe

RBCAL OF ALGIJIIADfiS. 175

Jkthenuiuk WlieOy afterwards, the four hundred sent to
Samos^to Vinlicate their proceedings, the army was for patting
the messengers to death, and persisted in the design upon the
PyrsBQS ; hot Alcibiades, opposing it, manifestly saved the
^commonwealth.

In the meanwhile, the innovation in Athens had occasioned

such factions and tumults, that the four hundred were more

kitent upon providing for their safety than prosecuting the

-war. In order to which, they fortified that part of the Pyraeus,

which commands the mouth of the haven ; and resolved, in

<Mtte of extremity, rather to let in the Lacedaemonians, than

expose their persons to the fury of their fellow-citizens. The

Spartans took occasion, from these disturbances, to hover

about with forty-two galleys, under the conduct of Uegesan-

drides; and the Athenians, with thirty-si^^, under Tiraochares,

were forced to engage them, but lost part of their fleet, and

the rest were dispersed. To add to which, all Euboea, except

Oreus, revolted to the Peloponnesians.

This failure of success served to give the finishing blow to
the power of the four hundred. The Athenians, without de-
lay, opposed them, as the authors of all the troubles and di-
visions under which they groaned. Alcibiades was recalled,
by unanimous consent, and earnestly solicited to make all pos-
sible haste to the assistance of the city. But judging, that if
he returned immediately to Athens he should owe his recal
to the compassion and favour of the people, he resolved to
render his return glorious and triumphant, and to deserve it
by some considerable exploit. For this purpose, leaving Sa-
mos with a small number of ships, he cruized about the islands
of Cos and Cnidos, and having learnt that Mindarus, the
Spartan admiral, was sailed to the Hellespont with his whole
fleet, and that the Athenians were in pursuit of him, he steered
that way with the utmost diligence to support them, and
arrived happily with his eighteen vessels at the time the fleets
were engaged, near Abydos, in a battle which lasted till night,
without any advantage on either side. His arrival gave the
Spartans new courage at first, who believed him still their
frigid, and dispirited the Athenians. But Alcibiades, hang^
ing out the Athenian flag in the admiral's galley, fell upon
them, and put them to flight ; and, animated by his sncoess.

176 HISTORY OP 6RBBCB.

sunk their vessels, and made a great slaughter of their soldiers,
who had thrown themselves into the sea, to save themaelves
bj swimming* The Athenians, after having taken thirty of
their galleys, and retaken those they had lost, ere^ied a
trophy.

Alcibiades, after this victory, went to visit Tissaphemes,
who was so far from receiving him as he expected, that he im-
mediately caused him to be seized, and sent away prisoner to
Sardis, telling him, that he had orders from the king to make
war upon the Athenians ; but the truth is, he was afraid of
being accused to his master by the Peloponnesians, and
thought, by this act of injustice, to purge himgelf from all
former imputations. Alcibiades, after thirty days, made his
escape to ClazomensB, and soon after bore down upon the
Peloponnesiau fleet, which rode at anchor before the port of
Cyancus. With twenty of his best ships he broke through the
enemy, pursued those who abandoned their ships and fled to
land, and made a great slaughter. The Athenians took all die
enemy's ships, made themselves masters of Cyzicus, while
Mingimis, the Lacedaemonian general, was found among the
number of the slain.

Alcibiades well knew how to make use of the victory ho had
gained ; and, at the head of his conquering forces, took seve-
ral cities which had revolted from the Athenians. Calcedon,
Selymbria, and Byzantium, were among the number. Thus
flushed with conquest, he seemed to desire nothing so ardently
as to be once more seen by his countrymen, as his presence
would be a triumph to his friends, and an insult to hia ene-
mies. Accordingly, being recalled, he set sail for Athena.
Besides the ships covered with bucklers and spoils of all aotiM,
in the manner of trophies, a great number of vessels were also
towed after him by way of triumph ; he displayed also the en-
signs and ornaments of those he had burnt, which were more
than the others, the whole amounting to about two hundred
ships. It is said, that, reflecting on what had been done
against him, upon approaching the port, he was struck with
some terror, and was afraid to quit his vessel, till he saw firom
the deck a great number of his friends and relations, who were
come to the shore to receive him, and earnestly entreated him
to land. As soon as he was landed, the multitude, who came

CHARACTER OP LYSANDER. 177

oat to meet him, fixed their eyes on him, thronged about him,
laluted him with loud acclamations, and crowned him with
jpurlands. He received their congratulations with great satis-
bction. He desired to be discharged from his former con-
demnation, and obtained from the priests an absolution from
all their former denunciations.

Yet notwithstanding these triumphs, the real power of
Athens was now no more, the strength of the state was gone,
and even the passion for liberty was lost in the common de-
^neracy of the times : many of the meaner sort of people
passionately desired that Alcibiades would take the sovereignty
opoo him ; they even desired him to set himself above the
reach of envy, by securing all power in his own person : the
great, however, were not so warm in their gpratitude, they
were content with appointing him generalissimo of all their
forces; they granted him whatever he demanded, and gave
him for colleagues the generals most agreeable to him. He
set sail accordingly, with a hundred ships, and steered for the
island of Andros, that had revolted, where having defeated the
inhabitants, he went from thence to Samos, intending to make
that the seat of war. In the mean time, the Lacedsemonians,
jostly alarmed at his success, made choice of a general, sup-
posed to be capable of making head against him ; for this rea-
son they fixed upon Lysander, who, though born of the high-
est family, had been bred up to hardships, and paid an entire
respect to the discipline and manners of his country. He was
brave and aspiring, and, like his countrymen, sacrificed all
sorts of pleasure to his ambition. He had an evenness and
sedateness of temper, which made all conditions of life sit
easy upon him ; but withal was extremely insinuating, crafty,
and designing, and made his interest the only measure of truth
and falsehood. This deceitful temper was observed to run
through the whole course of his life ; upon which occasion it
was said, that he cheated children with foul play, and men
with perjury : and it was a ma\im of his own, that when the
lion fails, we must make use of the fox.

Lysander, having brought his army to Ephesus, gave orders
for assembling ships of burthen from all parts, and erected an
arsenal for building of galleys: he made the ports firee for
merchants, gave the public places to artificers, put all arts in

N

178 HISTORY OF 6RBBCK.

motion, and by these means filled the city with riches, and
laid the foundation of that magnificence which she afterwards
attained. Whilst he was making these dispositions he re-
ceived advice, that Cyras, the Persian prince, was arrived ttt
Sardis; he therefore set out from Ephesus to make him a
visit, and to complain of Tissaphemes, whose duplicity and
treachery had been fatal to their common cause. Cyrus, who
had a personal enmity to that general, came into the views of
Lysander, agreed to increase the seamen*s pay, and to give
him all the assistance in his power.

This largess filled the whole fleet with ardour and alacrity,
and almost unmanned the enemy's galleys, the greatest part
of the mariners deserting to the party where the pay was best
The Athenians, in despair, upon receiving this news, endea-
voured to conciliate Cyrus by the interposition of TWa-
phemes ; but he would not hearken to them, notwithstanding
the satrap represented, that it was not for the king^s interest
to aggrandize the Lacedsemonian^, but to balance the power
of one side with that of the other, in order to perpetuate the
war, and to ruin both by their own divisions.

Alcibiades, on the other hand, having occasion to leave tlie
fleet, in order to raise the supplies, gave the command of his
fleet to Antiochus, with express command not to engage or
attack the enemy in his absence. Antiochus, however, was
willing to do some action that might procure him favour, with-
out a partner in the glory: he was so far, therefore, from ob-
serving the orders that were g^ven him, that he presently sailed
away for Ephesus ; and, at the very mouth of the harbour,
used every art to provoke the enemy to an engagement. Ly-
sander at first manned out a few ships to repel his insults ; but
as the Athenian ships advanced to support Antiochus, other
galleys belonging to the Lacedaemonians also came on, tiO
both fleets arrived by little and little, and the engagement
became general on both sides. Lysander at length was victo-
rious ; Antiochus was slain, and fifteen Athenian galleys wefe
taken. It was in vain that Alcibiades soon after came up to
the relief of his friends; it was in vain that he offered to
renew the combat : Lysander, content with the victory he had
gained, was unwilling to trust to fortune.

The fickle multitude of Athens again, therefore, began to

DBATH OF CALLIGKATIDAS. 179

acctifte Alcibiaides of incapability. He, who was just heSote
respected even to adoration, was now discarded, upon a
gronndle^ suspicion that be had not done his duty. But it
was the glory he had obtained by his past services that now
ruined Mm; for his continual success had begot in the peoirie
such a high opinion of him, that they thought it impossible ftr
him to Ml ik any thing he undertook, and from thence Ub
enemies took ooeasion to question his integrity, and to impnta
to him both his own and other miscarriages. Callicratidas was
appointed to succeed Lysander, whose year was expired:
alike severe to himself and others, inaccessible to flattery and
rioth, the declared enemy of luxury, he retained the modesty,
terapendice, and austerity of the ancient Spartans ; virtues
that began to distinguish him partieulariy, as they were not
very common in his time. His probity and justice were proof
against all attacks : his simplicity and integrity abhorred all
falsdiood and fraud. To these virtues were joined a tnily
Spartan nobleness and grandeur of soul.

The first attempt of the new admiral was against Methymna,
in Lesbos^ which he took by storm* He then threatened
ConoBy who was appointed general of the Athenians, that he
wonU make him leave debauching the sea : and accordingly,
soon after, pursued him into the port of Mitylene, wiA a
hundred and seventy sail, took thirty of his ships, and be-
sieged him in the town, frotn which he cut off all provisions.
He soon after took ten ships more out of twelve, which were
coming to Us relief. Then, hearing that the Athenians had
fitted out their whole strength, consisting of a hundred attd
fifty sail, he left fifty of his ships, under Etonicus, to OMfy
on the siege of Mitylene, and, with a hundred and twenty
more, mH the Athenians at Arginusa), over against Lesbos.
His pilot advised him to retreat, for that the enemy was su-
perior in number. He told him, that Sparta would be never
the worse inhabited, though he were slain. The fight was
long and obstinate, until at last the ship of Callicratidas,
diaiging through the enemy, was sunk, and the rest fled.
The Peloponnesians lost about seventy sail, and the Athenians
twenty-five, with most of the men in them.

The Athenian admirals, who had the joint command of the
fleet, instead of behig rewarded for so signal a victory, were

N 2

180 HISTORY OF 6RBBCB.

made a barbarous instance of the power and ing^titade of
their fellow-citizens. Upon a relation of the fight before Ae
senate it was alleged, they had suffered their men who were
shipwrecked to be lost, when they might have saved them :
upon which they were clapped in irons, in order to answer for
their conduct to the people. They urged, in their drfenoe,
that they were pursuing the enemy ; and, at the same time,
gave orders about taking up the men to those whose business
it more peculiarly was; particularly to Theramenes, who was
DOW their accuser; but yet, that their orders could not be
executed, by reason of a violent storm, which happened at
that time. This seemed so reasonable and satisfactory^ that
several stood up and offered to bail them ; but, in another
assembly, the popular incendiaries demanded justice, and so
awed the judges, that Socrates was the only man who had
courage enough to declare he woold do nothing contrary to
law, and accordingly refused to act. After a long debate,
eight of the ten were condemned, and six of them were put
to death ; among whom was Pericles, son of the great Peri-
cles. He declared, that they had failed in nothing of thw
duty, as they had given orders that the dead bodies should be
taken up; that, if any one were guilty, it was he, who, being
charged with these orders, had neglected to put them in exe-
cution ; but that he accused nobody ; and that the tempest,
which came on unexpectedly at the very instant, was an un-
answerable apology, and entirely discharged the accused from
all guilt. He demanded, that a whole day should be allowed
them to make their defence, a favour not denied to the oioft
criminal; and that they should be tried separately. He re*
presented, that they were not in the least obliged to precqn-
tate a sentence, wherein the lives of the most illustrious citi-
zens were concerned ; that it was, in some measure, attacking
the gods, to make men responsible for the winds and weather :
that they could not, without the most flagrant ingratitude and
injustice, put the conquerors to death, to whom they ooglit
to decree crowns and honours, or give up the defenders of
their country to the rage of those who envied them : that if
they did so, their unjust judgment would be followed by a
sudden, but vain repentance, which would leave behind it the
sharpest remorse, and cover them with eternal infamy. Among

INGRATITUDB OP THB ATHENIANS. 181

tiie number abo was Diomedon, a person equally eminent for
his valour and his probity : as be was carrying to his execution
ho demanded to be heard. '' AtheniaDS," said he, "I wish
the sentence you have passed upon us may not prove the mis-
fortune of the republic ; but I have one favour to ask of you,
in behalf of my colleagues and myself; which is, to acquit us
before the gods of the vows we made to them for you and
ourselves, as we are not in a condition to discharge them ; for
it is to their protection, invoked before the battle, we ac»
knowledge that we are indebted for the victory gained by us
over the enemy.'* There was not a good citizen that did not
melt into tears at this discourse, so full of goodness and reli-
giouy and admire with surprise the moderation of a person,
who, seeing himself unjustly condemned, did not, however,
vent the least resentment, or even complaint, against his
judges, but was solely intent (in favour of an ungrateful
country, which had doomed them to perish) upon what it owed
to the gods, in common with them, for the victory they had
lately obtained.

This complication of injustice and ingratitude seemed to-
give the finishing blow to the affairs of the Athenian state :
they struggled, for a while, after their defeat at Syracuse;
but, from hence, they were entirely sunk, though seemingly
in the arms of victory.

The enemy, after their last defeat, had once more recourse
to Lysander, who had so often led them to conquest : on him
they placed their chief confidence, and ardently solicited his
return. The Lacedsemonians, to gratify their allies, and yet
to observe their laws, which forbade that honour being con-
ferred twice on the same person, sent him with an inferior
title, but with the power of admiral. Thus appointed, Ly-
sander sailed towards the Hellespont, and laid siege to Lamp-
sacus; the place was carried by storm, and abandoned by
Lysander to the mercy of the soldiers. The Athenians, who
followed him close, upon the news of his success, steered
forward towards Olestus, and from thence, sailing along the
coast, halted over against the enemy at Mgos PotamOs, a
place fatal to the Athenians.

The Hellespont is not above two thousand paces broad in
that place. The two armies, seeing themselves so near each

182 HISTORY OP GRBBCB.

other, expected only to rest that day, and Mfere in hopes of
coining to a battle on the next. But Lysander bad another
design in view : he commanded the seamen and pilots to go
on board their galleys, as if they were in reality to fight the
next morning at break of day, to hold themselves in readiness,
and to wait his orders in profound silence. He ordered the
land army, in like manner, to draw up in order of battle upon
the coast, and to wait the day without any noise. On the
morning, as soon as the sun was risen, the Athenians began
to row towards them with their whole fleet in one line» and to
bid them defiance. Lysander, though his ships were ranged
in order of battle, with their heads towards the eDenQr* by
still without making any movement. In the evening, when
the Athenians withdrew, he did not sufier his soldiers to go
ashore till two or three galleys, which he had sent out to
observe them, were returned with advice, that they had seal
the enemy land. The next day passed in the same maaaisr,
as did the third and fourth. Such a conduct, which argued
reserve and apprehension, extremely augmented the seouritf
and boldness of the Athenians, and inspired them with a Ugh
contempt for an army, which fear prevented firom showing
themselves or attempting any thing.

Whilst this passed, Alcibiades, who was near the fleet, took
horse, and came to the Athenian generals, to whom he re-
presented, that they kept upon a very disadvantageous coast,
where there were neither ports nor cities in the neighbour-
hood ; that they were obliged to bring their provisions firom
Sestos, with great danger and difficulty ; and that they were
very much in the wrong to sufier the soldiers and mariners of
the fieet, as soon as they were ashore, to straggle and diqievse
themselves at their pleasure, whilst the enemy's fieet fieioed
them in view, accustomed to execute the orders of their ge-
neral with instant obedience, and upon the slightest signal*
He offered also to attack the enemy by land, with a strong
body of Thracian troops, and to force them to a battle. The
generals, especially Tydeus and Monander, jealous of their
eommand, did not content themselves with refusing his oflTers
(from the opinion, that, if the event proved unfortunate, the
whole blame would fall upon them, and, if favourable, that
Alcibiades would engross the whole honour of it), but rejected

BATTLE OP i£GOB POTAMOS. 183

also with iosult his wise and salutary counsel : .as if a man in
disgrace lost his sense and abilities with the favour of the
oommonwealth. Alcibiades withdrew.

The fifth day, the Athenians presented themselves again,
and oflTered him battle, retiring in the evening, according to
custom, with more insulting air than the days before. Lysan-
der, as usaal, detached some galleys to observe them, with
orders to return with the utmost diligence when they saw the
Athenians landed, and to put a brown buckler at each ship's
head, as soon as they reached the middle of the channel. Hiin-
lelC in the mean time, ran through the whole line in his gal-
ley, exhorting the pilots and officers to hold the seamen and
soldiers in readiness to row and fight on the first signal.

At soon as the bucklers were put up in the ships' heads,
uid the admiral's galley had given the signal by the sound of
tmnipet, the whole fleet set forwards, in good order. The land
irmy, at the same time, made all possible haste to the top of
lie promontory, to see the battle. The strait that separates
lie two continents in this place b about fifteen stadia, or three
]vnrters of a league in breadth, which space was presently
deaied, through the activity and diligence of the rowers.
CoDon, the Athenian general, was the first who perceived from
ihore the enemy's fleet advancing in good order to attack him,
ipon which he immediately cried out for the troops to embark.
In the height of sorrow and perplexity, some he called to by
hm names, some he conjured, and others he forced to go on
bottd their galleys ; but all his endeavours and emotion were
tnoffectnal, the soldiers being dispersed on all sides, for they
weie no sooner come on shore, than some were run to the
mttlers, some to walk in the country, some to sleep in their
tents, and others had begun to dress their suppers. This pro-
seeded firom the want of vigilance and experience in their
jenerals, who, not suspecting the least danger, indulged them-
lelves in taking their repose, and gave their soldiers the same
liberty.

The enemy had already fallen on with loud cries, and a great
loise of their oars, when Conon, disengaging himself with nine
{alleys, of which number was the sacred ship, he stood away
Gnr Cyprus, where he took refuge with Evagoras. The
Peloponnesians, falling upon the rest of the fleet, took imme-

HISTORY OP GRBBCB.

tely the galleys which were empty, and disabled and de-

oyed such as began to fill with men. The soldiers, who ran

thoat order or arms to their relief, were either killed in the

ideavour to get on board, or, flying on shore, were cut to

ieces by the enemy, who landed in pursuit of them. Lysan-

ier took three thousand prisoners, with all the generals, and

Jie whole fleet: after having plundered the camp, and fastened

the enemy's galleys to the sterns of his own, he retomed to

Lampsacus, amidst the sounds of flutes and songs of triampfa.

It was Us glory to have achieved one of the greatest military

exploits recorded in history, with little or no loss, and to have

terminated a war, in the small space of an hour, whidi bad

already lasted seven and twenty years, and which, perfaapt,

without him, had been of much longer continuance. Lyaander

immediately sent dispatches with this agreeable news to

Sparta.

The three thousand prisoners taken in this battle having'
been condemned to die, Lysander called upon Philocles, one
of the Athenian generals, who had caused all the prisoneis
taken in two galleys, the one of Andros, the other of Corinth,
to be thrown from the top of a precipice, and had formerly
persuaded the people of Athens to make a decree for cutting
off the thumb of the right hand of all the prisoners of war, in
order to disable them from handling the pike, and that they
might be fit only to serve at the oar. Lysander, therefore,
caused him to be brought forth, and asked him what sentence
he would pass upon himself, for having induced his city to pass
that cruel decree. Philocles, without departing from his
haughtiness in the least, notwithstandmg the extreme danger
he was in, made answer: '* Accuse not people of crimes, who
have no judges ; but, as you are victors, use your right, and do
by us as we had done by you if we had conquered." At the
same instant he went into a bath, put on afterwards a magni-
ficent robe, and marched foremost to the execution. AH the
prisoners were put to the sword, except Adamantus, who had
opposed the decree.

When the news of the entire defeat of the army came to
Athens, by a ship which arrived in the night at the Piraeus, the
city was in consternation. They naturally expected a siege:
and, in fact, Lysander was preparing to besiege them. Nothing

ATHENS BBSIEGED. 185

was heard but cries of sorrow and despair in every part of it.
They imagined the enemy already at their gates ; they repre-
sented to themseh'es the miseries of a long siege, a cruel
famine, the roin and burning of their city, the insolence of a
proud victor, and the shameful slavery they were upon the
point of experiencing, more afflicting and insupportable to
them than the most severe punishments, and death itself. The
next day the assembly was summoned, wherein it was resolved
to shut up all the ports, one only excepted, to repair the
breaches in the walls, and mount guard to prepare against
a siege.

Their fears were soon confirmed by reality. Lysander,
finding numbers of Athenians dispersed in difierent cities,
commanded them all, on pain of death, to take shelter in
Athens. This he did with a design, so to crowd the city, as to
be able soon to reduce it by famine. In efiect, he soon after
arrived at the port of Athens, with a hundred and fifty sail ;
while Agis and Pausanias, the two kings of Sparta, advanced
with their army to besiege it by land.

The wretched Athenians, thus hemmed in on every side,
without provisions, ships, or hopes of relief, prepared to
meet the last extremity with patience; in this manner, without
speaking the least word of a capitulation, and dying in the
streets by numbers, they obstinately continued on the de-
fensive ; but at length, their com and provisions being entirely
consumed, they foand themselves compelled to send deputies
to Agis, with offers of abandoning all their possessions, then*
city and port only excepted. The haughty Lacedaemonian re^
ferred their deputies to the state itself, and when the sup-
pliant deputies had made known their commission to the
Ephori, they were ordered to retire, and to come with other
proposals if they expected peace. At length, Theramenes, an
Athenian, undertook to manage the treaty with Lysander ; and
after three months of close conference, he received full powers
to treat at Lacedsemon. When he, attended by nine others,
arrived before the Ephori, it was there strongly urged by some
of the confederates, that Athens should be totally destroyed,
without hearkening to any farther proposals. But the Lacedae-
monians told them, they would not destroy a city which had so
eminently rescued Greece in the most critical juncture, and

186 HISTORY OP 6RBBCE.

consented to a peace upon these conditions : that the kmg
walk and fortifications of the Pirseus should be damolished ;
that they should deliver up all their ships but twelve ; that they
should restore their exiles ; that they should make a league
offensive and defensive with the Lacedaemonians, and serve
them in all their expeditions, both by sea and land. Tbeiar
menes, being returned with the articles to Athens, was asked
why he acted so contrary to the intentions of Themistocles,
and gave those walk into the hands of the LacedsBmooians,
which he built in defiance of them? " I have my eye" says
he, " upon Thenustocles' design ; he raised these walk for the
preservation of the city, and I for the very same reason would
have them destroyed ; for, if walls only secure a city, SfMurta,
which has none, k in a very ill condition." The AtheniaDs» at
another time, would not have thought thk a satisfiM^toiy
answer, but, being reduced to the last extremity, it did not
admit of a long debate, whether they should accept the treaty.
At last, Lysander coming up the Pirseus, demolished the
walls with great solemnity, and all the insulting triumphs of
music. Thus a final period was put to this unhappy war,
which had continued for seven and twenty years, in which
heaps of treasure and a deluge of blood were exhausted.

It would be unpardonable in us, not to pay that tribute of
gratitude and respect, which k due to the memory of those
exalted geniuses, whose labours adorned the nations of their
^ own times, and have polished and humanized those of latter
times. Wars and political contests serve but to depopulate
the earth, or to fill the minds of men with animosity and hate:
while the labours of the historian, the fancies of the poet, and
the inventions of the philosopher, enlarge the understanding,
meliorate the heart, and teach us fortitude and resignation.
Such peaceful and improving arts well deserve our notice.
More especially does the cultivation of them in Greece de-
serve our attention, as many of the writers of that country weve
renowned for military or political, as well as literary ae-
complkhments.

Of Homer it were unnecessary to say much, hk merit beiqg
well known. It k not probable that he was the first of the
Grecian poets. There seem to have been authors prior to
him, from whom he has borrowed in the execution of hk Iliad ;

POETS, PHILOSOPHBRS, &C. 187

«t as he was tlie first poet of note, it was not unnatural to
laoe him at the head of all ancient bards. Concurring testi-
sonies seem to allow Smyrna the highest claim to the honour
f giving him birth. That event took place about two hundred
tnd fortj years after the destruction of Troy.

Hesiod was either contemporary with Homer, or lived im-
nediataly after him. Their works will not bear a comparison.
Somer is stately and sublime, while Hesiod is plain and agree-
lUe. But when we say so, we do not mean to detract in the
east from the reputation of Hesiod : to write with sweetness
ind propriety was all he studied, and these he certainly at-
aaiedto.

About the beginning of the war, which preceded the peace
concluded between the Athehians and LacedsBmonians for
ifty yaan, died iEschylus, the Athenian dramatic writer. He
MS the same claim to the title of " Father of Tragedy,"
vUch Homer has to that of " Poetry ;" for although he was
MVt the first who attempted that sort of composition, yet he was
he first who reduced it to any kind of regularity and method.
En die days of Solon, Thespis made a considerable improve-
nienty by introducing a single person, whose business was to
relieve the chorus, by the recital of some extraordinary adven-
tnie. It was JEschylus who exchanged the cart of Thespis
iinr a dieatre; who introduced a variety of performers, each
tduDg a part in the representation of some great action, and
beiaed in a manner suited to his character. The style of
fiichylus is pompous, and sometimes sublime, but harsh, and
destitate of musical arrangement. Had he been less obscure,
be would have had a much higher claim to the character of
fnUwM. The chief object of hb pieces is terror ; and there
is not a doubt but that his rough, unpolished manner, has con-
(nboted greatly to promote that object.

Doling that period, in which Greece was so much distracted
by thePeloponuesian war, there flourished Sophocles, Euripides^
Aristophanes, &c., among the poets ; Herodotus and Thucy-
dides among the historians ; and Socrates among the philo-
sophers.

Sophocles had applied so intensely to the study of tragedy,
when a young man, that his first piece was judged not inferior
to the very best of those of iEschylus. Both of these poets

188 HISTORY OP GRBECB.

were stately io their manner, but ^EschylnB was the more sab*
lime. That advantage, however, was more than eowiter-
balanced by the versatility of Sophocles's genius, and by his
superior perspicuity and eloquence. He was also more suo-
cessfal than his master in Ids appeal to the passione ; and
though he did not harrow up the breast so much by terratp be
softened it more by pity, and acquired, of course, the reputa-
tion of being a more amiable and polite writer. Sophocles was
likewise much more happy than his predecessor in the condact
of his plots; he made them more interesting by being move
artful. Ete also contrived to make the performances of the
chorus bear a relation to the main action, and so rendered the
whole entire. The great applause with which his last piope
was received is said to have cost him his life.

Euripides, the rival of Sophocles, aimed not at the lottj
strains of .£schylus or of his great competitor : he was more
sententious and moral than either of them, and seemed to bate
as strong a desire to instruct mankind as to obtain their ap>
probation. Correctness and elegance were the qualities of
style which he appears to have admired. He is less artful and
magnificent than Sophocles ; but then he is more natural, and
more useful. We have already mentioned a circuoistanee
which redounded very much to the honour of the poet — the
emancipation of many of the Athenians who were made pri-
soners at Syracuse, because they repeated some of hb beauti-
ful verses.

While tragedy was improving in the hands of Sophocles and
Euripides, comedy was advancing under the guidance of
Phrynicus, Aristophanes, and Cratinus. But the most distin-
guished genius of this kind was Aristophanes. At the same
time that he entertained the Athenians with his pleasantry, be
lashed them with his satire. True it is, he did not possess
much of that fine raillery, which has given so smooth, and yet
so sharp an edge to modem comedy ; but then he possessed
fire and strength ; and by introducing his characters widiomt
the disguise of name, occupation, 8cc., his performances were
often more relished, and, most likely, more useful, than those
of the tragedians. The period of which we are speaking may
very properly be called, " The free age of poetry in Greece."
There were several causes which conspired to make it so.

PORTS, PHILOSOPHERS, &C. 189

The taste and manners of the Greeks had been refined, and
their minds enlarged, by their intercoorse with foreign nations,
and the lessons of their philosophers ; and what was a greater
inoentiye to emulation among the poets than any of these, was
the smooth, musical, expressive, copioas, and varied language
in which they wrote.

As to history, Herodotus is considered as the &ther of that
species of composition in Ghreece. He wrote the history of
the wars between the Greeks and Persians, and gave a detail
of the affiedrs of almost all other nations, from the reign of
Cyras to that of Xerxes. His work consists of nine books.
It is clothed in the Ionic dialect, and is a perfect model of
simplicity and elegance.

Thucydides is esteemed a more able writer than even He-
rodotus. He wants, indeed, that native elegance, for which
his predecessor is admired ; but then he is more judicious and
energetic. He wrote the history of the Peloponnesian war.

Of Socrates, Aristotle, Demosthenes, and other illustrious
Chredan writers and philosophers, mention is made in different
pnrts ai thw work. There is a circumstance that merits our
aftlentioB here ; the discovery of the ** Metonic," or ** Gk>lden
Nnmber," by Meton. That philosopher fiourished a little be-
tote the commencement of the Peloponnesian war, and was
wmAk esteemed by the Athenians.

Pindar was a native of Thebes, and contemporary with
Meton.

CHAPTER XI.

PROM THE DBMOLITION OP THE ATHENIAN POWftR
TO THE DEATH OP SOCRATES.

The victory of Lysander was so terrible a shock to Allieiit,
that it only survived to be sensible of the loss of its own power;
however, the conquerors were so generous as not to exdngoish
the name ; they said they would not be guilty of puttio^ oat
one of the eyes of Greece ; but they imposed, some fiuttor
marks of conquest on them : they obliged the people to doiio-
lish the democracy, and submit to the government of tUrty
men, who were commonly known by the name of the tUitjr
tyrants. Though the Greeks Were apt enough to give that
name to men of virtuous characters, these men, who wm« tk
creatures of Lysander, in every respect deserved the iMStop-
probious denomination : instead of compiling and pubiidfang a
more perfect body of laws, which was the pretence for thrir
being chosen, they began to exert their power of Mfe
death ; and though they constituted a senate, and other
gistrates, they made no farther use of them, than to confirm
tiieir authority^ and to see their commands executed. How-
ever, they at first acted cautiously, and condemned only the
most detested and scandalous part of the citizens, such as lived
by evidencing aud informing : but this was only to give a co-
lour to their proceedings : their design was to make themselves
absolute ; and, knowing that was not to be done without a fo-
reign power, their next step was to desire a guard might be
sent them from Sparta, until such time as they could clear the
city from all disafiected persons, and thoroughly settle the go-
vernment. Lysander accordingly procured them a guard un-
der the command of Callibius, who, by bribes aud artifices,
was vnrought over to their designs, and then seen to act with-
out control, filling the city with the blood of those, who, on
account of their riches, interest, or good qualities, were most
likely to make head against them.

UBATH OF ALCIBIADBS. 181

One of the first acts of their cruelty was, the procaring
the death of Alcibiades, who had taken refnge in the do-
minions of Persia. This unfortunate general, still mindftd
jf the debt he owed his country, employed his ntmoslt atten-
tion in giving it the earliest notices of what codd affect its
freedom or its safety. Cyrus, the prince of Persia, h&ying
resolved to dethrone his brother Artaxerxes, entered into a
treaty with the Lacedaemonians, to assist him in his designs.
Alcibiades did all that was in his power to obstmct the scheme ;
but the Lacedaemonian partizans at Athens, that is to say, tlie
Snrty tyrants, apprehended the intrignes of so superior a ge-
iiiiifl as his, and represented to their masters, that they were*
inevitably mined, if they did not find means to rid themselves
of AJcibiades. The Lacedaemonians thereupon wrote to Phar-
nabasus, and, with an abject meanness not to be excused, and
wUch showed how much Sparta had degenerated from her
mcient manners, made pressing instances to. him to deliver
(tk&ta at any rate from so formidable an enemy. This satrap
complied with their wishes. Alcibiades was then in a small
toiwn of Phrygia, where he lived with his concubine, Timan-
drm. Those, who were sent to kill him, not daring to enter his
house, contented themselves with surrounding and setting it
on fire. Alcibiades having quitted it through the fiames,
iword in hand, the barbarians were afraid to stay to come to
blows with him, but, flying and retreating as he advanced,
(bey poured their darts and arrows upon him from a distance,
and he fell dead upon the spot. Timandra took up his body,
and having adorned and covered it with the finest robes she
had, she made as magnificent a funeral for it as her present
condition would admit.

Such was the end of Alcibiades, whose great virtues were
itifled and suppressed by still greater vices. It is not easy to
say whether his good or bad qualities were most pernicious to
his country ; for with the one he deceived, and with the other
lie oppressed it. In him, distinguished valour was united widi
nobility of blood. His person was beautiful and finely made ;
tie was eloquent, of great ability in affairs, insinuating, and
fonned for charming all mankind. He loved glory, but in-
iolged, at the same time, his inclination for pleasure ; nor was
be so fond of pleasure as to neglect his glory for it; he knew

192 HISTORY OP GRBBCE.

how to give into, or abstract himself from, the allurements of
laxory, according to the situation of his affairs. Never was
there ductility of genius equal to his ; he metamorphosed him-
self, with incredible facility, into the most contrary forms, and
supported them all with as much ease and grace as if each had
been natural to him.

In this manner the thirty proceeded, and, fearing to be op-
posed by the multitude, they invested three thousand citizens
with some part of their power, and by their assistance preserved
the rest. But, thoroughly emboldened by such an accesion to
their party, they agreed to single out every one his man, to pot
him to death, and seize their estates for the maintenance of
their garrison. Theramenes, one of their number, was the
only man that was struck with horror at their proceedings ;
wherefore Critias, the principal author of this detestable reso-
lution, thought it necessary to remove him, and accused him
to the senate of endeavouring to subvert the state. Sentence
of death was, therefore, passed upon him, and he was obliged
to drink the juice of hemlock, the usual mode of execution at
that time in Athens. Socrates, whose disciple he had been,
was the only person of the senate who ventured to appear in
his defence : he made an attempt to rescue him out of the
hands of the officer of justice, and, after his execution, went
about, as it were, in defiance of the thirty, exhorting and ani-
mating the senators and citizens against them.

The tyrants, delivered firom a colleague, whose presence
alone was a continual reproach to them, no longer observed
any just measures. Nothing passed throughout the city but
imprisonments and murders. Every body trembled for him-
self or his friends. The general desolation had no remedy,
nor was there any hope of regaining lost liberty.

All the citizens of any consideration in Athens, and who re-
tained a love of freedom, quitted a place reduced to so hard
and shameful a slavery, and sought elsewhere an asylum and
retreat, where they might live in safety. The Lacedaemonians
had the inhumanity to endeavour to deprive those unhappy
fugitives of this last resource. They published an edict to pro-
hibit the cities of Greece from giving them refuge, decreed
that they should be delivered up to the thirty tyrants, and
condemned all such as should contravene the execution of

THE THIRTY TYRANTS OVERTHROWN. 198

tfais edict, to pay a fine of five talents. Only two cities re-,
* jected with disdain so anjast an ordinance, Megara and Thebes,
the latter of which made a decree to punish all persons what-
soever, that should see an Athenian attacked by his enemies,
without doing his utmost to assist him. Lysias, an orator of
Syracuse, who had been banished by the thirty, raised five
hundred soldiers at his own expense, and sent them to the aid
of the native country of eloquence.

Thrasybulus, a man of admirable character, Who had long
deplored the miseries of his country, was now the first to re-
Jieve it. At Thebes he fell into a consultation with his fellow
citizens, and the result was, that some vigorous efibrt, though
it should carry never so much danger, ought to be made for
the benefit of public liberty. Accordingly, with a party of
thirty men only, as Nepos says, but as Xenophon, more pro-
bably, says, of near seventy, be seized upon Phyle, a strong
castle on the frontiers of Attica. This enterprise gave the
alarm to the tyrants, who immediately marched out of Athens,
with their three thousand followers, and their Spartan guard,
and attempted the recovery of the place, but were repulsed
with loss. * Finding they could not carry it by a sudden assault,
they resolved upon a siege, but not being sufficiently provided
for that service, and a great snow falling that night, they were
forced to retire the.next day into the city, leaving only part of
their guard, to prevent any farther incursions into the coun-
try. Encouraged by this success, Thrasybulus no longer kept
himself confined, but marched out of Phyle by night ; and, at
the head of a body of a thousand men, seized on the Piraeus.
The thirty flew thither with their troops, and a battle sufficiently
warm ensued ; but, as the soldiers on one side fought with
valour and vigour for their liberty, and, on the other, with in-
dolence and neglect for the power of their oppressors, the suc-
cess was not doubtful, but followed the better cause : the ty-
rants were overthrown; Critias was killed upon the spot;
and, as the rest of the army were taken to flight, Thrasybulus
cried out, " Wherefore do you fly from me as from a victor,
rather than assist me as the avenger of your liberty ? We are
not enemies, but fellow citizens, nor have we declared war
against the city, but against the thirty tyrants." Ue continued,
with bidding them remember, that they had the same origin,

o

194 HISTORY OP 6RBECE.

.country, taws, and religion ; he exhorted them to compantonate-^

their exiled brethren, to restore them to their countiy, and re

same their liberty themselves. This discourse had suitable ef- —
feots. The army, upon their return to Athens, expelled
thirty, and substituted ten persons to govern in their room, ba(
whose condnct proved no better than that of those whom
succeeded. Though the government was thus altered, and
thirty were deposed from power, they still had hopes of
reinstated ii! their former authority, and sent deputies to
cedsemon to demand aid. Lysander was for granting it
them : but Pausanias, who then reigned in Sparta, moved
compassion at the deplorable condition of the Atheniamiy
Toured them in secret, and obtained a peace for thero : it
sealed with the blood of the tyrants, who, having taken
to reinstate themselves in the government, were pnt to
sword, and Athens left in full possession of its liberty,
sybulns then proposed an amnesty, by which the citisens
gaged upon oath that all past actions should be buried in
livion. The government was then re-established in its
forms ; their laws were restored to their past vigour, tlie
gistrates elected with the usaal ceremonies, and*denocfacy
once more restored to this unfortunate people. Xeoopboo
observes, that this intestine fury had consumed as manyk
eight months, as the Peloponnesian war had done in ten
years.

Upon the re-establishment of affairs in Athens, the odwr
states enjoyed the same tranquillity, or rather kept in a q«et
subjection to Sparta, which now held the undoubted soverdgnCy
of Greece. But it being a maxim with the Spartans, that tfab
sovereignty was not to be maintained but by a constant ecmme
of action, they were still seeking fresh occasions for war ; aod
part of their forces, together with another body of Gredans,
being at this time engaged in a quarrel between the P<
king and his brother, it will be necessary to pass over into
and relate so much of the Persian affairs as concerns the
pedition of Cyrus, wherein those forces were employed,
cially since it is attended with cnrcumstances, which, if doly
considered, will easily make it pass for one of the greatest
tions of antiquity.

It has been already observed, that Cyrus, the son of

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. IM

}f otkusy law witb pain his elder brother Artaxerxes upon the
Ihfone, and more than once attempted to remove him. Ax^
taxarxes was sot insensible of what he had ia fear from a
brother of his enterprising and ambitious spirit, but could not
refiise pardoning him on the prayers and tears of his mother,
Parysatts, who doated upon this youngest son. He removed
Urn, therefore, into Asia, to his government, confiding in him,
CDotrary to all the rules of policy, an absolute authority over
■O the profinces left him by the will of the king his father.
He was do sooner appointed in this manner, but he used all
kb arts with the barbarians and the Grecians to procure power
wmk popularity, in order to dethrone his brother. Clearchas
Mtired to his court, after having been banished from Sparta,
mad was of great service to him, being an able, experienced,
and valiant captain. At the same time, several cities, in the
fnmaee of Tissaphemes, revolted from their obedience in fa-
vour of Cyrus. This incident, which was not an effect of
chaaoe, but of the secret practices of that prince, gave birth
to war between the two brothers. The emissaries of Cyrus
at the court were perpetually dispersing reports and opinions
amoagit the people, to prepare their minds for the intended
ehaoge and revolt. They talked, that the state required a
king <if Cyrus's character, a king magnificent, liberal, who
bved war, and showered his favours upon those that served
Urn; and that it was necessary, for the grandeur of the em-
{ibe, to have a prince upon the throne, fired with ambition and
Taloor, for the support and augmentation of his glory.

The troops of Cyrus, which were apparently levied for the
business of the state, but, in fact, to overturn it, consisted of
ihsieen thousand Greeks, which were the flower and chief
Ibvee of his army. Clearcfaus, the Lacedaemonian, 'who com-
■Maided the Pelopimnesian troops, was the only man of all
tiie Greeks that was let into the Persian prince's design ; he
flMule it his sole application to gain the affections of his people
staring <their marches, by treating them with humanity, con-
iMrsiag freely with them, and giving effectual orders that they
ahodd want for nothing. The Grecian troops knew neither
iio fnteat nor the occasion of the war ; they set out for Sar-
dis, at leng^ and marched towards the upper provinces of
Asia.

o 2

196 HISTORY OP GRBBCK.

When they were arrived at Tarsus, the Greeks refoaed i
mffirch any farther, rightly suspecting that they were intended
llgaindt the king, and loudly exclaiming, that they had not en-
tered into the service upon that condition. Ciearcbos, who
commanded them, had occasion for all his address and ability
to stifle this commotion in its birth. At first he made use ol
authority and forco, but with very ill success, and desisted,
therefore, from an open opposition to their sentiments;
even affected to enter into their views, and to support diei
with his approbation and credit. By this artful evasion
appeased the tumult, and made them easy ; and they ch
him and some other officers for their deputies. Cyrus,
be had secretly apprised of every thing, made answer, that
was going to attack Abrocomas, his enemy, at twelve day
march from thence upon the Euphrates. When this
was repeated to them, though they plainly saw against who
they were going, they resolved to proceed, and only demanded
an augmentation of their pay. Cyrus, instead of one
month to each soldier, promised to give them one and a
Still to ingratiate himself the more, being told that two oflioen
had deserted from the army, and being advised to pursue and
put them to death, he declared publicly, that it should never be
said he had detained any one person in his service against hb
will ; and he ordered their wives and children, who were left
as hostages in his army, to be sent after them. A conduct
so wise, and apparently generous, had a surprising effect
in conciliating the affections of the soldiery, and made
even those his firm adherents, who were before inclined to
retire.

As Cyrus advanced by long marches, he was informed^ (torn
all parts, that the king did not intend to come directly to a
battle, but had resolved to wait in the remotest parts of Persia
till all his forces were assembled ; and that, to stop Ins ene-
mies, he had ordered an entrenchment to be thrown up on Ike
plains of Babylon, with a ditch five fathoms broad, and thrM
deep, extending the space of twelve parasangs, or leaguea^
firom the Euphrates to the walls of Media. Betweoi tbm
Euphrates and the ditch a way had been left of twenty feet m
breadth, by which Cyrus passed with his whole army, having
reviewed it the day before. The king had neglected to dk-

BATTLB OP GUNARA. 197

pate tfab pass with him, and i suffered him to continue his
march towards Babylon.

Cyrus still continued to proceed, giving Clearchus the com-
mand of the right wing of the Grecian army, and Menon that
of the lefty still marching in order of battle, expecting every
hour to engage. At length he discovered his brother's army,
consbting of twelve hundred thousand men, besides a select
body of six thousand horse, approaching and preparing to en-

The place where the battle was ifought was called Cunara,
■bout twenty-five leagues from Babylon. Cyrus, getting on
berseback, with his javelin in his hand, gave orders to the
troops to stand to their arms, and proceed in order of battle.
Tke enemy, in the mean time, advanced slowly, in good order.
Artaxerxes led them on regularly with a slow pace, without
Doiae or confusion. That good order and exact discipline
extremely surprised the Greeks, who expected to see much
Iqxary and tumult in so great a multitude, and to hear con-
fbaed cries, as Cyrus had foretold them.

Tlie armies were not distant above four or five hundred
paQes, when the Greeks began.to sing the hymn of battle, and
to march on softly at first, and with silence. When they came
near the enemy, they set up great cries, striking tbeir darts
upon their shields to frighten the horse ; and then, moving all
together, they sprung forwards upon the barbarians with all
llieir force, who did not wait their charge, but took to their
heels and fled universally, except Tissaphemes, who stood
bis ground with a small part of his troops.

Cyras saw with pleasure the enemy routed by the Greeks,
md was proclaimed king by those around him ; but he did not
{hre himself up to a vain joy, nor, as yet, reckon himself
rictor. He perceived that Artaxerxes was wheeling his right
JO attack him in flank, and marched directly against him with
BX hondred horse. He killed Artagerses, who commanded
he king's guard of six thousand horse, with his own hand,
ipd put the whole body to flight. Discovering his brother, he
«ied out, with his eyes sparkling with rage, " I see him!"
lad sparred aigainst hun, followed only by his principal officers,
6r hia troops had quitted their ranks to follow the runaways,
rliicii was an essential fault.

196 HISTORY OF 6RBBCK.

The battle then became a siugie combat, in i } neasm^,
between Artaxerxes and Cyras; and the two „athars were
seen, transported with rage and fury, endeavouring, Kke
Eteocles and Polynices, to plunge their swords into eaeb
other's hearts, and to assure themselves of the throne by the
death of their rival.

Cyrus, having opened hb way through those who
drawn up to battle before Artaxerxes,. joined him, and
his horse, and fell with him to the ground ; he rose, and
remounted upon another, when Cyrus attacked him again
gave him a second wound, and was preparing to give Ubi
third, in hopes that it would prove his last. The king, like
lion wounded by the huntsman, was only the more fnrio
from the smart, and sprung forwards, impetuously puaUii^
horse against Cyrus, who, running headlong, and without
gard to his person, threw himself into the midst of a figlil
darts, aimed at him from all sides, and received a woimd
from the king's javelin, at the instant that all the test dia*
charged upon him. Cyrus fell dead ; some say by the wound
given him by the king, others affirm that he was killed liy a
Carian soldier. The greatest persons of his court, resolving
not to survive so good a master, were all killed around his body :
a certain proof, says Xenophon, that he well knew how to
choose his friends, and that he was truly beloved by them.
Ariaeus, who ought to have been the firmest of all his ad-
herents, fled with the left wing, as soon as he heard of Ui
death.

Artaxerxes, after having caused the head and right band ai
his brother to be cut off by the eunuch Mesabates, pursued
the enemy into their camp. ArisBUs had not stopped tkeie :
but, having passed through it, continued his retreat to the
place where the army had encamped the day before, wluoh
was about four leagues distant.

Tissaphemes, after the defeat of the greatest part of hia left
wing by the Greeks, led on the rest against them, and, by thi
side of the river, passed through the light armed infuntiy ef
the Greeks, who opened to give him a passage, aad
their discharges upon him as he passed, without k)sing a
They were commanded by Episthenes of Amphipob,
was esteemed an able captain. Tissaphemes keiit en,

BATTLE OF GUNARA. 189

letorning to the charge, because he perceived ne was too
weak, and went forward to Cyrus's camp, where he found the
king, who was plundering it, but had not been able to force
the quarter defended by the Greeks, who saved their baggage.

The Greeks on their side, and Artaxerxes on his, who did
not know what had passed elsewhere, believed each of them
that they had gained the victory ; the first, because they bad
put the enemy to flight, and pursued them ; and the king, be-
cause he had killed his brother, beat the troops he had fought,
and plundered their camp. The event was soon cleared up on
both sides* Tissaphemes, upon his arrival at the camp, in-
fomied the king, that the Greeks had defeated his left vring,
and pursued it with great vigour ; and the Greeks, on their
aide, learnt that the king, in pursuing Cyrus's left, had pene-
trated into the camp. Upon this advice, the king rallied his
troops, and marched in quest of the enemy : and Clearchus,
being returned from pursuing the Persians, advanced to sup-
port the camp.

The two armies were very soon near each other, when, by
a movement made by the king, he seemed to intend to charge
the Greeks on their left, who, fearing to be surrounded on all
aides, wheeled about and halted, with the river on their backs,
to prevent their being taken in the rear. Upon seeing that,
the king changed his form of battle ako, drew up his army in
front of them, and marched on to the attack. As soon as the
GredLS saw him approach, they began to sing the hymn of
battle, and advanced against the enemy, even with more
ardour than in the first action.

The barbarians again began to fly, running farther than be-
fore, and were pursued to a village at the foot of a hill, upon
which their horse halted. The king's standard was observed
to be there, which was a golden eagle upon the top of a pike,
lianng its wings displayed. The Greeks preparing to pursue
them, they abandoned also the hill, fled precipitately, with all
their troops broke, and in the utmost disorder and confusion*
Clearchus having drawn up the Greeks at the bottom of the
k31, ordered Lycias, the Syracusan, and another, to go up it^
•nd observe what passed in the plain. They returned with an
aecoqmt, that the enemy fled on all sides, and that their whole
routed.

900 HISTORY OV GREECE.

As it was almost night, the Greeks laid down their
to rest themselves, much surprised that neither Cyras nor any
from him appeared; and, imagining that he was either en-
gaged in the pursuit of the enemy, or was making haste to
possess himself of some important place (for they were still WWi
^orant of his death and the defeat, of his army), they deter* — ^^a
mined to return to their camp, and found the greatest part of^^^o
the baggage taken, with all the provisions, and four hnndredKl.^ 'li
waggons laden with com and wine, which Cyras liad
eaosed to be carried along with the army for the Greeks,
case of any pressing necessity. They passed the night in
eamp; the greatest part of them without any rei
concluding that Cyrus was alive, and victorious.

Amidst the confusion the Grecians were in after the
they sent to Ariaeus, as conqueror and commander in ehiefr
upon Cyrus's death, to offer him the Persian crown. In
mean time, the king, as conqueror also on his side, sent to
them to surrender their arms, and implore his mercy ; repre-
senting to them, at the same time, that as they were m the-
heart of his dominions, surrounded with vast rivers and nmn^
berless nations, it would be impossible for them to escape hi^
vengeance ; and, therefore, they had nothing to do but to snb^
mit to the present necessity. Upon debating among them-
selves what answer they should return, Proxenes desired
know of the heralds upon what terms the king demanded
arms : if as conqueror, it was in his power to take them ;
upon any other footing, what would he give them in return!
He was seconded by Xenophon, who said, they had not
left but their arms and their liberty, and that they could not
preserve the one without the other. Clearchus said to the
same effect, that if the king was disposed to be their fnendy
they should be in a better capacity of serving him with
arms than without ; if ^their enemy, they should have need
them for their defence. Some, indeed, spoke in terms more
complying; that, as they had served Cyrus faithfully, they
would also serve Artaxerxes, if he would employ them, and
provided he would, at the same time, put them in possession
of Egypt. At last it was agreed they should remain in the
place where they were ; and that if they advanced farther, or
retreated back, it should be looked upon as a declaratioD of

RBTSBAT OP THB T£N THOUSAND. 901*

nur; so that by the issue of the debate, it appeared to have
laen manalged so to avoid giving a direct answer, and fm\j
6 amuse the king and gain time.

Whilst tins treaty was on foot, they received ArisBus's an-
iwer, that there were too many powerful men in Persia to let
lim possess the throne; wherefore he intended to set out
Murly the next morning on his return to Greece ; and that if
Jiey had a mind to accompany him, they should join him that
right in his camp, which accordingly they all did, except Mil-
boisytos, a Thracian, who went, with a party of three hundred
Ben and forty horse, to the king. The rest, in conjunction
nth Arinus's forces, decamped by break of day, and continued
heir march until sun- set, when they discovered, from the
leigfabouring villages, that the king was in pursuit of them.

Clearchus, who now undertook to conduct the Greeks, or-
lered his troops to halt, and prepared for an engagement.
rhe king of Persia, terrified by so bold an appearance, sent
beralds, not to demand their surrender, but to propose terms
of peace and treaty. When Clearchus was informed of their
nsiiTal, he gave orders to bid them wait, and to tell them that
he was not yet at leisure to hear them. He assumed pur-
potely an air of haughtiness and grandeur, to denote Us intre-
pidity, and, at the same time, to show the fine appearance and
good condition of his phalanx. When he advanced with die
most showy of his officers, expressly chosen for the occasion,
and had heard what the heralds had to propose, he made an-
swer, diat they must begin with giving battle, because, the
amy being in want of provisions, they had no time to lose.
The heralds having carried back this answer to their master,
returned immediately, which showed that the king, or whoever
tpoke in his name, was not very far distant. They said they
had orders to conduct them to villages where they would find
provisions in abundance, and conducted them thither ac-
cordingly.

After three days' stay, Tissaphemes arrived from the king,
and insinuated to them the good offices he had done for their
safety. Clearchus in his own defence urged, that they were
engaged in this expedition without knowing the enemy against
whom they were to contend ; that they were firee from all en-
gagements, and had no design against the Persian king, un-

90S HISTORY OF GRBEGK.

lets be opposed their return. Tissaphemes seemingfy graoled
their dewe, and promised tliat they should be furnished with
all necessary provisions in their march ; and, to cmifiim their
security, that he himself would be their compaaioii mi the
way.

.Accordingly, in a few days after, they set out under his
conduct; but, in their march, the barbarians encamping
about a league's distance from the Grecians, created soi
little distrusts and jealousies on both sides. In about
days, being got to the banks of the river Zabatus, ClearchQs,«HL
to prevent things coming to an open rupture, had a
eoce with Tissaphemes. The result of their discoune
that they had been misrepresented to each other by some
Clearobus's officers, and that he should bring them all to Tifr*
saphemes, in order to detect those who were guilty. In eon-
sequence of this it was agreed between them, that there should
be a general consultation of officers, in which those who had
been remiss, or attempted to sow any disensions between the
two armies, should be exposed and punished. Menon, in par-
tioular, was suspected on both sides, and he was appointed
among: the number. In consequence of this fatal res(dntion»
the five principal generals attended the succeeding day at the
Persian general's tent. Their names were, Clearchus, Menon,
Proxenes, Agis, and Socrates ; they, on a signal given, were
immediately seized, their attendants put to the sword, and
themselves, after being sent bound to the king, were beheaded
in his presence.

Nothing could exceed the consternation of the Greekiy
when they were informed of the massacre of their
they were now near two thousand miles from home,
rounded with great rivers, extensive deserts, and iniwiM^fl
nations, without any supplies of provisions. In this state
general dejection, they could think of taking neither nouridi*
ment nor repose ; all now turned their eyes upon Xenophon,
a young Athenian, who had been invited into Asia by Firox-
eacB, and had hitherto served as a volunteer in the amy.
Thb was that Xenophon, afterwards so famous as an faia>
torian; and his conduct seemed equal to his eloquence, in
which he surpassed all the rest of mankind. This young ge-
neral went to some of the Greek officers in the middle of the

SKTRBAT OP THB TEN THOUSAND. 208

gkt, and reptesented to them, that they had no time to lose :
at it was of die last importance to preyent the bad designs
'tbe enemy ; that, however small their number, they would
inder themselves formidable, if they behaved with boldness
id reaolotion ; that valour, and not multitudes, determines
le success of arms ; and that it was necessary, above all
dngSy to nominate generals immediately; because an army
ithout commanders is like a body without a soul. A council
m imediately held, at which an hundred officers were pre-
Bt; and Xenophon, being desired to speak, deduced the
uons at large he had at first but lightly touched upon;
id* by his advice, commanders were appointed. They were,
imanon for Clearchus, Xanthicles for Socrates, Cleaner for
.fpM, Philesius for Menon, and Xenophon for Proxenes.
JBefbie the break of day, they assembled the army. The
Mierals made speeches to animate the troops, and Xenophon
mong the rest ** Fellow-soldiers," said he, " the loss of
I many brave men by vile treachery, and the being abandoned
J our (riends, is very deplorable ; but we must not sink under
or misfortunes ; and, if we cannot conquer, let us choose
atiMr to perish gloriously, than to fall into the hands of bar-
mans* who would inflict upon us the greatest miseries ; let
s Call to mind the glorious battles of Platsea, Thermopylae,
Idamis, and the many others, wherein onr ancestors, thou^
dth a small number, have fought and defeated the innumer-
bla armies of the Persians, and thereby rendered the name
lone of Greeks for ever formidable. It is to their invin-
flbie vdonr we owe the honour we possess, of acknowledging
m masters upon earth but the gods, nor any happiness bnt
vfcat consists with liberty. Those gods, the avengers of per-
ory, and witnesses of the enemy's treason, will be favourable
o vs ; and, as they are offended by the violation of treaties,
md take pleasure in humbling the proud, and exalting the
law, they will also follow ns to battle, and combat for ns.
For tile rest, fellow-soldiers, we have no refuge but in victory,
wVteh must be our hope, and will make us ample amends for
vkatover it costs us to attain it* And I should believe, if it
wme your opinion, that, for the making a more ready and less
Mfenlt retreat, it would be very proper to rid oorselves of ail
tte useless baggage, and to keep only what is absolutely ne-

904 HISTORY OP GRBEC£.

cessary in oar march." All the soldiers that moment lifted
up their hands, to signify their approbation and consent to all
tibat had been said, and, without loss of time, set fire to their
tents and carriages; such of them as had too much equi-
page giving it others who had too little, and destroying the
rest.

m

Cherisophus, the Spartan general, led the Tan, and Xeno-
phon, with Timasion, brought up the rear. They bent their
march towards the heads of the great rivers, in order to pass
them where they were fordable. But they had made Utile
way, before they were followed by a party of the enemy's
archers and slingers, commanded by Mithridates, which galled
their rear, and wounded several of them, who, being heavy
armed, and without cavalry, could make no resistance. To
prevent the like inconvenience, Xenophon furnished two iMin-
dfed Rhodians with slings, and mounted fifty more of his men
upon baggage horses ; so that when Mithridates came up with
tfiem a second time, and with a much greater body, he re«
pulsed them with loss, and made good his retreat with this
handful of men, until he arrived near the city of Lariasa, on
the banks of the Tigris. From thence they marched to ano-
tber desolate city, called Mepsila ; and, about four leagues
firom that place, Tissaphemes came up to them with his whol^
army in order of battle, but, after several skirmishes, was
forced «to retire. In a few days after he secured an emi-
nence, over which the Grecians were obliged to make their
way; which Xenophon perceiving,, took a detachment of the
army, and with great diligence gained the top of a monntain;
which commanded that eminence, from whence he easily dis-
lodged the enemy, and made good a passage for the rest of
his troops into the plain, where they found plenty of provisions,
though Tissaphemes had done what he could before to bom
and destroy the country.

But still they were under as great difficulties as ever, being
bounded on the one hand by the Tigris, and on the other by
inaccessible mountains, inhabited by the Carduci, a fierce and
wariike people ; and who, Xenophon says, had cut off an
army of sixscore thousand Persians to a man, by reason of the
difficulty of the ways. However, having no boats to crofa
the river, and the passage through the mountains opening

RBTRBAT OP THB TKN THOUSAND. 905

Ito the rich plains of Armenia, they resolved to pursue their
laroh that way. These barbarians soon took the alarm, but
lot being prepared to meet the Greeks in a body, they pos-
ened themselves of the tops of the rocks and mountains, and
irom thence annoyed them with darts and great stones, which
hey threw down into the defiles through which they passed,
a which they were also attacked by several other parties ;
ady though their loss was not considerable, yet, what with
tonns and famine, besides seven tedious days' march, and
eing continually forced to fight their way, they underwent
lore fiitigue and hardship than they had suffered firom the
Fenians during the whole expedition.

Tiley found themselves soon after exposed to new dangers.
Llmost at the foot of the mountains, they came to a river two
oodired feet in breadth, called Centrites, which stopped their
larch. They had to defend themselves against the enemy,
lio pursued them in the rear, and Armenians, the soldiers of
le country, who defended the opposite side of the river,
li^ attempted in vain to pass it in a place where the water
ame up to their armpits, and were carried away by the ra-
idity of the current, against which the weight of their arms
lade them unable to resist. By good fortune, they discovered
DOther place not so deep, where some soldiers had seen the
Bople of the country pass. It required abundance of address,
ifigence, and valour, to keep off the enemy on both sides of
leoi. The army, however, passed the river, at length, without
luehloss.

Tliey marched forward with less interruption, passed the
loree of the Tigris, and arrived at the little river Teleboa,
hich is very beautiful, and has many villages on its banks,
[ere began the western Armenia, which was governed by
iribasus, a satrap much beloved by the king, and who had the
mour to help him to mount on horseback when at the court
Ee offered to let the army pass, and to suffer the soldiers to
ike all they wanted, on condition that they should commit no
Kvages upon their march ; which proposal was accepted and
ttified on each side. Tiribasus kept always a flying camp at
small distance from the army. There fell a great quantity of
f hich gave the troops some inconvenience ; and they
from a prisoner, that Tiribasus had a design to attack

906 HISTORY OP GRBKCB.

the Grfeeks at a pass of the moantains, ki a defile
wUcb they must necessarily march. They prevented him,
seising that post, after having put the enemy to flight. AfteM:
some days' march through the desert, they passed the En— i
phrates near its source, not having the water above
middles.

They suffered exceedingly afterwards from a nordi wind
which blew in their faces, and prevented respiration : so tiui.
it was thought necessary to sacrifice to the wind, upon which r
aeemed to abate. They marched on in snow five or rix fer
deep, which killed several servants and beasts of burdien,
sides thirty soldiers. They made fires during the mgli^ tomr
ibej found plenty of wood. All the next day they oootiDiied
dieir march through die snow, when many of them, from iMe
excess of hunger, followed with languor or faintmg, contioMd
lying upon the ground through weakness and want of spirits:
when something had be^n given them to eat, they foimd them-
selves relieved, and continued their march.

After a march of seven days, they arrived st the lifer
Araxes, called also the Phasus, which is about a hundred iiset
in breadth. Two days after, they discovered the Phasiaai;
die Chalybes, and the Taochians, who kept the pass of the
mountain to prevent their descending into the plain. They
saw it was impossible to avoid coming to a battle with tiben,
and resolved to give it the same day. Xenopbon, who had
observed that the enemy defended ocly the ordinary passage,
and that the mountain was three leagues in extent, proposed
the sending a detachment to take possession of the heights
that commanded the enemy, which would not be diflicnk,
as they might prevent all suspicion of their design by a marcli
in the night, and by making a false attack by the main road, to
amuse the barbarians. This was accordingly executed, die
enemy put to flight, and the pass cleared. Thus, after tweh^
or fifteen days' march, they arrived at a very high mountaio»
called Tecqua, from whence they descried the sea. The first
who perceived it raised great shouts of joy for a considerable
tknei which made Xenophon imagine that the vangtiaid wnm
attacked, and went with all haste to support it. As he ap*
proaohed nearer, the cry of "The sea ! the sea ! " was heard dis-
tincdy, and the alarm changed into joy and gaiety ; and

RBTRBAT OP THE TEN THOUSAND. S07

Ihey came to Aft top, noihiDg was heard but a confused noise
<^-tlie whole amy crying out together, " The sea ! the sea ! "
whibt they could not refrain from tears, nor from embracing
tkeir generals and officers ; and then, without waiting for
orders, they heaped up a pile of stones, and erected a trophy
with broken bucklers and other arms.

From thence they advanced to the mountains of Colchis,
ooe of which was , higher than the rest, and of that the people
of the couDtry had possessed themselves. The Greeks drew
iq> in battle at the bottom of it to ascend, for the access was
not impracticable. Xenophon did not judge it proper to
ninreh in line of battle, but by files, because the soldiers could
not keep their ranks from the inequality of the ground, that in
flttBe places was easy, in others difficult to climb, which might
discourage them. That advice was approved, and the army
frrmed according to it. The heavy-armed troops amounted
to fonncore files, each consisting of about one hundred men ;
with eighteen hundred light-armed soldiers, divided into three
bodies, one of which was posted on the right, another on the
lefk, and a third in the centre. After having encouraged his
troops by representing to them, that this was the last obstacle
they had to surmount, and having implored the assistance of
the gods, the army began to ascend the hill. The enemy were
not able to support the charge, and dispersed. They passed
the mountain and encamped in villages, where they found
pco^isions in abundance.

A very strange accident happened there to the army, which
pnt them into great consternation. The soldiers finding
abundance of bee- hives in that place, and eating the honey,
they were taken with violent vomiting and fluxes, attended
with raving fits : so that those who were least ill seemed like
drunken men, and the rest either furiously mad or dying. The
^arth was strewed with their bodies, as after a defeat; how-
ever, none of them died, and the distemper ceased the next
day, about the same hour it had taken them. The third or
ibnrth day the soldiers got up, but in the condition people are
in after taking a violent medicine.

Two days after, the army arrived near Trebisond, a Greek
ndloay of Sinopians, situated upon the Euxine, or Black Sea,
in the province of Colchis. Here they lay encamped for thirty

a06 HISTORY OP GREECE.

dajffly and acquitted themselves of the vows thej had' made to
Jupiter, Hercules, and the other deities, to obtain a happy re-
turn into their own country : they also celebrated the ganes
of horse and foot races, wrestling, boxing, and the pancratium,
the whole attended with the greatest joy and solemnity. Here
Xenophon formed a project of settling them in those parts,
and founding a Grecian colony, which was approved of b;
some ; but his enemies representing it to the army only as
more honourable way of abandoning them, and to the i
'aiits as a design to subdue and enslave the country, he
forced to give over the enterprize. However, the noise of i
had this good effect, that the natives did what they couid in
friendly manner to procure their departure, advising them
go by sea as the safest way, and furnished them with a
cient number of transports for that purpose.

Accordingly, they embarked with a fair wind, and the
day got into the harbour of Sinope, where Cherisophus met-
them with some galleys ; but instead of the money they had^
also expected from him, he only told them they should be paid,
their arrears as soon as they got out of the Euxine sea. But^
thb answer occasioned a good deal of murmuring and discoB--
tent among them ; so that they resolved to put themselves
under one general, desiring Xenophon, in the most pressing"
and affectionate terms, to accept of that command, which h»
modestly declined, and procured the appointment to fall upoa
Cherisophus. But he enjoyed it not above six or seven days;
for no sooner were they arrived at Heraclea, than the army
deposed him, for refusing to extort a sum of money firom
the iidiabitants of that city ; which being* a Grecian colony,
Xenophon likewise refused to concern himself in that affair;
so that the army being disappointed in their hopes of plunder,
fell into a mutiny, and divided into three bodies. When
parted from their barbarian enemies, they were happily le-
united, and encamped at the port of Calpe, where they settled
^e command as before, substituting Neon in the room of
Cherisophus, who died here, and making it death /or any man
henceforward to propose the dividing of the army. But bei^g
straitened for provisions, they were forced to spread them-
selves in the valleys, where Phamabasus*s horse, being joined
by the inhabitants, cut in pieces five hundred of them ; the

(.

RBTRBAT OP THB TRS THOUSAND. 9(H)

rest, esca|iiiig a hill, were rescued and brought off by Xeno-
fkaOf v/hOf akKa' uus, led them through a large forest, where
FlMffBalMtiis had posted his troops to oppose their passage ;
hmt Aey entirely defeated him, and pursued their march to
Chrjnopolis of Chalcedon, haying got a great deal of booty in
their way» and from thence to Byzantium.

From thence he led them to Salmydessa, to serve Seuthes,
piinoe of Thrace ; who had before solicited Xenopbon, by his
eoToys, to bring troops to his aid, in order to his re-establish-
ment in his father's dominions, of which his enemies had de-
priTed him. He had made Xenophon great promises for him-
■elf and his troops ; but wh.en he had done him the service he
wanted, be was so far from keeping his word, that he did not
give them the pay agreed upon. Xenophon reproached him
exceedingly with his breach of faith, imputing his perfidy to
his minister Heraclides, who thought to make his court to his
master by saving him a sum of money at the expense of jus-
tice, faith, and honesty, qualities which ought to be dearer
dian all others to a prince, as they contribute the most to bis
reputation, as well as to the success of affairs, and the security
of a state. But that treacherous minister, who looked upon
hononr,, probity, and justice, as mere chimeras, and who
thought that there was nothing real but the possession of
Hificb money, had no desire, in consequence, but of enrich-
ing himself by any means whatsoever, and robbed his mas-
tor first with impunity, and all his subjects along with him.
However, continued Xenophon, every wise nian, especially in
authority and command, ought to regard justice, probity,
and the faith of engagements, as the most precious treasure he
can possess, and us an assured resource and an infallible sup-
port in all the events that can happen. Heraclides was the
more in the wrong fov acting in this manner with regard
to the troops, as he was a native of Greece, and not a Thra-
cian; but avarice had extinguished in this man all sense of
honour.

Whilst the dispute between Seuthes and Xenophon was
wannest, Charminus and Polynices arrived as ambassadors
from Lacedsemon, and brought advice, that the republic had
<leelared war against Tissaphemes and Phamabasus; that
Thimbron had already embarked with the troops; and pro-

210 HISTORY OF GREECE.

mised a daric a month to every soldier, two to each •flfeer,
and four to the colonels, who should engage in the Bervice.
Xenophon accepted the offer, and, having obtained firom
Seulhes, by the mediation of the ambassadors, part of the pay
dne to him, he went by sea to Lampdacus with the army,
which amounted at that time to almost six thousand men.
From thence he advanced to Pergamus, a city in the province
of Troas. Having met near Parthenia, where ended the ex-
pedition of the Greeks, a great nobleman returning into Penpa,
he took him, his wife, and children, with all his equipage, and
by that means found himself in a condition to bestow great
liberalities among the soldiers, and to make them a satisfactory
amends for all the losses they had sustained. Thimbron at
length arrived, who took upon him the command of the trocqis;
and having joined them with his own, marched against Tis-
saphemes and Phamabasus.

Such was the event of Cyrus's expedition. Xenophon,
who has himself composed a most beautiful history on the
subject, reckons from the first setting out of that prince's army
from the city of Ephesus, to their arrival where the battle wa^
fought, five hundred and thirty parasangas, or leag'nes, and
fourscore and thirteen days' march : and in their return frooB
the place of battle to Corcyra, a city upon the coast of th^
Euxine, or Black sea, six hundred and twenty parasangaa*
or leagues, and one hundred and twenty days' march ; and,
adding both together, he says the way going and coming was
eleven hundred and fifty-five parasangas, or leagues, and two
hundred and fifteen days' march ; and that the whole time the
army took to perform that journey, including the days of rest,
was fifteen months.

This retreat of the ten thousand Greeks has always passed
among judges of the art of war as a most extraordinaiy no-
dertaking ; and it in some measure inspired them, ever after,
with a contempt for the power of the Persians: it taught
them, that their dominions could be invaded without danger,
and that marching into Persia was but pursuing an unresiBtIng
enemy, that only appeared to offer victory rather than battle.

In. the mean time, while Greece was gaining fame in Persia,
Athens was losing its honour at home. Though it had now
some breathing time to recover firom its late confusions, yet

CHARACTER OF SOCRATES. 211

itill diere were tke seeds of rancour remaining, and the citi-
sens opposed each other with unremitting malice. Socrates
was the first object that fell a sacrifice to these popular dis-
sensioos. We have already seen this great man, who was the
son of an obscure citizen at Athens, emerging from the mean-
ness of his birth, and giving examples of courage, moderation,
and wisdom ; we have seen him saving the life of Alcibiades
in battle, of refusing to concur in the edict which unjustly
doomed the six Athenian generals to death, of withstanding
the tfaifty ^rrants, and of spuming the bigotry and persecution
of tiie times with the most acute penetration, and the most
eanstic raillery. He possessed tinexampled good nature, and
an universal love to mankind ; he was ready to pity vices in
odiers, wUle he was, in a great measure, firee from th^n him-
self; however, he knew his own defects, and if he was proud
of any thing, it was in the being thought to have none. Ho
seemed, says^Libanius, the common father of their public, so
attentive was he to the happiness and advantage of his whole
eonntry. But as it is very difficult to correct the aged, and
to make people change principles, who revere the errors in
which diey have grown grey, he devoted his labours princi-
pnlly to the instruction of youth, in order to sow the seeds of
virtue in a soil more fit to produce the fruits of it. He had
no open school, like the rest of the philosophers, nor set times
fi>r his lessons; he had no benches prepared, nor ever
nonnted a professor's chair; he was the philosopher of all
times and seasons ; he taught in all places, and upon all oc<^a-
siona; in walking, conversation at meals, in the army, and in
tiie midst of the camp, in the public assemblies of the senate
or people. Such was the man, whom a faction in the city
bad long devoted to destruction : he had been, for many years
before his death, the object of their satire and ridicule. Aris-
tophanes, the comic poet, was engaged to expose him upon
the stage : he composed a piece called '' The Clouds," wherein
he introduced the philosopher in a basket, uttering the most
ridiculous absurdities. Socrates, who was present at the ex-
h3>ition of his own character, seemed not to feel the least
emotion ; and, as some strangers were present, who desired
to know the original for whom the play was intended, he rose
tip firom his seat, and showed himself during the whole repre-

V 2

212 HISTORY OF 6REECR.

sentation. This was the first blow struck at him; and it
waB not till twenty years after, that Melitus appeared in a
more formal manner as his accuser, and entered a regular pio-
cess against him. His accusation consisted of two heads;
the first was, that he did not admit the gods acknowledged by
the republic, and introduced new divinities ; the second, that
he corrupted the youth of Athens ; and concluded with in-
ferring, that sentence of death ought to pass against him.
How far the whole charge affected him is not easy to deter-
mine ; it is certain, that, amidst so much zeal and supersti-
tion as then reigned in Athens, he never durst openly oppose
the received religion, and was, therefore, forced to preserve
an outward show of it ; but it is very probable, from the dis-
courses he frequently held with his friends, that, in his heart,
he despised and laughed at their monstroiTs opinions and ridi-
culous mysteries, as having no other foundation than the fables
of the poets ; and that he had attained to the /lotion of the
one only true God, insomuch, that, upon the account both of
his belief of the Deity, and the exemplariness of his life, some
have thought fit to rank him with the Christian philosophers.

As soon as the conspiracy broke out, the friends of Socrates
prepared for his defence. Lycias, the most able orator of his
time, brought him an elaborate discourse of his own compos-
ing, wherein he had set forth the reasons and measures oi
Socrates in their full force, and interspersed the whole witk:— -
tender and pathetic strokes, capable of moving the most obdu-
rate hearts. Socrates read it with pleasure, and approved itr^
very much ; but, as it was more conformable to the rules oi
rhetoric than the sentiments and fortitude, of a philosopher,
he told him frankly, that it did not suit him. Upon which
Lycias having asked him, how it was possible to be well done,
and at the same time not suit him i ** In the same manner,*''
said he, using, according to his custom, a vulgar comparison,
" that an excellent workman might bring me magnificent
i^parel, or shoes embroidered with gold, to which nothii^
would be wanting on his part, but which, however, would not
suit me." He pei^isted, therefore, inflexibly in the resolu-
tion, not to demean himself by begging sufirages, in the low,
abject manner, common at that time. He employed neither
artifice nor the glitter of eloquence ; he had no recourse either

SOCRATBS'S DBFBNCB. 213

!> eoficitatioD or entreaty ; he brought neither his wife nor
hildren to incline the judges in his favour by thehr sighs
nd tears: nevertheless, though he firmly refused to make
Me of any other voice but his own in hb defence, and to
ppcar before his judges in the submissive posture of a
uppliant, he did not behave in that manner out of pride, or
ontempt of the tribunal ; it was from a noble and intrepid
ssurance, resulting from greatness of soul, and the conscious-
less of his truth and innocence ; so that his defence had no-
king weak or timorous in it : his discourse was bold, manly,
enerons, without passion, without emotion, full of the noble
berty of a philosopher, with no other ornament than that of
rath, and brightened universally with the character and lan-
IMge of innocence. Pi a to, who was present, transcribed
t afterwards, and, without any addition, formed from it the
fork which he calls the Apology of Socrates, one of the most
ODsnmmate master-pieces of antiquity. I shall here make an
OLtract from it.

Upon the day assii^ned, the proceedings commenced in the
lanal forms; the parties appeared before the judges, and
Iffelitus spoke. The worse his cause, and the less provided it
Fas with proofs, the more occasion he had for address and art
0 cover its weakness ; he omitted nettling that might render
he adverse party odious ; and, instead of reasons, which could
eot but fail him, he substituted the delusive glitter of a lively
iid pompous eloquence. Socrates, in observing that he
(oold not tell what impression the discourse of his accuser
ugbt make upon the judges, owns, that, for his part, he
icarcely knew how it had affected him, they had given socb
irtfol colouring and likelihood to their argumepts, though there
ras not the least word of truth in all they had advanced.

" I am accused of corrupting the youth, and of instilling
IsDgerous maxims into them, as well in regard to the worship
if die gods, as the rules of government. You know, Athe-
lians, that I never made it my profession to teach ; nor can
ovy, however violent against me, reproach me with ever
oving sold my instructions. T have an undeniable evidence
or me in this respect, which is my poverty. Always equally
Bady to communicate my thoughts either to the rich or poor,
uid to give them entire leisure to question or answer me, I
end myself to every one who is desirous of becoming victuoua \

314 HISTORY OP GRfiEGB.

and if, amongst those who hear me, there be any that pfove
either good or bad» neither the virtues of the one, nor the
Tices of the other, to which I have not contributed, are to be
aiteribed to me. My whole employment is to persuade the
young and old against too ranch love for the body, for riches*
and ail other precarious things, of whatsoever nature they be ;
and against too little regard for the soul, which ought to be
the object of their affection : for I incessantly urge upon you*
that virtue does not proceed from riches, but, on the contrary^
riches from virtue ; and that all the other goods of human life»
as well public as private, have their source in the same principle*

*' If to speak in this manner be to corrupt youth, I confess,
Athenians, that I am guilty, and deserve to be punished. If
what I say be not tnie, it is most easy to convict me erf" my
fiibehood. I see here a great number of my disciples ; they
have only to appear. But, perhaps, the reserve and eon*
sideration for a master, who has instructed them, will prevent
them from declaring against me; at least their fathers,
brothers, and uncles, cannot, as good relations, and good
citizens, dispense with their not standing forth to demand
vengeance against the corrupter of their sons, brothers, and
nephews. But these are the persons who take upon them my
defence, and interest themselves in the success of my cause.

** Pass on me what sentence you please, Athenians ; but I
can neither repent nor change my conduct; I must noi
abandon or suspend a function which God himself has imposed
on me. Now he has charged me with the care of instructing
ray fcliow-citizens. If, after having faithfully kept all the
posts wherein I was placed by our generals at Potids&a, Am-
phipolis, and Delium, the fear of death should at this time
make me abandon that in which the Divine Providence has
friaced roe, by commanding me to pass my life in the study of
philosophy, for the instruction of myself and others; thm
would be a most criminal desertion indeed, and make me highly
worthy of being cited before this tribunal as an impious mail,
who does not believe the gods. Should you resolve to acquit
me, for the future, I should not hesitate to make answer,
Athenians, I honour and love you ; but I shall choose rather
to obey God than you, and to my latest breath shall never
renounce my philosophy, nor cease to exhort and reprove jo«,
according to my custom, by telling each ol* yoa, when yon

SOCRATBS'S DKFBNCB. 295

^e in my way, ' My good friend, and citizen of the most

Tis city in the world for wisdom and Talonr, are yon not

^d to have no other thoughts than that of amassing

id of acquiring glory, credit, and dignities, whilst you

<; treasures of prudence, truth, and wisdom, and

s in rendering your soul as good and perfect as it

^reached with abject fear and meanness of spirit,
^ so busy in imparting my advice to every one in pri-
, and for having always avoided to be present in your
dssemblies to give my counsels to my country. I think I
have sufficiently proved my courage and fortitude, both in the
field, where I have borne arms with you, and in the senate,
where I alone opposed the unjust sentence you pronounced
against the ten captains, who had not taken up and interred
the bodies of those who were killed and drowned in the sea-
fight near the island of Arginusas : and when, upon more than
one occasion, I opposed the violent and cruel orders of the
thirty tyrants. What is it then that has prevented me from
appearing in your assemblies ? It is that dsemon, that voice
divine, which vou have so often heard me mention, and Melitus
has taken so much pains to ridicule. That spirit has attached
itself to me from my infancy : it is a voice which I never hear
but when it would prevent me from persisting in something I
have resolved; for it never exhorts me to undertake any
thing; it b the same being that has always opposed me when
I would have intermeddled in the affairs of the republic, and
that with the greatest reason ; for I should have been amongst
the dead long ago, had I been concerned in the measures of
the state, without effecting any thing to the advantage of my-
self or our country. Do not take it ill, I beseech yon, if I
speak my thoughts without disguise, and with truth and free-
dom. Every man, who would generously oppose a whole
people, rither amongst us or elsewhere, and who inflexibly
^>piie8 himself to prevent the violation of the laws and the
practice of iniquity in a government, will never do so long,
with impunity. It is absolutely necessary for him, who would
cootoiid for justice, if he has any thoughts of firing, to remain
ID a private station, and never to have any share in public
affiwB.

!.•

219 U18TORY or 6RBBCR.

*' For the rest, Athenians, if, in the extrenlie dangei I.bow
aiD| I do not imitate the behaviour of those, who, upon less
emergencies, have implored and supplicated their jodg^ with
tears, and have brought forth their children, relations, snd
friends ; it is not through pride and obstinacy, or any contempt
for you, but solely for your honour, and for that of the whde
city. You should know, that there are amongst o«r citizens
those who do not regard death as an evil, and who give that
name only to injustice and infamy. At my age, and witk the
reputation, true or false, which I have, would it be coosistent
lor me, after all the lessons I have given upon the contempt
of death, to be afraid of it myself, and to belie in my last actioo
all the principles and sentiments of my past life ?

" But without speaking of my fame, which I shoold ex-
tremely injure by such a conduct, I do not think it allowable
to^entreat a judge, nor to be absolved by supplications* He
ought to be persuaded and convinced. The judge does not
sit upon the bench to show favour, by violating the laws, bat
to do justice in conforming to them. He does not swear to
discharge with impunity whoni he pleases, but to do justice
where it is due : we ought not, therefore, to accustom yon to
perjury, nor you to suffer yourselves to be accustomed to it;
for, in so doing, both the one and the other of us equally iiqare
justice and religion, and both are criminal.

*' Do not, therefore, expect from me, Athenians, that I
should have recourse amongst you to means, which I believe
neither honest nor lawful, especially upon this occasion,
wherein I am accused of impiety by Melitus ; for, if I sbonld
inOnence you by my prayers, and thereby induce you to violate
your oaths, it would be undeniably evident, that I teach yon
not to believe in the gods ; and even in defending and justify-
ing myself, should furnish my adversaries with arms against
me, and prove that I believe no Divinity. But I am very Cur
from such bad thoughts : I am more convinced of the exist-
ence of God than my accusers ; and so convinced, that I
abandon myself to God and you, that you may judge of me
as you shall deem best for yourselves."

Socrates pronounced this discourse with a firm and intrepid
tone : his air, his action, his visage, expressed nothing of the
accused : he seemed the master of his judges, from the assnr-

DBATII OP SOCRATES. 217

ance and gfeatness of soal with which he spoke, without,
however, lonog^ any thing of the modesty natural to him.
But how slight soever the proofs were against him, the faction
was powerful enough to find him guilty. There was the form
of a process against him, and his irreligion was the pretence
upon which it was grounded, but his death was certainly a
concerted ttiing. His steady uninterrupted course of obstinate
virtue, which had made him in many cases appear singular,
and oppose whatever he thought illegal or unjust, without any
regard to times or persons, had procured him a great deal of
envy and ill-will.

By his first sentence the judges only declared Socrates
guilty ; but when, by his answer, he appeared to appeal firom
their tribunal to that of justice and posterity ; when, instead
of confessing himself guilty, he demanded rewards and honours
from the state, the judges were so very much offended, that
they condemned him to drink hemlock, a method of execution
then in use amongst them.

Socrates received this sentence with the utmost composure.
ApoUodorus, one of his disciples, launching out into bitter in-
vectives and lamentations, that his master should die innocent ;
** What," replied Socrates, with a smile, '* would you have
me die guilty? Melitus and Anytus may kill, but they cannot
hurt me."

After his sentence, he still continued with the same serene
and intrepid aspect with which he had long enforced virtue,
and held tyrants in awe. When he entered his prison, which
now became the residence of virtue and probity, his friends
followed him thither, and continued to visit him during the in-
terval between his condemnation and death, which lasted for
thirty days. The cause of that long delay was, the Athenians
sent every year a ship to the isle of Deles, to offer certain-
sacrifices, and it was prohibited to put any person to death in
the city, from the time the priest of Apollo had crowned the
poop of this vessel, as a signal of its departure, till the same
vessel should return: so that sentence having been passed
upon Socrates the day after that ceremony began, it was
necessary to defer the execution of it for thirty days, during
the continuance of this voyage.

In this long interval, death had suflBcient opportunities to

2iB HISTORY OF GRBBCB.

present itself before his eyes in all its terrors, and to pat iiis
constancy to the proof, not only by the severe rigoor of a
dungeon, and the irons upon his legs, but by the contfani^
prospect and cruel expectation of an event, of which nature is
always abhorrent. In this sad condition, he did not cease to
enjoy that profound tranquillity of mind, which his friends had
always admired in him. He entertained them with the sane
temper he had always expressed ; and Crito observes, that the
evening before his death he slept as peaceably as at any other
time. He composed also a hymn in honour of ApoUo.aiid
Diana, and turned one of JBsop's fables into verse.

The day before, or the same day, that the ship was to acrive
from Delos, the return of which was to be followed by die
death of Socrates, Crito, his intimate friend, came to him earfy
in the morning, to let him know that bad news, and, at the
same time, that it depended only upon himself to quit the pri-
son ; that the jailor was gained ; that he would find the doois
open, and offered him a safe retreat in Thessaly. Socrates
laughed at this proposal, and asked him, whether he knew any
place out of Attica where people did not die ? Crito mged
the thing very seriously, and pressed him to take the advantage
of so precious an opportunity, adding argument upon argu-
ment, to induce his consent, and to engage him to resolve
upon escape : without mentioning the inconsolable grief Iw
should sufier for the death of such a friend, how should he
support the reproaches of an infinity of people, who woold be-
lieve it was in his power to have saved him, but that he woidd
not sacrifice a small part of his wealth for that purpose ! Can
the people ever be persuaded, that so wise a man as Socrates
would not quit his prison, when he might do it with all possible
security ? Perhaps he might fear to expose his friends, or to
occasion the loss of their fortunes, or even of their lives or
liberty : ought there to be any thing more dear and precious
to them than the preservation of Socrates ? £ven strangers
themselves dispute that honour with them, many of whom hav«
come expressly with considerable sums of money to purchase
his escape ; and declare, that they should think theniselvea
highly honoured to receive him amongst them, and to supply
him abundantly with all he should have occasion for: oug^ ke
to abandon hiaiself to enemies, who have occasioned his being

DEATH OF SOC BATES. 219

condemned nnjiiitly ; and can he think it allowable to betray
his own cause ? Is it not essential to his goodness and jast>
ness to spare his fellow citizens the g^ilt of innocent blood?
Bnt, if all these motives cannot alter him, and he is not con-
cerned in regard to himself, can he be insensible to the in*-
terests of his children ? In what a condition does he leave
them : and can he forget the fether to remember only the phi-
losopher?

Socrates, after having heard him with attention, praised his
zeal, and expressed his gratitude ; bat, before he could give
into his opinion, was for examining whether it was just for him
to depart out of prison without the consent of the Athenians.
The question, therefore, here is, to know whether a man, con-
demned to die, though unjustly, can, without a crime, escape
from justice and the laws. Socrates held it was unjust ; and
therefore nobly refused to escape from prison. He reverenced
the laws of his country, and resolved to obey them in all things,
even in his death.

At length the fatal ship returned to Athens, which was, in a
manner, the signal for the death of Socrates. Tlie next daj
all his ftiends, except Plato, who was sick, repaired to the pri-
son early in the morning. The jailor desired them to wait a
little, because the eleven magistrates (who had the direction of
the prisoos) were at that time signifying to the prisoner, that
he was to die the same day. Presently after they entered, and
found Socrates, whose chains had been taken off, sitting by
Xaatippe, his wife, who held one of his children in her arms;
as soon as she perceived them, setting up great cries, sobbing,
aad tearing her face and hair, she made the prison resound
with her eomplaints. '* Oh, my dear Socrates ! your friends
are come to see you this day for the last time ! " He desired
she might be taken away ; and she was immediately carried
home*

Socrates passed the rest of the day with his friends, and
discooned with them with his usual cheerfulness and tranqui-
lity. The subject of conversation was the most important, aad
adapted to the presenrt conjuncture ; tiiat is to say, the im*
niortaliiy of the soul. What gave occasion to this discourse
was a question introduced in a manner by chance. Whether a

220 HISTORY OF GREBCB.

tree philosopher ought not to desire, and take patm to die ?
This proposition, taken too literally, implied an opinion, that a
philosopher might kill himself. Socrates shows, that nolhiiig'
is more unjust than this notion ; and that man, appertaining
to God, who formed and placed him, with his own hand, in
the post he possesses, cannot abandon it, withoat his permis-
sion, nor depart from life, without his order. What is it, then,
that can induce a philosopher to entertain this love for death!
It can be only the hope of that happiness, which he expects in
another life : and that hope can be founded only upon the
opinion of the soul's immortality.

Socrates employed the last day of his life in entertaiaiDg
his friends upon this great and important subject; from
which conversation Plato's admirable dialogue, entitled the
Phflsdon, is wholly taken. He explains to his friends all the
arguments for believing the soul immortal, and refutes all
the objections against it, which are very nearly the same as
are made at this day.

When Socrates had done speaking, Crito desired him to
give him, and the rest of his friends, his last instructions in
regard to his children and other affairs, that, by executing
them, they might have the consolation of doing him some
pleasure. '' I shall recommend nothing to you this day," re*
plied Socrates, " more than I have already done, which is to
take care of yourselves. You cannot do yourselves a greater
service, nor do me and my family a greater pleasure." Crito
having asked him afterwards in what manner he thought fit to
be buried : " As you please," said Socrates, " if you can lay
hold of me, and I escape not out of your hands." At the same
time, looking on his friends with a smile, '' I can never per-
suade Crito, that Socrates b he who converses with yon, and
disposes the several parts of his discourse ; for he always ima-
gines that I am what he is going to see dead in a little wh3e ;
he confounds me with my carcass, and therefore asks me
how I would be interred." On finishing these words, he rose
np, and went to bathe himself in a chamber adjoining. After
he came out of the bath, his children were brought to him ; for
he had three, two very little, and the otlier grown up. He
spoke to them for some time, gave his orders to the

DBATa OF SOCRATBS. 281

women who took care of them, and then dismissed them.
Being returned into his chamber, he laid himself down upon
his bed.

The servant of the eleven entered at the same instant, and, -
having informed him that the time for drinking the hemlock'
was come (which was at sun-set), the servant was so much
afficted with sorrow, that he turned his back, and fell a weep-
ing. " See," said Socrates, *' the good heart of this man:
since my imprisonment he has often come to see me, and to
converse with me ; he is more worthy than all his fellows ; how
heartily the poor man weeps for me. This is a remarkable
example, and might teach those» in an office of this kind, how
they ought to behave to all prisoners, but more especially to
persons of merit, when they are so unhappy as to fall into
their hands." The fatal cup was brought. Socrates asked
what it was necessary for him to do? '' Nothing more," re-
plied the servant, " than as soon as you have drank off the
draught, to walk about till you find your legs grow weary,
and afterwards lie down upon your bed." He took the cup,
without any emotion or change in his colour or countenance ;
and, regarding the man with a steady and assured look— -
" Well," said he, '' what say you of this drink; may one
make a libation out of it ? " Upon being told there was only
enough for one dose, '' At least," continued he, '' we may
say our prayers to the gods, as it is our duty, and implore
them to make our exit from this world and our last stage
happy, which is what I ardently beg of them.'' After having
spoke these words, be kept silence for some time, and then
drank off the whole draught, with an amazing tranquillity and
serenity of aspect, not to be expressed or conceived.

Till then, his friends, with great violence to themselves, had
refrained from tears ; but, after he had drank the potion, they
were no longer their own masters, and wept abundantly.
ApoUodorus, who had been in tears almost the whole con*
versation, began then to raise great cries, and to lament with
such excessive grief, as pierced the hearts of all that were
present. Socrates alone remained unmoved, and even re*
proved his friends, though with his usual mildness and good
natare, '* What are you doing?" said he to them: ^Vl

332 HISTORY OF GRRBCB.

wonder at jrou ! Oh ! what is become of yonr virtue ? Was
it not for this I sent away the women, that they mghl not
fall into these weaknesses ? for I have always heard you saj,
that we ought to die peaceably, and blessing the gods. Be at
ease, I beg yon, and show more constancy and resolatioii.''
He then obliged them to restrain their tears.

In the mean time, he kept walking to and fro, and when
he found his legs grew weary, he laid down upon his back, as
he had been directed.

• The poison then operated more and more. When Socrates
fonnd it began to gain upon the heart, oncovering bit fine,
which had been covered, without doubt, to prevent any thing
fiN>m disturbing him in his last moments, " Grito," said be,
** we owe a cock to Esculapius ; discharge that vow for me,
and pray do not forget it." Soon after which, he breathed
his last. Crito went to his bodv, and closed his mouth and
eyes. Such was the end of Socrates, in the first year of the
ninety-fifth Olympiad, and the seventieth of his age.

It was not till some time after the death of this great man,
that the people of Athens perceived their mistake, and b€^n
to repent of it : their hatred being satisfied, their (HejudioeB
expired ; and time having given them an opportunity for re-
flection, the notorious injustice of the sentence appeared in aU
its horrors. Nothing was heard throughout the city, but dis*
courses in favour of Socrates. The Academy, the Lycaeum,
private houses, public walks, and market places, seemed still
to re-echo the sound of his loved voice. " Here," said they,
*' he formed our youth, and taught our children to love their
country, and to honour their parents. In this place he gave
us his admirable lessons, and sometimes made us seasonable
reproaches, to engage us more warmly in the pursuit of virtue.
Alas ! how have we rewarded him for such important services ! "
Athens was in universal mourning and consternation: the
schools were shut up, and all exercises suspended. The ac-
cusers were called to account for the innocent blood they had
canted to be shed. Melitus was condemned to die, and the
rest banished. Plutarch observes, that all those, who had any
ahace in this black calumny, were held in such abomination
amongst the citizens, that no one would give them fire, answer

UBATH OF SOCRATfiS. 223

them any qaestion, nor go into the same bath with them, and
they had the place cleaned where they had bathed, lest they
should be pollated by touching it; which drove them into such
despair, that many of them killed themselves.

The Athenians, not contented with having punished ids ac-
cusers, caused a statue of brass to be erected to him, of the
workmanship of the celebrated Lysippus, and placed it in
one of the most conspicuous parts of the city. Their respect
and gratitude rose even to a religious veneration ; they der
dicated a chapel to him, as to a hero and a demigod, which
they called the chapel of Socrates.

CHAPTER XII.

PROM THE DEATH OF SOCRATES TO THE DEATH OP

EPAMINONDAS.

Hitherto we have pursued the Athenians, both in their
successes and their defeats, with peculiar attention. While
they took the lead in the affairs of Greece, it was necessary
to place them on the foreground of the picture ; but we most
now change the scene ; and, leaving them to act an obscure
part, go to those states that successively took the lead after
their downfal.

The Spartans seem to be the first state, after the Athenians,
that gave laws to the rest of the Greeks ; their old jealousies
began to revive against the petty states that had formerly
sided against them ; and the Eleans were the first upon whom
they fell, under a pretence that they (the Spartans) had not
been admitted by that state to the Olympic games, as well as
the rest of the Grecians. Tlie Elcaus having; formerly de-
clared war, and being upon the; point of plundering the city
of Elis, were taken into the alliance of Sparta, and the con-
querors now assumed and enjoyed the title of the Protectors
and Arbitrators of Greece. Soon after, Agesilaus, who was
chosen king of Sparta, was sent into Asia with an army,
under pretence of freeing the Grecian cities. He gained a
signal victory over Tissnphernes, near the river Pactolus,
where he forced the enemy's camp, and found considerable
plunder. This success induced the Persian monarch, instead
of meeting Agesilaus openly in the field, to subvert his inte-
rest among the Grecian states by the power of bribery ; and
Indeed this confederacy was now so weakened, its concord
and unanimity so totally destroyed, that they were open to
every offer : the love of money was now rooted in their affec-
tions ; and the Spartan^ were the only people, that, for a
while, seemed to disdain it : but, the contagion still spreading.

THE THBBANS OPPOSB SPARTA. S25

even they at last yielded to its allurements ; and every man
songht private emoloment, without attending to the good of
liis country.

The Thebans, as they were the first that were gained over
4o the Persian interest, so they were the most active in per-
Ibrming it To strengthen their alliance, they sent ambassa-
dors to the Athenians, with a long representation of the pre-
sent posture of affairs, wherein they .artfully insinuated their
2eal and affection to that state ; from thence they took occa-
sion to inveigh against the tyranny of Sparta ; and concluded
with telling them, that now was the time to throw off the
yoke, and to recover their former splendour and authority.
The Athenians, though they had no share of the Persian mo-
ney, needed not many arguments to engage them in a rupture
of this kind, for which they had been long waiting a fit oppor-
tunity.

Agesilaus, who had carried on the war in Persia with suc-
cess, received news of the war being again broke out in
Greece, with orders, at the same time, for him to return
home. He had set his heart upon the entire conquest of
Persia, and was preparing to march farther into the country ;
but such was his deference to the laws, and such his submis-
sion to the Ephori, that he instantly obeyed their mandate ;
but left four thousand men in Asia, to maintain hb successes
there. The Spartans, however, could not wait his arrival:
they found confederacies thickening on their hands, and they
were ready to be attacked on all sides. The Athenians, At-
gives, Thebans, Corinthians, and Euboeans, joined agailiflt
them, and made up a body of twenty-four thousand mdn.
Both sides encamped near Sicyon, at a small distance ftofii
each other, and soon came to a regular engagement. The
Spartan allies at first were entirely routed ; but the Spartans
themselves turned the scale of victory by their single valour,
and came off conquerors, with the loss of but eight men. This
victory, however, was in some measure overbalanced by a loss
at sea, which the Spartans sustained near Cnidus. Conon,
the Athenian general, being appointed to command the Per-
sian fleet against them, took fifty of their ships, and pursued
the rest into port. Agesilaus, on the other hand, obtained
considerable victory over the Athenians and their allies updil

826 HISTORY OP GREBOK.

the plains of Coronea. Thus was the war continued by fiuioiis
bat undecisiTB engagements, in which , neither side was a
gainer ; and in this manner did the Spartans maintain 4hem-
selves and their allies, without any considerable increase or
diminution of their power. In this general shock, the Athe-
nians seemed for a while to recover their former spirit: being
assisted by Persian money, and conducted by Conon, an eK-
oeilent general, they took the field with ardow, and even
rebuilt the walls of their city. From the mutual jealousies of
these petty states among each other all were weakened, and
the Persian monarch became arbitrator of Greece. In tUs
manner, after a fluctuation of successes and intrigues, all par-
ties began to grow tired of a war, and a peace ensued ; this
. peace was concluded in the second year of the ninety-^faih
Olympiad ; and, from the many stipulations in favour of Per-
sia, Plutarch terms it the reproach and ruin of Greece.

The Spartans, thus freed from the terrors of a powerful
foreign enemy, went on to spread terror among the petty
states of Greece. They gave peremptory orders to the Mao-
tineans to throw down their walls, and compelled them to
obedience. They obliged the Corinthians to withdraw the
garrison from Argosi; and some other states they treated
with an air of superiority, that plainly marked that they ex-
pected obedience. They marched against the Olynthiaos,
who had lately grown into power, and effectually subdued
them. They interposed also in a domestic quarrel, which was
carried on at Thebes. Pboebidas having seized upon the
citadel, they turned him out, and placed a garrison of their
own in that fortress. They then procured articles to be exhi-
bited against Ismenias, his antagonists for having taken money
of the Persians, and for holding intelligence with them; and
also for having been a principal promoter of their iattstine
broils: upon which he underwent a formal trial, before the
commissioners deputed from Sparta, and one from each of the
other great cities of Greece, and was condemned to death.
Thus having secured Thebes, and having, by a tedious war.
humbled the Olynthians, they went on to chastise the PUia-
sians, for having abused some exiles, that had been restored
by the orders of Sparta. In this manner they continoed dis-
tributing their orders with pride and severity: no state of

TUB THBMANS OI'POSE SPARTA. SBSf

Gieeee was able to oppose their authority; aad» aiider tht
colour of executing justice, they were hourly paving the wej
4o anpreme comaiaiid4

In the iQidst of this security, they were alarmed from a
•qaarter where they least expected to find opposition. The
Thebans had^ for four years since the seizing of their citadel^
anbmitted to the Spartan yoke ; but they now took occasiott^
by a very desperate attempt, to throw it off; for which puiv
pose there was a secret correspondence carried on between
the most oonsiderable of the Theban exiles at Athens and
those who weie well affected to them in Thebes ; and mear
aures were conducted between them by Phyllidas, seeretary to
the Theban governors, by whose contrivance a competent
nnmber of the exiles were to get into the city ; and Oharon, a
man of the first rank there, offered his house for their reoep*-
tion« The day being fixed, they set out from Athens ; and
twelve of the most active and rescdute among them were de-
tached to enter the city, the rest remaining at a proper dis-
tance to wait the event. The first who offered tdmadf was
Pelopidas, who was joung and daring, and had been, vwy
ze«ilous in encouraging the design ; and, by the share he had
in it, gave a sufiicieat earnest of what might be further ex-
pected from him in the service of his country. The next nan
oS consequence was MeUon, who, by some, is said to have
first projected the scheme with Phyllidas, These two» with
their tea associates, dressed themselves like peasants, and
heat about the fields, with dogs and hunting poles, as in searahi
«i ga«a. Having thus passed unsuspected, and conveyed
thenselvea into the city, they met at Cbaron*a house» aa thn
geoofal rendezvous, where they were soon after joined by
thirty*aix mace of their confi^derates. It was concerted, that
PhjUidas should on that day gjvjt a great entertaioonent to
Ardnas and Philip, the two governors, who were appointed
by the Spartans ; and, to make it the more complete, he had
caigagied to provide some of the fineit women in the town to
give them a meeting. Matters being thus prepared, the as80»>
ciates divided themselves into two bands; one of which, led
by Chan>n and Mellon, were to attack Archias and his com-
pany ; and having put on women's clothes over their armour,
with pine and poplar over their heads, to shade their faoe%

Q 2

226 HISTORY UP GRBBCB.

they, took their opportunity, when the guests were well heated
with wine, to enter the room, and immediately stabbed
Archias and Philip, with such others of the company as were
pointed out to them by Phyllidas. A little before this execu>
tion Archias received an express from Athens, with all the
particulars of the conspiracy ; and the courier conjured him^ in
the name of the persons who wrote the letters, that he sheold
read them forthwith, for that they contained matter of great im-
portance. But he laid them by unopened ; and, with a smile,
said, " Business to-morrow :*' which words, upon that ooem-
sion, grew into a proverb. The other band, headed by Pelo-
pidas and Democlides, went to attack Leontidas, who was «t
home, and in bed. They rushed into his house by sarjirise ;
but he, soon taking the alarm, leaped up, and, with his sword
in his hand, receive^ them at his chamber-door, and stabbed
Cephisodorus, who was the first man that attempted to enter.
Pelopidas was the next who encountered him ; and, after a
long and difficult dispute, killed him. From hence they went
in pursuit of Hypates, his friend and neighbour, and dis-
patched him likewise ; after which they joined the other band,
and sent to hasten the exiles they had left in Attica

The whole city was, by this time, filled with terror and eoo-
fasion ; the houses full of hghts ; and the inhabitants, running
to and fro in the streets, in a wild, distracted manner, and
waiting impatiently for day-light, that they might distinguish
their friends from their fqes, seemed undetermined wbat
course to take. Early in the morning the exiles came in
armed ; and Pelopidas appeared, with his party, in a general
assembly of the people, encompassed by the priests, carrying
garlands in their hands, proclaiming liberty to the Thebans in
general, and exhorting them to fight for their gods and tiieir
country ; for, though they had made such a prosperous begin-
ning, the most difficult part still remained, whilst the intadel
was in the possession of the Spartans, with a garrison of fif-
teen hundred men, besides a great number of citissens and
others, who had fied to them for protection, and declared
themselves on their side.

Early the next. morning, the Athenians sent five tboiisand
foot and two thousand horse to the assistance of Pelopidas ;
several other bodies of troops also came in from all the cities

BATTLE OF TEGYRA. 229

of Boeotia ; so that the citadel, being hemmed round, and de-
spairing of success from without, surrendered at discretion.

The Thebans, having thus acquired their freedom, the Spar-
tans were resolved, at any rate, to take the lead in the affairs
of Greece ; and, having incensed the states beyond measurei
attempted to seize upon Piraeus, and thus made the Athe-
nians their irreconcileabie enemies. Agesilaus was pitched
upon to command the army, that was to humble the Grecian
states. His name stnick a terror into the Thebans ; and his
forces, which amounted to near twenty thousand men, increased
their fears. The Thebans, therefore, instead of attempting to
attack, were contented to stand upon their defence, and pos-
sessed themselves of a hill near the city. Agesilaus detached
a party of light* armed men, to provoke them to come down
and give him battle, which they declining, he drew out his
whole forces, in order to attack them. Chabrias, who com-
manded the mercenaries on the part of the Thebans, ordered
his men to present themselves, and keep their ranks in close
order, with their shields laid down at their feet, their spears
advanced, one leg put forward, and the knee upon the half-
bend. Agesilaus, finding them prepared in this manner to re-
ceive him, and that they stood, as it were, in defiance of him,
thooght fit^o withdraw his army, and contented himself with
ravaging the country. This was looked upon as an extraordi-
nary stratagem, and Chabrias valued himself so much upon it,
that he procured his statue to be erected in that posture.

Thus, through a succession of engagements, both by sea and
land, the Spartans, having provoked a powerful confederaoj",
grew every day weaker, and their enemies more daring. Tlie
Thebans continually grew bolder ; and, instead of continuing
to defend themselves with difficulty, attacked the enemy with
courage and success. Though the battles fought between
these states were neither regular nor decisive, yet they were
sueh as served to raise the courage of the Thebans, to gain
them confidence, and to form them for those great under-
takings, which were shortly to follow. Pelopidas, who headed
them at the battle of Tanagra, slew the Spartan commander
with his own hand. At the battle of Tegyra, with very on-
eqnal forces, he put a large body of the enemy to flight.

As it was this battle in which Pelopidas first displayed the

390 fllSTOKV OF OKKRUfv.

superiority of his military talents, and as it was it, abo^ fbaC
first convinced tiie Grecian states, that tme martial spirit May
rise and flourish in other regions, besides those that Ke on the
banks of the Eurotas, it cannot but be deemed a very ialeresl*
ing and important one. Pelopidas had come to a reaolntifln oT
attacking Orchomenus, which was garrisoned by tbe SpaKtaoi ;
be therefore marched against it with an anDy^ eonsistiiig ef
three hundred foot and forty horse ; but, upon hearing that a
large body of Spartans were hastening to its relief, lie thoc^t
it prudent to retire. In his retreat, he fell in with this leia-
forcement, near Tegyra ; and, finding a battle inevitable, he
proposed to engage them. He ordered his horse lo l>egiii
ihe attack : his foot, which he had ranged in a masteriy man-
ner, he led up, with all possible speed, to support tbe horse.
The action now became general, and was supported with ani-
mosity and vigour on both sides. Gorgoleon, however, and
Theopompos, who commanded the Spartans, falling early io
the engagement, those who fought near to them were either
slain or put to flight ; and that struck such a terror into the
minds of the rest of their troops, that they retired immediately
to either side, opening a passage for the Thebans to prosecute
their march. But a safe retreat was not the sole object of
Pelopidas's wishes : the recent success of his arms stimulated
him to attempt something of higher moment ; he therefore
drew up his men afresh, renewed the battle, and, after much
slaughter of the enemy, thoroughly routed and dispersed them.
The Thebaus thus gained more reputation and advantage from
their retreat, than they could have gained by the moat com-
plete success in their original design of attacking Orcho-
menus. This defeat was the most signal disgrace with which
the Spartans had ever met. Hitherto, they had never known
what it was to yield even to an equal army. At Tegyra, they
were vanquished by a force not one-third of their own. It
most, however, he acknowledged, that these three hundred
foot were the flower and pride of the Thehan army. They were
distinguished by the name of ** The Sacred Battalion." They
were as remarkable for their fidelity to each other as Cor their
strength and courage ; they were linkc3d by the bonds of com-
mon friendship, and were sworn to stand by oach other in the
most dangerous extremities. Thus united, tlioy became invin-

CHARACTi&R OF KPAMINONDAS. 381

cible, and generally turned the scale of Tictocy in their fkvonr,
for a succession of years, until they were at last cut down,
as one man, by the Macedonian phalanx under Philip.

A peace of short continuance followed these successes of
the Thebans ; but they soon fell into tumults and seditions
again. The inhabitants of Zacinthus and Goroyra, having ex-
pelled their magistrates, put themselves under the protection of
Athens, and repulsed the Spartans, who attempted to restore
their magistrates by force.

About the same time the inhabitants of Platsea, applying to
their old friends, the Athenians, for their protection and alii*
ance» the Thebans took offence at it, and demoh'shed the town ;
and soon after did the same by Thespice. The Athenians were
so highly incensed at the treatment of those two cities, whioh
bad deserved so well of the common cause in the Persian war*
that they would act no longer in conjunction with the Thebans ;
and, upon their breaking with them, the affairs of Greece took
a new and unexpected turn.

It now began to appear that the Thebans were growing iota
power ; and while Sparta and Athens were weakening eaoh
other by mutual contests, this state, which had enjoyed all the
emoluments without any of the expenses of the war, was every
day growing more vigorous and independent The ThebooSy
who now began to take the lead in the affairs of Greece, were
naturally a hardy and robust people, of slow intellects, and
strong constitutions. It was a constant maxim with them, to^
side either with Athens or Sparta in their mutual contests;
and whichsoever they inclined to, they were generally of
weight enough to turn the balance. However, they hid
hitherto made no farther use of that weight than to secure
themselves ; but the spirit which now appeared among them
was first implanted by Pelopidas, their deliverer from the
Spartan yoke ; but still farther carried to its utmost height by
Epaminondas, who now began to figure in the affairs of
Greece.

JEpaminondas was one of those few exalted characters, who
have scarcely any vice, and almost every virtue, to distingnifh
them from the rest of mankind. Though in the bepnniqg
possesed of every quality necessary for the service of the
state, be chose to lead a private life, employed in the study of

282 HISTORY OV GKKKCE.

philosophy, aod showing an example of the most rigid ob-
servance of all its doctrines.

Truly a philosopher, and poor out of taste, he des|rised
riches, without affecting any reputation from that contempt ;
aad, if Justin may be believed, he coveted glory as little as he
did money. It was always against his will that commands weie
conferred upon him ; and he behaved himself, when invested
with them, in such a manner, as did more honour to dignities,
than dignities did to him.

Though poor himself, and without any estate, his very
poverty, by drawing upon him the esteem and confidence of
the rich, gave him the opportunity of doing good to others.
One of his friends being in great necessity, Epaminondas sent
him to a very rich citizen, with orders to ask him for a thoosand
crowns in his name : that rich man coming to his house, to
know his motives for directing his friend to him upon such an
erraild, " Why," replied Epaminondas, " it is because this ho-
nest man is in want, and you are rich." Fond of feisore,
which he devoted to the study of philosophy, he shunned
public employments, and made no interest but to be excluded
from them. His moderation concealed him so well, that he
lived obscure, and almost unknown. His merit, however, dis-
covered him at last. He was taken from his solitude by force,
to be placed at the head of armies ; and he demonstrated, that
philosophy, though generally held in contempt by those who
aspire at the glory of arms, is wonderfully useful in forming
heroes ; for it was, in his opinion, a great advance towards
conquering an enemy, to know how to conquer one's self. In
th^ schools of philosophy anciently were taught the great
maxims of true policy ; the rules of every kind of duty ; the
motives for a true discharge of them ; what we owe to our
country; the right use of authority; wherein true courage
consists ; in a word, the qualities that form the good citizen,
statesman, and great captain ; and in all these Epaminondas
excelled.

He possessed all the ornaments of the mind. He had the
talent of speaking in perfection, and was well versed in the
most sublime sciences : but a modest reserve threw a vieil
over all those excellent qualities, which still augmented their
fftlue, and of which he knew not what it was to be ostentatious.

BATTLR OP LEUCTRA. 283

Spintharus, in gitiug hb character, said. That be' never had
met with a man who knew more and spoke less.

Sach was the general appointed to command the Theban
army, and act in conjunction with Pelopidas, with whom he
had the most perfect and the most disinterested friendship.
This state being left out in the general treaty of peace, and
thus having the Spartans and Athenians confederated against
it» they appeared under the utmost consternation, and all
Greece looked upon them as lost and undone. The Spartans
ordered levies to be made in all parts of Greece that sided
with them ; and €leombrotus, their general, marched towards
the frontiers of Boeotia, secure of victory. Willing, however,
to give his hostilities an air of justice, he sent to demand of
the Thebans that they should restore the cities that they had
usurped to their liberties ; that they should rebuild those they
had demolished before, and make restitution for all their for-
mer wrongs. To this it was replied, ''That the Thebans
were accountable to none but Heaven for their condaot.'^
Nothing now remained, on both sides, but to prepare for ae->
tidn. Epaminondas immediately raised all the troops he could,
and began his march. His army did not s^ount to six thou-
sand men ; and the enemy had above four ximes that number.r
As several bad omens were urged, to prevent his setting out,
he replied only by a verse from Homer, of which the senae
is. There is but one good omen — to fight for one's country.
However, to reassure the soldiers, by nature superstitions^
and whom he observed to be discouraged, he instructed
several persons to come from different places, and report
auguries and omens in his favour, which revived the spirit and
hopes of his troops.

Epaminondas had ¥asely taken care to secure a pass, which
would have shortened Cleombrotus's march considerably. The
latter, after having taken a large compass, arrived at Leuctra,
a small town of Boeotia, between Plataea and Thespise. Both
parties consulted whether they should give battle, which Cle-
ombrotus resolved to do, by the advice of his oflScers, who re-
presented to him, that if he declined fighting with such a su-
periority of troops, it would confirm the current report, that
he secretly favoured the Thebans. The former had an essen-
tial reason for hastening a battle before the arrival of the

384 HISTORY OP GRKKCfi.

troops which the eoemy daily eiLpected; howeyer, the mx
generals, who formed the council of war, differing in their sen*
timents, the seventh, who was Pelopidas, came in verj good
time to join the three that were for fighting, and his opinion
carrying the question, the battle was resolved upon.

The two armies were very unequal in number ; that of the
Lacedcemonians, as has been said, consisted of twenty-firar
thousand foot, and sixteen hundred horse ; the Thebans had
only six thousand foot, and four hundred horse^ but all of
them choice troops, animated by their experience in war, and
determined to conquer or die. The LacedsemoniaD cayaby,
composed of men picked up by chance, without valour, and
ill disciplined, was as much inferior to their enemies in courage
as superior in number. The infantry could not be depended
on, except the Lacedaemonians ; the allies, as has been said,
having engaged in the war with reluctance, because they did
not approve the motive of it, and being, besides, diiMitisfied
irith the Lacedaemonians.

. The ability of the generals of either side supplied the plaoe
of numerous armies, especially of the Theban, who was tiie
most accomplished soldier of his times. He was supported by
Pelopidas, with whom he bad formerly fought and bled, and
who was then at the head of the Sacred Battalion, compoeed
of three hundred Thebans, united in a strict friendship and
affection, and engaged, under a particular oath, never to fly,
^t to defend each other to the last.

Upon the day of battle, the two armies drew up on a
plain. Cleombrotus was upon the right, at the head of a
body consisting of Lacedasmonians, in whom he confided
most, and whose files were twelve deep: to take ttie nd*
vantage which his superiority of horse gave him in an open
coimtry, he posted them in front of his lAicedsemonians. Ai^
chidamus, the son of Agesilaus, was at the head of the allies,
who formed the left wing.

Epaminondas, who resolved to charge with his left, wfaieh
he commanded in person, strengthened it with the choioe of
lua heavy-armed troops, whom he drew up fifty deep: the
Saored Battalion was on his left, and closed the wing; Ae
rest of his infantry were posted upon his right, in an dbliqve
line, which, the farther it extended, was the more distant (tarn

BATTLK OF LKUCTAA. 285

the enemy. By thii uitcommoo dispositioot bis design was to
cover Us flank on the tight; to keep off his right wiDg, as a
kind of reaerred body, that he might not hazard the event of
the battle upoo the wedLest part of his army; and to begin the
action with his left wing, where his best troops were posted,
to turn the whole weight of the battle upon Cleombrotas and
the Spartans, He was assured, that if be could penetrate the
Lacedaemonian phalanx, the rest of the army would soon be
put to the rout. As for his horse, he disposed them, after the
<niemy*s example, in the front of his left

The action began with the cavafary. As the Thebant wei«
better moimtBd, and braver troops than the Lacedssmonian
horse, the latter were not long before they were broke, and
driven upon the infantry, which they put into some confusion.
Epaminondas, following his horse close, marched swiftly up
to Cleombrotas, and fell upon his phalanx with all the weight
of his heavy battalion. The latter, to make a diversion, de*
tached a body of troops, with orders to take Epaminondaa in
flank, and to surround him. Pelopidas, upon sight of tlnl
movement, advanced, with incredible speed and boldness, at
the head of the Sacred Battalion, to prevent the enemy's de*
sign, and flanked Cleombrotus himself, 'who, by that sudden
and unexpected attack, was put into disorder. The battle
was very fierce and obstinate ; and whilst Cleombrotus ooold
act the victory continued in sni^ense, and declared f<Nr neiliier
party. But when he fell dead with his wounds, the Thebaai»
to complete the victory, and the LacedaBmonians, to avoid Ihe
shame of abandoning the body of their king, redoubled tiieir
effsrtSy and a great slaughter ensued on both sides. The
Spartans fought with so much fury about the body, that at
length they gained their point, and carried it off. Animated
by so ;giorious an advantage, they proposed to return to the
charge, which would, perhaps, have proved successful, had the
allies seconded their ardour ; but the left wing seeiqg the 1^
cedaemonian phalanx broken, and believing all lost, especially
when they heard that the king was dead, took to flight and
drew off the rest of the army. Epaminondas followed them
^vigorously, and killed a great number in the pursuit. The
Thebans remained masters of the field of battle, ereolad a
trophy^ and permittod the enemy to bury their dead.

286 HISTORY OP GRBBCtE.

The LacedaemoDians bad never received sach a blow. The
most bloody defeat, till thoD, bad scarcdy ever cost them more
than four or five bundred of their citizens. Here they lost
four thousand men, of whom one thousand were Lacedasmo-
nians, and four hundred Spartans, out of seven bondredy who
were in the battle. The Thebans had only three bundred men
killed, among whom were four of their citizens.

The city of Sparta was at that time celebrating the Gym-
nastic games, and was full of strangers, whom cariosity had
brought thither. When the couriers arrived fiom Lenctm
with the terrible news of their defeat, the Ephori^ though per-
fectly sensible of all the consequences, and that the Spartan
empire had received a mortal wound, would not permit there-
presentations of the theatre to be suspended, nor any changes
10 the celebration of the festival. They sent to every family the
names of their relations who were killed, and stayed in the
theatrb, to see that the dances and games were eoDtinned,
widibat interruption, to the end. It is not easy to detemuoe
whether we ought to ascribe this supine and unprecedented
conduct of the Ephori to their desire of concealing from Hbte
people the desperate state in which their affairs then were, or
to that luxury and dissipation which had begun to corrupt even
Sparta itself.

' The next day, in the morning, the loss of each family being
known, the fathers and relations of those who had died in the
haiie met in the public place, and saluted and embraced each
other with great joy and serenity in their looks ; whilst the
others kept themselves close in their houses ; or if necessity
obliged them to go abroad, it was with a sadness and dejection
of aspect, which sensibly expressed their anguish and afflie>
tion. That difference was still more remarkable in the women :
grief, silence, tears, distinguished those who expected the
torn of their sons ; but such as had lost their sons were
hurrying to the temple, to thank the gods, and congratnlating
each other upon their glory and good* fortune.

One great point, under immediate consideration, was coi»-
cemmg those who had fled out of the battle. They were, bj
the law, in that case, to be degraded from all honour, and
rendered infamous, insomuch, that it was a disgrace to inter-
marry with them ; they were to appear publicly in mean and

THK THBBANS INVADB LACBUifiMON. 2337

dirty habits, with patched and party-coloured garments^ and
to go half shaved; and whoever met them in the streets might
insult and beat them, and they were not to make any resist-
ance. This was so severe a law, and such numbers had in-
curred the penalties of it, many of whom were of great fn-
milies and interest, that they apprehended the execution of it
might occasion some public commotions ; besides that these
citizens, such as they were, could very ill be spared at this
time, when they wanted to recruit the army. Under tUa
difficulty, they gave Agesilaus a power even over the laws, to
dispense with them, to abrogate them, or to enact such new
ones as the present exigency required. He would not aboliahr
or make any variation in the law itself, but made a public decla-
ration, Tliat it should lie dormant for that single day, but re-
vive and be in full force again on the morrow, and by that ex-
pedient he saved the citizens from infamy.

So great a victory was followed by instantaneous ieffeots:
numbers of the Grecian states, that had hitherto remained
neuter, now declared in favour of the conquerors, and in-
creased their array to the amount of seventy thousand men*
Epaminondas entered Laconia with an army, the twelfth part
of which were not Thebans ; and, finding a country hitherto
untouched by an enemy, he ran through it with fire and sword,
destroying and plundering as far as the river Eurotas.

The river was at that time very much swollen by the melt-
ing of the snow, and the Thebans found more difficulty in
passing it than they expected, as well from the rapidity as the
extreme coldness of the water. As Epaminondas was pasting
at the head of his infantry, some of the Spartans showed him
to Agesilaus, who, after having attentively considered and
followed him with his eyes a long time, could not help crying
out, in admiration of his valour, ** Oh ! the wonder-working
man!" The Theban general, however, contented himialf
with overrunning the country, without attempting any thing
upon Sparta, and, entering Arcadia, reinstated it in all
its former privileges and liberties. The Lacedaemonians had,
some time before, stripped the harmless natives of all their
possessions, and obliged them to take refuge amongst strangen.
Their country was equal in extent to Laconia, and as fertile as
the best in Greece. Its ancient inhabitants, who were' dis-

988 HISTORY OP GRfiBCE.

peFsed in different regions of Greece, Italy, ind SioAjr^ oo the
fiivt notice gfiven them» returned with incredible joy, awmitecl
by the love of their country, natural to all men ; and almoft as
■raoh by their hatred of the Spartans, which lengfth of tii
had only increased. They bailt themselves a city, which,
the ancient name, was called Messene.

After performing such signal exploits, Pelopidas and £pa-
minondas, the Theban generals, once mora returned home^
not to share the triumphs and acclamations of their fellow-
eitixens, .^but to answer the accusations that were laid againat
them ; they were now both summoned as criminals against tlie
state, for having retained their posts four months beyond Om
time limited by law. This offence was capital by the laws of
Thebes ; and those, who stood up for the eonstitntion, were
Tery earnest in having it observed with punctuality. Piaio-
pidas was the first cited before the tribunal : he defeaded him-
-self with less force and greatness of mind than was expected
tnm a man of his character, by nature warm and fiery. Tbat
valour, which was haughty and intrepid in fight, forsook him
before his judges. His air and discourse, which had some-
thing timid and low in it, denoted a man who was afraid of
death, and did not in the least incline the judg^es in his favoar,
who acquitted him not without difficulty. Epaminondas, on
the contrary, appeared with all the confidence of conscious
innocence : instead of justifying himself, he enumerated his
actions ; he repeated, in haughty terms, in what manner he
&ad ravaged Laconia, re-established Messenia, and re-miited
Arcadia in one body. He concluded with saying, that he
should die with pleasure, if the Thebans would renounce the
sole glory of those actions to him, and declare that he hud
done them by his own authority, and without their partioi|w-
tion. All the voices were in his favour ; and he returned firom
his trial, as he nsed to return from battle, with glory and ani-
▼aiial applause. Such dignity has true valour, that it in a
manner seises the admiration of mankind by force. This mmi-
ner of reproaching them had so good an effect, that hia ene-
mies declined any further prosecution ; and he, with hia ool-
leagoe, was honourably acquitted. His enemies, howem,
jealous of his glory, with a design to affront him, caused him
to be elected the city scavenger ; he accepted the place with

TRBACHKRy OP ALBXANDBR OF THBSSALY. 299

tiiaiiki, and deolaredy that, instead of derifing honour from
his office, he woold give it dignity in his turn.

In the mean time» the Spartans, struck with consternation
at their late defeats, applied to the Athenians for sncconr,
who, after some hesitation, determined to assist them with all
their forces ; and a slight advantage the Spartans had gained
over the Arcadians, in which they did not lose a man, gave a
promising dawn of success. The Persian king was also ap-
plied to for assistance, in the confederacy against Thebes;
but Pelopidas, undertaking an embassy to that court, froa-
trated their purpose, and induced that great monarch to stand
neuter.

Thebes, being thus rid of so powerful an enemy, had leas
fears of withstanding the confederacy of Sparta and Athens;
bat a new and an unexpected power was now growing np
against them ; a power which was one day about to swallow
op the liberties of Greece, and give laws to all mankind.

Some years before this, Jason, the king of Pheree, was
chosen general of the Thessalians, by the consent of the peoi-
ple ; he was at the head of an army of eight thousand hmve,
and twenty thousand heavy-armed foot, without reckoning
light infantry : and might have undertaken any thmg with
such a body of well-disciplined and intrepid troops, who had
an entire confidence in the valour and conduct of their comr
manner. Death prevented his designs ; he was assassinated
by persons, who had long before conspired his destruction.
His two brothers, Polydorus and Poliphron, were substituted
in his phu^e ; the latter of whom killed the other, for the sake
of reigning alone ; and was soon after killed himself, by Aim-
aoder of Phersd, who seized the government, under the pre-
tence of revenging the death of Polydoms his father. Agaioit
him Pelopidas was sent. The Theban general soon cooir
pelled Alexander to make submission to him ; and attempted,
by mild usage, to change the natural brutality of his dispoai^
tion. But Alexander, long addicted to a debauched life, imd
possessed of insatiable avarice, secretly withdrew from aW
constraint, resolved to seize an opportunity of revenge. It
was not till some time after, that this opportunity oQered ; for
Pelopidas being appointed ambassador to Alexander, who was
at that time at the head of a powerful army, he was seized

24<) HISTORY OP GR£BCB.

upon, and made prisoner, contrary to ail the laws of nations
and humanity. It was in vain that the Thebans complained
of this infraction of }aws; it was in vain that they sent a
powerful army, but headed by indifferent generak, to revenge
the insult : their army returned without effect, and Alexander
treated his prisoner with the utmost severity. It was left
for Epaminondas to bring the tyrant to reason. Entering
Thessaiia, at the head of a powerful army, his name spread
such terror, that the tyrant offered terms of submission, and
delivered up Pelopidas from prison.

Pelopidas was scarce freed from confinement, when he re-
solved to punish the tyrant for his perfidy and breach of faith.
He led a body of troops against Alexander, to a place called
Cynocephalus, where a bloody battle ensued, in which the
Thebans were victorious ; but Pelopidas was unfortunately
slain : his countrymen considered those successes vwy dearly
earned, which they had obtained at the expense of his life.
The lamentations for him were general ; his funeral was mag-
nificent, and his praises boundless. Alexander himself, soon
after, was killed by Thebe his wife, and his three brothers,
who, long shocked at his cruelties, had resolved to rid the
world of such a monster. The account has it, that he slept
every night, guarded by a dog, in a chamber which was as-
cended by a ladder. Thebe allured away the dog, and co-
vered the steps of the ladder with wool, to prevent noise ; and
then, with the assistance of her brothers, stabbed him in
several parts of his body.

In the mean time, the war between the Thebans and the
Spartans was carried on with unabated vigour. The Theban
troops were headed by their favourite general Epaminondas ;
those of Sparta by Agesilaus, the only man in Greece, that
was then able to oppose him.

The first attempt of Epaminondas, in this campaign, marked
his great abilities and his skill in the art of war. Bdng in^
formed that Agesilaus had begim his march to Mantinea, and
bad left but few citizens to defend Sparta, at home, he
marched directly thither by night, with a design to take tke
city by surprise, as it had neither walls nor troops to definid
it ; but, luckily, Agesilaus was apprised of his design, and dis-
patched one of his horse to advise the city of its danger ; soon

BPAMINONDAS INVADBS SPARTA. 341.

after, arriving with a powerful succour in person, he had-
scarcely entered the town, when the Thebans were seen pas9iBg
the Eurotas, and coming on against the city. Epaminoodaa,
who perceived that his design was discovered, thought it mr
cumbent on him not to retire without some attempt He-.
therefore made his troops advance, and, making use of valour
instead of stratagem, he attacked the city at several quartera,.
penetrated as far as the public place, and seized that part of
Sparta, which lay upon the hither side of the river. Agesilaus
made head everywhere, and defended himself with much more
valour than could be expected from his years. He saw weil»
that it was not now a time, as before, to spare himself, and to
act only upon the defensive ; but that he had need of all his
courage and intrepidity, and to fight with all the vigour of.
despair. His son Archidamus, at the head of the Spartan
youth, behaved with incredible valour, wherever the danger
was greatest; and with his small troops stopped the enemy,
and made head against them on all sides.

A young Spartan, named Isadas, distinguished himself par-
ticulariy in this action. He was very handsome in the fiice,
perfectly well shaped, of an advantageous stature, and in the
flower of his youth ; he had neither armour nor clothes upon
Us body, which shone with oil ; he held a spear in one hand,
and a sword in the other. In this condition he quitted his
house, with the utmost eagerness ; and, breaking through the
press of the Spartans that fought, he threw himself upon the
enemy, gave mortal wounds at every blow, and laid all at his .
feet who opposed him, without receiving any hurt himself.
Whether the enemy were dismayed at so astonishing a sight, or
whether, says Plutarch, the gods took pleasure in preserving
him upon account of his extraordinary valour, remains a ques-
tion. It is said, the Epbori decreed him a crown after the
battle, in honour of his exploits ; but afterwards fined him a
thontand drachmas, for having exposed himself to so great a
flange? without arras.

Epaminondas, thus failing in his design, was resolved, be*
fore he laid down his command, which was near expiring, to
endeavour to effect something that might compensate for his
failure. In order to protect Sparta, Agesilaus had withdrawn
all the troops from Mantinea : Uiither, therefore, Epaminondas-

R

342 HISTORY OP GRBBGB.

reeoived to bend his course. Being determined to attack the
town, he dispatched a troop of horse to view its situatkm, and
to clear the fields of stragglers. Bat just before they had
reached Mantinea, an army of six thousand Athenian anxiKaries
arrired by sea, who, without taking any refireshment either to
their men or horses, rushed out without the city, and attacked
and defeated the Theban horse. In the mean time, Epami-
nondas was advancing with his whole army, with the enony
dose upon his rear. Finding it impossible to accomplish hb
purpose, before he was overtaken, he determined to halt and
give them battle. He had now got within a short way of
the town, which has had the honour of giving its name to the
conflict of that day; a conflict the most splendid, and best
contested, that ever figured in the history of any country.

The Greeks had never foaght among themselves with more
numerous armies : the Lacedaemonians consisted of mote than
twenty thousand foot and two thousand horse ; the Thebans
of thirty thousand foot and three thousand horse. Upon the
right wing of the former, the Mantineans, Arcadians, and
LacedsBmonians, were posted in one line ; the Eleans and
Achaeans, who were the weakest of their troops, had the cen-
tre ; and the Athenians alone composed the left wing. In
the other army, the Thebans and Arcadians were on the left,
the Argives on the right, and the other allies in the centre :
the cavalry on each side were disposed in the wings.

The Theban general marched in the same order of battle
in which he intended to fight, that he might not be obliged,
when he came up with the enemy, to lose, in disposing of his
army, a precious time, which could not be recovered.

He did not march directly, and with his front to the enemj,
but in a column upon the hills, with his left wing foreraoBt, as
if he did not intend to fight that day. When he was o^rer*
against them, at a quarter of a league's distance, he made Ike
troops halt, and lay down their arms, as if he designed io
encamp there. The enemy, in effect, were deceived by Ibis
stand: and, reckoning no longer upon a battle, they quitted
their arms, dispersed themselves about the camp, and suffeied
that ardour to be extinguished, which a near iqpproach of a
battle is wont to kindle in the hearts of soldiers.
' Epaminottdas, however, by suddenly wheeling his troops te^

BATtLB OF MANTINBA. 818

the rigfat» having changed his column into a line, and haying
drawn oat the choice troops, whom he had, in his maMdi,
posted in front, made them double their files up<Hi the flrofnt
of his left wing, to add to its strength, and to put it into a
condition to attack in a point the Lacedssmonian phalanx,
which, by the moTement<) he had made, faced it directly. He)
ordered the centre and right wing of his army to move very
slow, and to halt before they came up with the enemy, that
he might not hazard the event of the battle upon troops of
which he had no great opinion.

He expected to decide the victory by that body of lihoften
troops which he commanded in person, and which he had
formed into a column to attack the enemy in a wedge-Kke
poiiit. He assured himself, that if he could penetrate thc^
Lacedaemonian phalanx, in which the enemy's principal force
consisted, he should not find it difficult to root the test of Ae
army, by charging upon the right and left with his viotoriooa
troops.

But that he might prevent the Athenians in the left wing
from coming to the support of their right against his intended^
attack, he made a detachment of his horse and foot advance
out of the line, and posted them upon a rising ground, ill
readiness to flank the Athenians, as well as to cover his rigkt
and to alarm them, and give them reason to apprehend being
taken in flank and rear themselves, if they advanced to sustltfA
their right.

After having disposed his whole army in this ttianMV, 'h^
moved on to charge the enemy with the whole weig^ ef 'hit
column. They were strangely surprised when they saw'Ejpih
minondas advance towards them in tins order, and resuified
their arms, bridled their horses, and made all the haste they.
could to their ranks.

Whilst Epaminondas marched against Ae enemy, the ea-*
valiy that covered his flank on the left, the be«t at that tiflia
in Chreeee, entirely composed of Thebans and TbessaliaiM^ hai
orders to attack the enemy's horse. The Theban generil^'
whom nothing escaped, had artfully bestowed bowHiien, ^llilq^-
ers, and dart-men, in the intervals of his horse,* in o#deAr'to
begm the disorders of the enemy's oavahry, by a previous Hb*'
chai^ge txfa shower of arrows, stones, and javelintf upon>thettb-

r2

244 HISTORY OF GRBBCB.

Hie other army had neglected to take the same preeanlioD r
and had been guilty of imother fault, not less considerabley m
giving as much depth to the squadrons as if they had been a
phalanx. By this means their hor^e were incapable of sap-
p<Nrting long the charge of the Thebans. After having made
several ineffectual attacks, with great loss, they were obliged
to retire behind their infantry.

In the mean time Epaminondas, with his body of foot, had
charged the Lacedaemonian phalanx. The troops fought oo
both sides with incredible ardour, both the Thebans and Laoe-
dsdmonians being resolved to perish, rather than yield tlie
glory of arms to their rivals. They began fighting with their
spears ; but these being soon broken in the fury of the combat,
they charged each other sword in hand. The resistance wa»
equally obstinate, and the slaughter very great on both sides.
The troops despising danger, and desiring only to distinguish
themselves by the greatness of their actions, chose ladier to
*die in their ranks than to lose a step of their ground.

The furious slaughter on both sides having continued a great
while, without the victory inclining to either, Epaminondas, to
force it to declare for him, thought it his duty to make an ex-
traordinary effort in person, without regard to the danger of
his own life. He formed, therefore, a troop of the bravest
and most determinate about him, and, putting himself at the
head of them, made a vigorous charge upon the enemy, where
tfie battle was most warm, and wounded the general of the
LaoedflDmonians with the first javelin he threw. This troop,
by his example, having wounded or killed all that stood in
their way, broke and penetrated the phalanx. The Lacedse-
monians, dismayed by the presence of Epaminondas, and over-
powered by the weight of that intrepid party, were induced to
give ground. The gross of the Theban troops, animated by
their general's example and success, drove back the enemy
upon his right and left, and made great slaughter of them.
But some troops of the Spartans, perceiving that Epaminon-
das abandoned himself too much to his ardour, suddenly ral-
lied, and, returning to the fight, charged him with a shower o[
javelins. Whilst he kept off part of those darts, shnaned
some of them, fenced off others, and was fighting with Ike
most heroic valour^ to assure the victory to his army, a Spor^

DBATH OP BPAMINONDAS. 346

tan, named Calliorates» gave him a mortal wound with a jave-
lin in his breast, across his cuirass. The wood of the javdin
being broke ofi; and the iron head continuing in the wound,
the torment was insupportable, and he fell immediately^ The
battle began around him with new fury ; the one side using
their utmost endeavours to take him alive, and the other to
save him. The Thebans gained their point at last, and car«
ried him off, after having put the enemy to flight.

After several different movements and alternate losses and
disadvantages, the troops on both sides stood still and rested
upon their arms; and the trumpets of the two armies, as if
by consent, sounded the retreat at the same time. Each party
pretended to Ae victory, and erected a trophy; the Thebans,
because they had defeated the right wing, and remained
masters of the field of battle ; the Athenians, because they
had out the general's detachment in pieces : and from this
point of honour, both sides at first refused to ask leave to bury
their dead; which, with the ancients, was confessing their
defeat The Lacedaemonians, however, sent first to demand
that permission ; after which the rest had no thoughts but of
paying the last duties to the slain.

In the mean time, Epaminondas had been carried into the
camp. The surgeons, after having examined the wound, de>
clared, that he would expire as soon as the head of the dart
was drawn out of it Those words gave all that were present
the utmost sorrow and affliction, who were inconsolable on
seeing so great a man on the point of expiring. For him, the
only concern he expressed was about his arms, and the fate 'of
the battle. When they showed him his shield, and assured
him that the Thebans had gained the victory, turning towards
his firiends with a calm and serene air, — " All then is well,''
said he : and soon after, upon drawing the head of the javelin
out of his body, he expired in the arms of victory.

As the glory of Thebes rose with Epaminondas, so it fell
with him ; and he is, perhaps, the only instance of one man^s
being able to inspire his country with military glory, and lead
it to conquest, without having had a predecessor, or leaving
an imitator of his example.

The battle of Mantinea was the greatest that ever was
fought by Grecians against Grecians ; the whole strengdi of

246 HISTORY OF OREKOB^

the oouotry being drawn out, and langed according to their
^jfEerent interests ; and it was fought with an obstinaey aquiit
to the importance of it; which waa the fixing the empire^f
Qr6ece; and this most of course have been tiansferred to ike
Hiebans upon their victory, if they had not lost the fruits of
it by the death of their general, who was the sou) of all their
c<HUisels and designs. This blasted all their hopes, and pnt
out their sudden blaze of power almost as soon as it was
knidled. However, they did not presently give up their pre-
tensions; they were still ranked among the leading states^
and made several further struggles ; but they were fiunt and
inefifectual, and such as were rather for life and beii^» ihrnn
for superiority and dominion. A peace, therefore, was pro-
posed, which was ratified by all the states of Greeoe, except
Sparta ; the conditions of which were, that every state should
mnjntytn what they possessed, and hold it independent of any
other power.

A state of repose followed this peace, in which dieChreeiaD
powers seemed to slacken from their former animosities ; and
if we except an expedition under Agesilaus into Egypt,
whither he went to assist Tachos, who had usurped that king-
dom, there was little done for several years following.

It will be proper to give a short account of that expedition.
Tachos, having usurped the supreme power in Egypt, applied
to Agesilaus for aid against the Persian king, with whom he
was at war. Agesilaus, through avarice, and the hope of be-
ing preferred to the chief command, readily complied; as-
suring the Spartans, that nothing but the interest of his coun-
try could have induced him to go into the service of a foreign
prince. Being arrived in Egypt, all were anxious to see a
man who had acquired so splendid a reputation. Accordiogly,
great multitudes, of every denomination, flocked to the phce
where he was : but how much were they astonished, when,
instead of an elegant, portly figure, they found a little old
man, of mean apperrance, lying on the grass, with his clotties
thread-bare, and his hair uncombed ! They were still more
struck, upon their offering him presents of perfumes and odier
Egyptian luxuries : " Give these things," he said, '' to my
Helots : Spartan freemen know not how to use them." He
was far firom meeting with that sort of treatment from Tachos,

DBATH OF A6BS1LAU6. fUlf

which he had retton to expect Instead of making him com*>
mander in chieC ttiat prince would allow him no command bq^
ttiat of the mercenaries* Agesilans, of coarse, became disaf-
fected to TachoSt and joined with Nectanebns» his nephew»
who had commenced hostilities against hiin. Tachos was soon
driven ont of the kingdom. Nectanebns did not, however^
enjoy a long tranqoillity ; for he had hardly been proclakned
king, when another competitor starting np, Egypt was again
in arms. Nectanebns and Agesilans were ob%ed to fortify
themselves with their troops. The conduct of Agesilans^
during the siege, is much extolled. By his advice a saccess*
fnl sally was made, and !Pf ectanebns peaceably seated on the
throne. In return for his great services, the Spartan kii^
was presented with two hundred and thirty talents of silver,
and treated with every mark of gratitude and respect In re*
turning home, the ensuing winter, he was driven into the
haven of Menelans, which lies upon a desert spot of Africa,
where he was attacked with an acute disease, and carried off,
being upwards of eighty years of age, forty of which he had
been king.

The character of Agesilans was compounded of a variety of
very opposite qualities. Against his pretensions to the regal
power there were very strong prejudices, both with regard to his
person, and his interest in the state: the first he conquered bf
his good humour; the second by the assistance of his firiend
Lysander. He was so fully convinced of the meanness of his
appearance, that he never would allow any statue of him to
be erected during his life-time ; and he entreated the Spartans
that they would erect none after his death. He always paid
the utmost deference and respect to the senate, and to the
j^hori ; the consequence of which was, that he was enaUdd
to c^ny all his designs, by fresh acquisitions to the prerogative.
He was remarkable for his abstinence and continence; ad-
hering rigidly to the ancient Spartan mode of plainness and
frugality. He was capable of enduring immense fatigue and
pain. His uncommon affection for his children made a strong
feature in his character. A friend having found him riding
with them on a hobby-horse, expressed some surprise; on
whieh he said, " Don't say a word of it, till you beoome b
father yourself' He was in a high degree humane and gese-

248 ,. HISTORY OP GRBBCB*

reus to his enemies; easily forgriying their oflenees or debts,
ipd never ticking the smallest advantage of their distress or
necessities. But, on the other hand, he was by much too par-
tial to his friends, in whom he seldom conld discover any thing
worthy of blame. His words to the prince of Caria are worthy
of being remembered:—* *' If Nicias be innocent, acquit him
on account of his innocence ; if guilty, acquit him on my ao*
count ; at any event, let him be acquitted." It was the mis-
fortune of his country, that Ae impetuosity and ambition of
his youth degenerated, when he grew old, into obstinacy and
perverseness. The effect of that change was, that lie some-
times rendered his country unhappy, by engaging in eater-
prises to which the senate had consented with relnctaaee.
He had one peculiar method of deceiving his enemies. When
about to enter upon a march, he took care to publish a trae
account of his intended route, and time of marching ; by which
he generally had the pleasure of hearing that they had moved
on a different day, and had taken a different road fiN>m that
which they wished to take. So high was his fame for mibtary
prowess, that the Spartans appointed him not only to be theif
general, but their admiral : a mark of honour never conferred
on any other commander.

The Athenians, when they found themselves delivered from
him (Epaminondas) who kept up their emulation, grew indo-
lent and remiss, and abandoned themselves to their ease and
pleasure, being wholly taken up with shows, sports, and festi-
vals. They were naturally too much addicted to these amuse-
ments ; and they had formerly been encouraged in them by
Pericles, who knew how to lead them by their inclinations,
and who took this method to ingratiate himself, and to divert
them from inspecting too narrowly into his administration.
But they now carried their diversions to a much higher pitch
of extravagance ; they had such a passion for the stage, that
it stifled in them all other thoughts, either of businen or of
gtory : in short, the decorations and other charges attending
the theatre were so excessive, that Plutarch says, " It cost
more to represent some of the famous pieces oi' Sophocles and
Euripides, than it had done to carry on the war against the
barbarians." And, in order to support this charge, they setxed
upon the fund which had been set apart for the war, with a

DBCLfNtNG STATK OP ATHE|IS. 240

proUbition, upon pain of death, over to idfise the applying of
it to any other purpose. They not only reversed this decrei^i
bnt went as far the other way, making it death to propose the
restoring the fund to the uses to wUeb it had been before ap-
propriated, nnder the same penalties. By diverting the conrse
of the supplies in so extraordinary a .manner, and entertain-
ing the idle citizens at the expense of the soldier and the
mariner, they seemed to have no remains of that spirit and
vigour which they had exerted in the Persian wars, when they
demolished their houses to furnish out a navy ; and when the
women stoned a man to death, who proposed to appease the
Great King (as he was called) by paying tribute and doing
homage.

In this general remissness, it was not to be supposed that .
their allies would treat them with the respect they demanded.
Most of the states, that had hitherto been in
alliance with them, and had found security un- • • •
der their protection, took up arms against them. In reducing
these, Chabrias, Iphicrates, and Timotheus, gained great repu-
tation, and are supposed to have been consummate generals ;
but their successes are too minute to rank them among the
class of eminent commanders ; and, whatever their skill might
have been, there was wanted a great occasion for its display.
This war was opened with the siege of Chio, in which the
Athenians were repulsed ; and Chabrias, unwilling to abandon
his vessel, preferred death to flight. The siege of Byzantium
followed; before which the fleets of the contending powers
were dispersed by a storm: in consequence of which the
Athenian generals were recalled. Timotheus was fined a
great sum, but being too poor to pay, he went into voluntary
banishment. Iphicrajtes was also obliged to answer for him-
self, but got off by his eloquence ; and, in the mean time, the
affairs of Athens succeeded but ill under the guidance of
Charis, who was left sole commander. A peace was con-
cluded ; whereby every city and people were left to the full
enjoyment of their liberty, and thus the war of the allies
ended, after having continued three years.

During these transactions, a power was growing up in
Greece, hitherto unobserved, but now too conspicuous and
formidable to be overlooked in the general picture : this was

2B0 HISTORY OP GRBBCE.

that of the Macedonians ; a people hitherto obscure, and in a
j^nanner barbarous ; and who, though warlike and hardy, had
never yet presumed to intermeddle in the affairs of Gvieece.
But now, several circumstances concurred to ra|se them firom
that obscurity, and to involve them in measures, which, by
degrees, wrought a thorough change in the state of Ghreece.
It will be necessary, therefore, to begin with a short account
of their power and origin, before we enter into a detail of
that conspicuous part which they afterwards performed on
the theatre of the world.

V

CHAPTER XIII.

PROM THE BIRTH TO THB DBATH OP FHILIP, KING OP

MACBDQN.

The people of Macedon were hitherto considered as making
DO part of the Grecian confederacy ; they were looked upon
SB foreigners; as men, in a measure, semi-barbarous; who
boasted, indeed, of taking their origin from the Greeks,
but who hitherto neither possessed their politeness, nor enjoyed
their freedom; they had little or no intercourse with their
mother-country ; they had contracted the habits and manners
of the natives where they were settled, and from thence they
were treated with similar disrespect.

The first king, who is mentioned with any degree of certainty
to have reigned in Macedonia, was Caranus, by birth an
Argive, and said to be the sixteenth in descent from Hercules.
It was upon this foundation that Philip afterwards grounded
his pretensions to be of the race of Hercules, and assumed to
himself divine honours. Caranus is commonly reputed to have
led forth a body of his countrymen, by the advice of the oracle,
into those parts where he settled, and made himself king.
Caranus having, according to the general account, reigned
twenty-eight years, the succession was continued after him to
the times we are now treating of. But there is very little
worth notice recorded of these kings, they being generally
employed in defending themselves against the incursions of
their neighbours ; and as to their domestic affairs, they were
remarkable only for the frequent murders and usurpations
which happened in the royal family.

Amyntas, father of Philip, began to reign the third year of
the ninety-sixth Olympiad. Having the Tery year after been
warmly attacked by the Illyrians, and dispossessed of a great
part of his kingdom, which he thought it scarcely possiUe for
him erer to recover again, he addressed himself to the Olya-

253 HISTORY OF GRKBCB.

thians ; and in order to engage them the more firmly in bis jo-
terest, he had given up to them a considerable tract of land
in the neighbourhood of their city. He was restored to the
throne by the Thessalians ; upon which he was desirous of re-
suming the possession of the lands, which nothing but ihe ill
situation of his affairs had obliged him to resign to the Oljn-
thians. This occasioned a war ; but Amyntas not being strong
enough to make head singly against so powerful a people, the
Greeks, and the Athenians in particular, sent him snccoon,
and enabled him to weaken the power of the Olynthians, who
threatened him with a total and sudden ruin.

Amyntas died, after having reigned twenty-four years. He
left three legitimate children ; namely, Alexander, PerdicGas»
and Philip. Alexander, the eldest son, reigned but one year.
Perdiccas, the second brother, was opposed by Pansanias,
the Lacedaemonian, who began by seizing some fortresses;
but, by the assistance of Iphicrates, the Athenian general, the
usurper was expelled, and Perdiccas, the lawful soveieigD,
confirmed on the throne. He did not, however, loi^ continue
in tranquillity. Ptolemy, a natural son of Amyntas, laid claim
to the crown, and disputed his title ; which by mutual consent
was referred to Pelopidas, the Theban, a man much revered
both for his probity and his valour. Pelopidas determined in
favour of Perdiccas; and, having judged it necessary to take
pledges on both sides, in order to oblige the two competitors
to observe the articles of the treaty accepted by them, among
other hostages, he carried Philip with him to Thebes, where
he resided several years. He was then ten years of age.
Eurydice, at her leaving this much-loved son, earnestly be-
sought Pelopidas to procure him an education worthy of hb
birth, and of the city to which he was going an hostage.
Pelopidas placed him with Epaminondas, who had a celebrated
Pythagorean pliilosopher in his house for the education of his
son. Philip improved greatly by the instructions of his pre-
ceptor, and much more by those of Epaminondas, under wliom
he undoubtedly made some campaigns, though no mention is
made of them. He could not possibly have had a more ex-
cellent master, whether for war or the conduct of life ; for
this illustrious Theban was, at the same time that he was a
warrior, a very great philosopher ; that is to say, a wise and

PHILIP A8CBNDS THB THRONE. 363^

virtuous man* Pbilip was very proud of being his pupil, and
proposed him as a model to himself ; most happy, could he
have copied him perfectly ! Perhaps he borrowed from Epa-.
minondas his activity in war and his promptitude in improving
occasions; which, however, formed but a very inconsiderable
part of the merit of that illustrious personage. But, with,
regard to his temperance, his justice, his disinterestedness, his
sincerity, his magnanimity, his clemency, which rendered him
truly great, these were virtues which Philip had not received
from nature, and did not acquire by imitation.

The Thebans did not know that they were then forming and
educating the most dangerous enemy of Greece. After Philip
had spent nine or ten years in their city, the news of a revo-
lution in Macedon made him resolve to leave Thebes clan-
destinely. Accordingly he stole away, made the utmost
expedition, and found the Macedonians greatly distressed at
having lost their king Perdiccas, who had been killed in a
great battle by the Illyrians ; but much more so, to find they
bad as many enemies as neighbours. The Illyrians were on
the point of returning into the kingdom with a much greater
force; the Pceonians infested it with perpetual incursions;
the Thracians were determined to place Pausanias on the
throne, who had not abandoned his pretensions : and the Athe-
nians were bringing ArgsBus, whom Mantias, their general,
was ordered to support with a strong fleet, and a considerable
body of troops. Macedonia, at that time, wanted a prince of
years to govern ; and had only a child, Amyntas, the son ol
Perdiccas, and lawful heir of the crown. Philip governed the
kingdom for some time, by the title of Guardian to the Prince ;
bnt the subjects, justly alarmed, deposed the nephew in favour
of the uncle; and instead of the heir whom nature had
given them, set him upon the throne whom the present con-
jnnctnre of affairs required to fill it ; persuaded that the laws
of necessity are superior to all others. Accordingly, Philip,
at twenty-four years of age, ascended the throne, the first
year of the 105th Olympiad.

Never did the present condition of the Macedonians require
a man of more prudence and activity. They were surrounded
with as many enemies as they had neighbours. The Illyrians,
flushed with their late victory, were preparing to march against

264 HISTORY OF 6RB£Cl£.

them with a great army. The Poeonians were
incurBions upon them ; and, at the same time, the tide to the
ciowD was contested by Paosanias and AigsBOs; Aeibrmer
whereof was supported by the Thracians, and the hitter by Hhe
Athenians ; who, for that purpose, had sent oat a good le^
and three thousand land-men.

Under these circumstances, with so many enemies on his
hands at once, and that before he was settled on the throne,
his first care was to make sure of his own people, to gain thav
aflfections, and to raise their spirits; for they were Teiy
much disheartened, having lost above four thousand men in
the late action with the Dlyrians. He succeeded in those
points by the artfulness of his address, and the force of his elo-
quence, of which he was a great master. Hb next step was
to train and exercise them, and reform their ^scipline; and
it was at diis time that he instituted the femious Macedonian
phalanx, which did so much execution. It was an improre-
ment upon the ancient manner of fighting among the Girecians,
who generally drew up their foot so close, as to stand flie
shock of the enemy without being broken. The complete
phalanx was thought to contain above sixteen thousand men ;
ihough it was also taken in general for any company or party
of soldiers, and firequently for the whole body of foot. But
this of Philip's invention is described by Polybius to be an
obloog figure, consisting of eight thousand pikemen, sixteen
deep, and five hundred in front ; the men standing so close
together, that the pikes of the fifth rank were extended three
feet beyond the line of the front. The rest, whose distance
from the front made their pikes useless, rested them upon the
shoulders of those who stood before them, and so, lockii^
them together in file, pressed forward to support and purfi on
the former ranks, whereby the assault was rendered more
violent and irresistible.

When Philip had made some proper regulation of his aflbiia
at home, he began to look abroad, in order to divert the stofma
which threatened him from all quarters. By money and pvo-
mises he made up matters for the present, with such of *1iis
enemies as lay nearest to him ; and then turned his fbreea
against the Athenians, who were marched up to Methone, to'
assist Argadus. He gave them battle, and defeated thonr;

8UCCBSSE8 OP PHILIP. 3fi6

and the deatb of Argans, who was killed in the aotioa» put tti
eaid to that dispute : for he permitted the Athenians, when
they were in his power, to return home. This instance of
bis moderation gained so far upon them, that they soon after
concluded' a peace with him; which yet he obtorted no longer
than it served his design of securing the other part of Ui
dominions.

Accordingly he marched northward, where he declared War
against the Poeonians, and subdued theiH ; then fell upon the
niyrians, and, having killed above seven thousand bf them ul
a pitched batde, obliged them to restore all their conquests in
Macedonia. He had also obstructed the passage of thd
Thracians ; but yet did not think it sufficiently secured with*
out making himself master of Amphipolis, which was very
commodiously situated on the river Strymon, and was the key
of that side of his dominions. He knew the importance of it,
therefore he possessed himself of it in the beginning of his
reign. This was the ground of his quarrel with the Athe-
nians, who claimed it as one of (heir colonies, and made such
a point of it, that their setting up Argseus against him, 4WBa
not so much for his own sake, or for the credit of iitaposing 'a
king upon the Macedonians, as it was with a view to get the
city restored to them by his means, in case he should have
succeeded in his intentions.' Philip was sensible of their drift,
and finding it necessary, at that time, to keep up some sort of
agreement with them, would neither keep the place himself,
nor let them have it ; but took a middle course, and declared \^
it a finee city ; thereby leaving the inhabitants to throw off'
their dependence on their old masters, and making it appear
to be their own act. But the city continued no longer in this
state than until he found himself at liberty to make a more
thorough conquest of it ; which, at this time, he easily efleoted,
through the remissness of the Athenians, who refused to send
any relief to it ; alleging, in their excuse, that it would be a
breach of the peace, which they had concluded with Philip the
year before. | But the truth is, he tricked them out of it by a
promise of delivering it up to them. But, instead of keeping
his word, he made farther encroachments, by seizing on Pydna
and Potidea ; the latter of which, being garrisoned by tiie
Athenians, he drew them out and sent them holne ; but dis-

SB6 HISTORY OP 6RBJBCB. •

numed them with sach marks of civUity, as showed that he-
avoided coming to an open rapture with that state, at le^t
until his designs were more ripe for it ; though, at the same
time, he did what he could to weaken them, and drive them
out of his neighbourhood. Pydna, with the territory belong-
ing to it, he g^ve up to the Olynthians, who were his fathei^B .
inveterate enemies. His hands were too full at this time to
'revive the parrel against so rich and powerful a city ; which,
for three years together, had withstood the united forces of
Sparta and Macedonia : he therefore chose to buy their firiend-
ship for the present, and to amuse them by the delivery o£
this town, as he had done the Athenians by the peace, until
he could attack them with more advantage. In this step, ake,
he over-reached the Athenians ; who were, at the same time,
courting the alliance of the Olynthians, in order to maiotain
their footing in those parts. Which side soever the Oiynthiaiis
inclined to, they were strong enough to turn the balance ; and,
therefore, the gaining them became a matter of great conten-
tion between Philip and the Athenians.

From thence he proceeded to seize the city of Crenidea,
which had been built two years before, and then called it
Philippi, from his own name. It was here that he discovered
a gold mine, which every year produced a hundred and forty-
four thousand pounds sterling. This, which was an immense
sum for that age, was much more serviceable than fleets or
armies, in fighting his battles ; and he seldom failed using it
in every negociation. The Roman poets have sung its eflfecta
in the most beautiful strains. It is said, that, consulting tiie
oracle at Delphos, concerning the success of an intended ex-
pedition, he was answered by the priestess, *' That with silv^
spears he should conquer all things." He took the advice of
the oracle, and his success was answerable to its wisdom ; in-
deed, he was less proud of the success of a battle than of m
negociation; well knowing, that his soldiers and generals
shared in the one, but that the honour of the latter was wkoUy
bis own.

But a larger field was now opening to his ambition. The mo-
tual divisions of the states of Greece were, at no time, wholly
cemented, and they broke out now upon a very particular
occasion. The first cause of the rupture (which was afterwavda

OUIGiN OF THE 8ACRSO WAR. 987

«il11ed the Sacied War) arose from the I%ocians haying
ploughed up a pieoe of ground belonging to the temple df
Apollo at Delphos. Against thiis all the neighbouring states
exclaimed* as a sacrilege ; they were cited before the councU
of the Amphictyons, who particularly took cognizance of sacrad
matters ; they were cast, and a heavy fine was imposed upon
them. This the Phocians were unable to pay : they refused
to submit to the decree : they alleged, that the care and patro«
cage of the temple anciently belonged to them ; and, to vin-
dicate this, they quoted a precedent from Homer.

Philomelns, one of their chief citizens, was principally in^
strumental in encouraging them to arms : he raised their
ardour, and was appointed their general. He first applied
himself to the Spartans, who likewise had been fined by the
Amphictyons, at the instance of the Thcbans, after the battle
of Leuctra, for having seized the Cadmea : for this reason,
they were very well disposed to join with him, but did not yet
think it proper to declare themselves. However, they en-
couraged his design, and supplied him under- hand with money ;
by which means he raised troops, and, witiiout much difficult*
got possession of the temple. The chief resistance he met
with in the neighbourhood was from the Locrians ; but, having
worsted them, he erased the decree of the Amphictyons, wluch
was inscribed on the pillars of the temple. However, to
strengthen his authority, and give a colour to his proceedings,
be thought it convenient to consult the oracle, and to procure
an answer in his favour. But when he applied to the priestess
for that purpose, she refused to officiate : until, being intimi-
dated by his threats, she told him the god left him^ at liberty
to act as he pleased ; which he looked upon as a good answer,
and as such took care to divulge it.

The Amphictyons meeting a second time, a resolution was
formed to declare war against the Phocians. Most of the
Grecian nations engaged in this quarrel, and sided with the
one or the other party. The Boeotians, the Locrians, Thes-
sdians, and several other neighbouring people, declared io
favour of the god ; whilst Sparta, Athens, and some other
cides of Peloponnesus, joined with the Phocians. Philomelns
had not yet touched the treasures of the temple * but being
afterwards not so scrupulous, he believed that the riches of

8

SSB HISTORY OF GRBfiGH.

Ike god could not bo bolter employed than in the deitj't
fbnee; for he g^ve this specious name to this sacrilegiiNis at-
tempt: and, being* enabk^l by this fresh supply to double the
pay of his soldiers, he raised a very considerable body of
troops.

Several battles were fought, and the success for some timm
seemed doubtful on both sides. Every one knows how nmoh
idigious wars are to be dreaded, and the prodigious lei^ths
which a. false zeal, whenrTeiled with so yenerable a namts, is
apt to go. The Thebans, having in a rencounter Ukem se-
veral prisoners, condemned them all to die, as saciilegiovs
wretches, who were excommunicated: the Phocians did the
same, by way of reprisal. These had at first gained se«
veral advantages, but having been defeated in a great batde,
Philomelus, their- leader, being closely attacked on an emi*
nence, from which there was no retreating, defended himself
for a long time with invincible bravery ; which, however, not
availing, he threw himself headlong from a rock, in order to
avoid the torments he must undoubtedly have undergone, had
he fallen alive into the hands of his enemies. Oeaomarohos
was his successor, and took upon him the command of the
forces.

Philip thought it most consistent with his interest to remaiift
neuter in this general movement of the Greeks. ' It was coo*
sistent with the policy of this ambitious prince, who had Ktlle
reg^d either for religion or the interests of Apolb, and who
was always intent upon his own, not to engage in a war, by
which he could not reap the least benefit ; and to take advan-
tage of a juncture, in which all Greece, employed and divided
by a great war, gave him an opportunity to extend his finon*
tiers, and push his conquests without any apprebeasMn of
opposition. He was also well pleased to see bodi paarties
weaken and consume each other, as he should thereby he
enabled to fall upon them afterwards to greater advantage.

^ust on the conclusion of this war was bom Alexander tike
tjjeuL His father Philip lost no time in acquainting Aristotle
/of what had happened. He wrote to that distinguished philo*
sopker, m terms the most polite and flatteiing ; begging of
him to come and undertake his education, and to bestow cm
him those useiiil lessons of magnanimity and virtue^ . wUek

BIRTlf OF ALKXANDBR THE *GRBAT. 259

every great man ought to possess, and which his Duroerons
avocations rendered impossible to be attempted by him. He
added, *' I return thanks to the gods, not so much for having
given me a son, as for having given him to me in the age in
which Aristotle Kves."

Being desirous of subjecting Thrace, and of securing the
conquests he had already made there, he determined to pos-
ses himself of Methone, a small city, incapable of supporting
itself by its own strength, but which gave him disquiet, and
obstructed his designs, whenever it was in the hands of his
enemies. Accordingly he b?sieged that city, made himself
master of it, and razed it. He lost one of his eyes before
Methone, by a very singular accident. Aster, of Amphipolis,
had oflTered his service to Philip, telling him that he was so
excellent a marksman, that he could bring down birds in their
most rapid flight. The monarch made this answer — " Well,
I will take you into my service when I make war upon star-
lings;^ which answer stung the archer to the quick. A repartee,
proves often of fatal consequence to him who makes it. Aster,
having thrown himself into the city, let fly an arrow, on which
was writteti, " To Philip's right eye.** This carried a most
cruel proof that he was a good marksman ; for he hit him in
the right eye: and Philip sent him back the same arrow with
this inscription — " If Philip takes the city, he will hang up
Aster ;'' and accordingly be was as good as his word. A
skilful surgeon drew the arrow out of Philip's eye with sq>
much art and dexterity, that not the least scar remained;
and though he could not save his eye, he yet took away the
blemish.

Affer taking the city, Philip, ever studious either to weaken
his enemies by new conquests, or gain more friends by doing
tb^ni' some important service, marched into Thessaly, which
had implored his assistance against its tyrants* The liberty of
tiiat country seemed now secure, since Alexander of Pheras
was no more. Nevertheless, his brothers, who, in concert
with his wife Thebe, had murdered him, grown weary of hav-
ing sbnie time acted the part of deliverers, revived his tyranny,
and oppressed the Thessalians with a new yoke. Lycophron,
the eldest of the three brothers who succeeded Alexander,
had strengthened himself by the protection of the Phocians.

s ^

980 HISTORY or ORUKCB.

Qenomarchus, their leader, brought him a numerous body of
fpices, and at first gained a considerable advantage o?er
FUlip ; but, engaging him a second time» he was entirely de-
bated, and his army routed. The flying troops were punned
to the sea- shore : upwards of six thousand men were Idlled-
on the spot, amongst whom was Oenomarchus, whose body
was hang upon a gallows; and throe thousand, who were
taken prisoners, were thrown into the sea by Philip's order,
as so many sacrilegious wretches, the professed enemies of
religion.

. Philip, after having freed the Thessalians, resolved to eany
his arms into Phocis. This was his first attempt to get footing
in Greece, and to have a share in the general affairs of tbe
Greeks, from which the kings of Macedon had always been
CKoluded, as foreigners. In thb view, upon pretence of going
over into Phocis, in order to punish the sacrilegious Phodaos,
he marched towards Thermopylae, to possess himself of a pass,
which gave him a free passage into Greece, and espedaUy
into Attica.

An admission of foreigners into Greece was a measure that
was always formidable to those who called themselTes Gre-
cians ; and the Macedonians, as has already been observed,
did not come under that denomination. Ambitious of ex-
celling, both in domestic and literary refinement, the Athe-
Bians had no desire to see individuals constantly residing
among them ; and the dissentions and disasters that had be>
fidlen the state made them very jealous of the approach oC
embodied strangers. Upon hearing, therefore, of a marchr
which might prove of the utmost consequence, they hastened
^ Thermopylte, and possessed themselves of this important
pass, which Philip did not care attempting to force. Tbe
Athenians were roused from their lethargy of pleasure to make
use of this precaution by the persuasions of Demosthenes,
tte celebrated orator, who, from the beginning, saw the am-
bition of Philip, and the power of which he was possessed to
•airy him through his designs.

This illustrious orator and statesman, whom we shall here-
after Jind acting so considerable a part in the course of this,
llittory, was bom in the last year of the ninety-ninth Olympiad,
recording to Dionysius, who, in his epistle to Lamacus, halt^

KLOQUBNOB OF DBMOSTRBNES. 9^

accurately distinguished the different periods of his life, and
the times in wUch his several orations were delivered. He
was the son, not of a mean and obscure mechanic, as die
Roman satirist hath represented him, but of an eminent
Athenian citizen, who raised a considerable fortune by the
manufacture of arms. At the age of seven years he lost his
father ; and, to add to this misfortune, the guardians to whom
he was entrusted wasted and embezzled a considerable part
of his inheritance. Thus oppressed by fraud, and discouraged
by a weak and effeminate habit of body, he yet discovered an
early ambition to distinguish himself as a popular speaker.
The applause bestowed on a public orator, who had defended
bis country's right to the city of Oropns, in an elaborate
harangue, inflamed his youthful mind with an eager desire of
meriting the like honour. Isocrates and Isaeus were then thd
two most eminent professors of eloquence at Athens. The
soft and florid manner of the former did by no means suit tfMi
genius of Demosthenes. Isseus was more vigorous and ener^
getic, and his stj^Ie better suited to public business. To him-,
therefore, he applied, and under his direction pursued those
studies, which might accomplish him for the character to which
he aspired. His first essay was made against his guardmoi
by whom he had been so injuriously treated: but the good-
ness of his cause was here of more service than the abilitiei
of the young orator ; for his early attempts were unpromisiDgf,
and soon convinced him of the necessity of a graceful and
manly pronunciation. His close and severe application, BSdA
the extraordinary diligence with which he laboured to conquer
hb defects and natural infirmities, are too well known, and .
have been too frequently the subjects of historians and critifii»
ancient and modem, to need a minute recital. His character
as a statesman will be best collected from the hbtory of hb
conduct in the present transactions. As an orator, the reader,
perhaps, is not to be informed of his qualifications. Indeed,
the study of oratory was at that time the readiest, and ahnoift
the only means of rising in the state. His first essay at 'tfib
bar was two years after this incident, when he caOed his guar-
dians to account for embezzling his patrimony, and recovefed
tome part of it. This encouraged him, some time after, te
harangue before the people in their publio assembly ; but be

HQB HISTORY OF GRKBCB.

acquitted himself so ill, that they hissed him : however^ be
irentured a second time, but with uo better success than before ;
BO that he went away ashamed, confounded, and quite in de-
spair. It was upon this occasion that Satyrus the player
accosted him, and, in a friendly way, encouraged him to |iro-
ceed. With this view he asked him to repeat to him some
verses of Sophocles, or Euripides, which he accordingly did :
the other repeated them after him, but with such a different
spirit and cadence, as made him sensible that he knew very
little of elocution. But, by his instructions, and his own peP>
severance, he at length made himself master of it ; and» by
the methods before mentioned, corrected the imperfections
which were bom with him, as well as the ill habits which lio
had contracted. It is not very clear whether this passage be
rightly ascribed to Satyrus, who seems to be confounded with
Neoptolemus and Andronicus, who were likewise &mous
comedians ; and Demosthenes is said to have been instructed
by all the three. With these advantages and improvements
he appeared again in public, and succeeded so well, that people
flocked from all parts of Greece to hear him. From thence
he was looked upon as the standard of true eloquence ; inse-
ipuch, that none of his countrymen have been put in compa-
rison with him ; nor even among the Romans any but Cicero.
And though it has been made a question by the ancient
writers, to which of the two they should give the preference,
they have not ventured to decide it, but have contented them-
selves with describing their different beauties, and showing
that they were both perfect in their kind. His eloquence was
^ grave and austere, like his temper ; masculine and sublime,
bold, forcible, and impetuous; abounding with metaphors,
fqpostrophes, and interrogations ; which, with his solen^ way
of invoking and appealing to the gods, the planets, the ele-
ipents, and the manes of those who fell at Sal amis and M an^
thon, had such a wonderful effect upon his hearers, that they
thought him inspired. IT he had not so much softness aad
insinuation as is often requisite in an orator, it was not that
he wanted art and delicacy, when the case required it ; Jie
knew how to sound the inclinations of the people, and to lead
them to the point he aimed at ; and sometimes, by seemiag to
propose that which was directly the contrary. But his oUef

THB ATHENIANS OPPOSE PHILIP. S$6t

eksrsoteristic wss Teliemenoe, both in action and expression ;
and, indeed, that iras the qualification of all others most
wanted at this time : for the people were grown so insolent
and imperionsy so factions and divided, so jeaions of the power
of the democracy, and withal so snnk into a state of pleasure
and indolence, that no arts of persuasion would have been so
effectual as that spirit and resolution, that force and energy
of Demosthenes, to humble them, to unite them, and to route
them into a sense of ^ir common danger.

But Demosthenes himself could not have made such im-
pressions on them, if his talent of speaking had not been sup-
ported by their opinion of his integfrity. It was that wfaidi
added weight and emphasis to every thing he said, and ant-
mated the whole. It was that which chiefly engaged their
attention, and determined their councils; when they were
convinced, that he spoke from his heart, and had no interest
to manage but that of the community ; and this he gave Uie
strongest proofs of in his zeal against Philip, who said, he
was of more weight against him than all the fleets and armies
of the Athenians ; and that he had no enemy but Demos-
thenes. He was. not wanting in his endeavours to corrtipt
him, a» he had done most of the leading men in Greece ;' but
this great orator withstood all his offers, and, as it was ob-
served, all the gold in Macedon could not bribe him.

When Philip found himself shut out of Greece by the Athe-
nians, he turned his arms against those remote places which
depended on them, either as colonies or as conquests ; and
particulariy against the Olynthians, whom he had long looked
upon with an evil eye, but whom he had courted and cajoled
whilst he was otherwise employed. But he came now re-
solved entirely to, reduce them; and, advancing towards the
city, only sent them a short message, to let them know, that
one of these two points was become necessary— -either that
they must quit Olynthus, or he Macedonia. Whereupon
they sent immediately to Athens for relief. The subject was
debated there widi great solemnity^ and Demosthenes ^iTss
▼ery earnest in sending them succours: he was oppoiEied by
Demades and Hyperides. The opinion, however, of Demos-
thenes prevailed; the people of Adiens resolved to unite
against Philip, but the great tdiflieulty lay in fundshing^ the

264 HISTORY OF OREBOE.

supplies ; their principal faiid, which had formerly aerred tbv*
purposes of war, had long been converted to the use of the
stage. The money arising from this fnnd was compnted at •
thousand talents a year ; and a certain proportion of it was
allotted to the citizens to defray the charge of their admittance
into the theatre. This distribution having been continued
to them from the time of Pericles, they claimed it now aa
their right, especially since they had lately obtained a law,
which made it capital to propose the restoring the fund to the
uses for which it was originally granted. Hence it was, that,
upon any pressing emergency, extraordinary taxes were to
be raised ; and they were laid so unequally, and collected with
so much difficulty, that they seldom answered the serrice for
which they were intended.

Demosthenes treated this subject with the utmost art asd
circumspection. After showing that the Athenians were i
dispensably obliged to raise an army, in order to stop the
terprises of their aspiring enemy, he asserted, that the thea-
trical fund was the only probable mean of supply. These re-
monstrances had some weight, but were not attended witb
deserved success. The Athenians sent a reinforcement to
Olynthus ; but Philip, iyhtTjimjj:fliinptf*J ^ht prinrip**' m****
in^the town, entered, plundered it, and sold the inhabitants
among the rest of the spoil. His two bastard brothers, who
were among the captured, he put to death, as he had formerly
done the other. Justin says, that the protection which the
Olynthians had given his brothers was the plea which he used
for attacking them. Here he found much treasure, which
served to assist him in his farther encroachments.

In the mean time the Thebans, being unable alone to ter-
minate the war, which they had so long carried on against the
Phocians, addressed Philip. Hitherto, as we before men-
tioned, he had observed a kind of neutrality, with respect to
ttie Sacred War, and he seemed to wait for an opportaoi^ of
declaring himself; that is, till both parties should have weak-
ened themselves by a long war, which equally exhausted both.
The Thebans had now very much abated of that haughtiiiess,
and those ambitious views, with which the victories of Epami-
Dondas had inspired them. The instant, therefore, they re-
questi^ the alliance of Philip, he resolved to espouse the

PHILIP JOINS THE THBllAMS. 9Sfl(

interest of that repnbiic in oppositioo to the Phocians. He
had not lost sight of the project he had formed of obtainiog ao
€MtraBce iateOfeeee, in order to make himself master of it.

To give success to his design, it was proper for him to de*
dare in favour of one of the two parties, which at that time
divided all Greece ; that is, either for the Thebans, or the
Athenians and Spartans. He was not so void of sense as to
imagine, that the latter party would assist his design of carry-^
ing his arms into Greece. He therefore had no more to do
but to join the Thebans, who offered themselves voluntarily to
him, and who stood in need of Philip's power to support them-
selves in their declining condition : he therefore declared at
once in their favour. But, to give a specious colour to hoM
arms, besides the gratitude he affected to have at heart for
Thebes, in which he had been educated, he also pretended tO
make an honour of the zeal with which he was fired with re*
gard to the violated god, and was very glad to pass for a reli-
gions prince, who warmly espoused the cause of the god and
of the temple of Delphos, in order to conciliate, by that means,
the esteem and friendship of the Greeks.

There was nothing Philip had more at heart than to posses*
himself of Thermopylae, as it opened to him a passage into
Greece ; to appropriate all the honour of the Sacred War to
himself, as if he had been principal in that affair ; and to pre-
side in the Pythian games. He was therefore desirous of
aiding the Thebans, and by their means to possess himself of
Phocis. But then, in order to put this double design in exe-
cution, it was necessary for him to keep it secret from Ae
Athenians, who had actually declared war against Thebes, and
who, for many years, had been in alliance with the Phocians.
His business, therefore, was to make them change their mear
snres, by placing other objects in their view ; and, on this
occasion, the politics of Philip succeeded to a wonder.

The Athenians, who began to grow tired of a war wUek
was very burthensome, and of little benefit to them, bad con^
missioned Ctesiphon and Phymon to sound the intentions of
Philip, and in what manner he stood disposed in regard to
peace. These related, that Philip did not appear averse to
it ; and that he even expressed a great affection for the common-
wealth. Upon this, the Athenians resolved to send a solemn
embassy to inquire more strictly into the truth of things, and

HISTORY OF 6RK8CE.

to procure the last explanations previously necesaaiy to m&
important a negociation. ^scfaines and DemostheDet weni
among the ten ambassadors, who brought back three fiom
Philip, viz. Antipater, Parmenio, and Eurylochus. AH the
ten executed their commission very faithfully, and gave a vtnj
good account of it. Upon this they were immediately sent back
with full powers to conclude a peace, and to ratify it by oaths.
It was then that Demosthenes, who in his first embassy had
met some Athenian captives in Macedonia, and promised to
return and ransom them at his own expense, endeavoured to
enable himself to keep his word, and, in the mean time, ad-
vised his colleagues to embark with the utmost expeditioo* aa
the republic had commanded, and to wait as soon as possible
upon Philip, in what place soever he might be. However^
these, instead of making a speedy dispatch, as they w«ne de-
sired,. travelled like ambassadors; proceeded to Maeedonia
by land, staid three months in that country, and gave
Philip time to possess himself of several other strong plaoea
belonging to the Athenians in Thrace» At last, meeting with
the king of Macedonia, they agreed with him upon the artidet
rf peace ; but he, having lulled them asleep with his specious
pretence of a treaty, deferred the ratification of it firom day to
day. In the mean time he found means to corrupt the ambas-
sadors, one after another, by presents, Demosthenes excepted;
who, being but one, opposed his colleagues to no manner of
purpose.

Philip being suffered quietly to pursue his march into PhociSy
gatned the straits of Thermopylae, but did not immediataly
discover what use he intended to make of his entmoce into
Greece; but went on, according to his agreement with the
Thebans, to put an end to the Phocian war, which he easily
^Rsctod. His name and appearance struck such a tenor
among the Phocians, that, though thoy had lately received a
veinforcement of a thousand heavy-armed Spartans under the
command of their king, Archidamus, they declined giving him
battle, and sent to treat with him, or rather to submit thele-
selves to any terms that he would grant them. He allowed
Phalicus to retire with eight thousand men, being merceoariest
into Pelopomiesus ; but the rest, who were the inhabitanto -of
Phocis, were left ki his mercy. As the disposing of them was
a matter wherein Greece in general was* concerned, he did

DB8TRVCT10N OP TH£ PHOCIANS. M7

not think fit to act in it by bis own private authority, but re-
ferred it to the Amphictyons, whom be caused to be assembled
for that purpose. But they were so much under bis influence,
that they served only to give a sanction to his determinations.
They decreed, that all the cities of Phocis should be demo-
lished ; that they who bad fled, as being principally concerned
in the sacrilege, should be stigmatized as accursed, and pro*
scribed as outlaws ; that they who remained, as inhabitants,
should be dispersed in villages, and obliged to pay out of tboir
lands a yearly tribute of sixty talents, until the whole of what
had been taken out of the temple should be restored : they
were likewise a(iyudged to lose their seat in the council of the
Amphictyons, wherein they had a double voice. This Philip
got transferred to himself, which was a very material point,
and may be looked upon as the principal step towards his
gaining that authority, which he afterwards exercised in the
affairs of Greece. At the same time he gained, in conjunor
tion with the Thebans and Tbessalians, the superintendeaoy
of the Pythian games, which the Corinthians had forfeited*
for their iiaving taken part with the Phocians.
. Philip having, by these plausible methods,- succeeded in thk
expedition, did not think it advisable, by attempting any thing
farther at present, to sully the glory he had acquired by it, or
to incense the body of the Grecians against him : wherefore
he returned, in a triumphant manner, to his own dominions^
After settling his conquests at home, he marched into Thetr
aaly ; and, having extirpated the remains of tyranny in tkt
aeveral cities there, he not only confirmed the TbessaHaMjiB
his interest, but gained over many of their neighbours.

It was upon this occasion that Philip was reittarked for w
act of private justice, which far outweighs his public o«ifebrityi
A certain soldier in the Macedonian t^rmy had, in many in-
stances, distbgmshed himself by extraordinary acts of valour,
and had received many marks of Philip's favour and apprcK
bation. On some occasion he embarked on board a i^essel,
which was wrecked by a violent storm, and he himself cast OB
the shore, helpless and naked, and scarcely with, the appear-
ance of life. A Macedonian, whose lands wer^ ,coatignous t»
the sea, came .opportunely to be a witness of his distress;
and, with all humane and charitable tenderness, flew to the

206 HISTORY OP GRBHCB.

relief of the unhappy stranger. He bore him to Ui hooMe,
laid him in his own bed, revived, cherished, comforted, and
for forty days supplied him freely with all the necessaries and
conveniences which his languishing condition could require.
The soldier, thus happily rescued from death, was incessant in
the warmest expressions of gratitude to his benefactor, assured
him of his interest with the king, and of his power ami reso*
lution of obtaining for him, from the royal bounty, the noble
returns which such extraordinary benevolence had merited.
He was now completely recovered, and his kind host sup-
plied him with money to pursue his journey. Some time after,
he presented himself before the king ; he recounted his mis-
fortunes, magnified his services, and, having looked with an
eye of envy on the possessions of the man who had preserved his
life, was now so abandoned to every sense of gratitode, as tore-
quest the king to bestow upon him the house aud hmds where be
had been so tenderly and kindly entertained. Unhappily, Philip*
without examination, inconsiderately and precipitatdy granted
lus infamous request; and this soldier now returned to his
preserver, repaid his goodness by driving him from his settle-
ment, and taking immediate possession of all the fruits of his
honest industry. The poor man, stung with this instance of
unparalleled ingratitude and insensibility, boldly determined,
instead of submitting to his wrongs, to seek relief, and, in a
letter addressed to Philip, represented his own and the soldiei^s
conduct in a lively and affecting manner. The king was instantly
fired with indignation ; he ordered that justice should be done
without delay ; that the possessions should be immediately re-
stored to the man whose charitable offices bad been thus hor-
ribly repaid ; and, having seized the soldier, caused these words
to be branded on his forehead. The ungrateful Guest : a cha-
racter infamous in every age, and among all nations ; bat par-
ticularly among the Greeks, who, from the earliest times, were
most scrupulously observant of the laws of hospitality.

Having strengthened himself in these parts, he went .the
next year into Thrace, where he had formed a design against
the Chersonese. This peninsula had, with some little inter*
ruption, been for many years in the hands of the Athenians ;
but Cotys, an being king of the country, had lately wrested U
from them, and left it in succession to his son ChersoUeptes.

DEM08THBNBS DEPENDS DIOPITHBS. 209

He, not being able to defend himself against Philip, gave it.
back to the Athenians, reserving to himself only Cardia, the
capital city. But Philip having soon after spoiled him of the
rest of his dominions, the Cardians, for fear of falling again
under the power of the Athenians, threw themselves into ins
protection. Diopithes, who was the chief of the Athenian
colony lately sent to the Chersonese, considered this proceed*
ing of Philip, in supporting the Cardians, as an act of hostility
against ^thens ; whereupon he invaded the maritime parts of
Thrace, and carried away a great deal of booty. Philip, being
at this time in the upper part of the country, was not in a
condition to do himself justice : but he wrote to complain of
it at Athens, as an infraction of the peace ; and his creatures
there were not wanting, on their part, to aggravate the charge
against Diopithes, as having acted without orders, and having
taken it upon himself to renew the war : they likewise accused
him of committing acts of piracy, and of laying their allies
under contribution. But, whatever grounds there were for.
this part of the accusation, the government of Athens was
principally to blame in it; for, having no proper fond for tb^
wars, they sent out their generals without money or provbions,
and left them to shift for themselves, and yet made them
answorable for any miscarriages that should happen for want
of their being better supplied. This was a great discourage-
ment to the service, and put those who were employed in it
upon pillaging and plundering, in such a manner as they*
would otherwise have been ashamed of. Demosthenes, in an
harangue that he made upon the state of the Chersonese,
undertook the defence of Diopithes. That harangue throws
much light on the state of Athens, and indeed of most of the
Grecian territories at that time. It is the foundation of the
other orations of Demosthenes, which go by the title of Phi-
lippics. The leading arguments in it are. That Diopithes was
necessitated to do what he did at Chersonese : and, if blame
was due anywhere, it was to the Athenians, who sent out
their commanders so badly provided. That Diopithes was
so far from being culpable, that he even merited the thanks of
the state, for having been so fruitful in resources, and for
having asserted the rights and privileges of the colony which
he went to protect. That the colonists had suflTered not

S70 HISTORY OP 6RBBCB.

by his proceediugs, but had rather gained by them, being sToce
taken under the protection of the Athenians, and having their
coasts defended against the ravages of pirates. He also in-
sisted, that the djrift of the accusation, that had been brought
against Diopithes, was not in reality to procure redress for Ae
mischiefs that had been done by that general, bat to divert
the attention of the state from the deep-laid plots and minont
machinations of the accuser himself, who was then fidmonfinf^
chains for all Greece. *

Philip, however, was no way intimidated at the wordy re-
sistance of his eloquent antagonist ; he went on, with arifoi in-
dustry, quelling those by his power who were unable to fetift»
and those by his presents whom he was unable to oppose. The
divisions that then subsisted in Peloponnesus gave him a pre-
text for intermeddling in the affairs of the Greek confederaej.
These divisions were chiefly owing to the Spartans; who,
having little to do in the late foreign transactions, were reco-
vering their strength at home ; and, according to their usual
practice, as they increased in power, making use of it to in-
salt and oppress their neighbours. The Argives and Messe-
nians, being at this time persecuted by them, put themselves
under the protection of Philip : and the Thebans joining with
them, they all together formed a powerful confederacy. The
natural balance against it was a union between Athens and
Sparta, which the Spartans pressed with great earnestness, as
the only means for their common security ; and Philip and the
Thebans did all in their power to prevent it. But Demos-
thenes, exerting himself upon this occasion, roused up tbe
Athenians, and put them so far upon their guard, that, with-
o«t coming to an open rupture with Philip, they obliged him to
desist.

Philip, however, did not continue idle upon this disappoint-
sent. Ever restless and enterprising, he turned his views
another way. He had long considered the istand of Euboea as
proper, from its situation, to favour the designs he meditated
against Ghreece ; and, in the very beginning of his reign, he
had attempted to possess himself of it. He, indeed, set every
engine to work, at that time, in order to seize upon that
island, which he called the shackles of Greece. But it neariy
ooncemed the Athenians, on the other side, not to suffer it to

CHAHACTKR OK PHOCfON. 971 .

fidl into the bands of an enemy, especially as it might be
joined to the continent of Attica by a bridged however, that
people, according to their usual eastern, continuedl^indoleilt,
whilst Pbihp pursued his conqnests without intermission. The
latter, who was continaally attentive and vigilant, endeavoured
to procure intelligence from the island ; and, by dint of pre-
sents, bribed those who had the greatest authority in it. At
the request of certain of the inhabitants, he sent some troops
privately thither, possessed himself of several strong places*
dismantled Porthmos, a vtery important fortress in Euboea, and
established three tyrants, or kings, over the country.

The Athenians were conjured, in this distressing juncture*
by one Plutarch, who was at that time upon the island, to
come and jNreserve the inhabitants from the yoke which Philip
was- going to impose upon them. Upon this they dispatched
a few troops thither under the command of Phocion, agenend
of whom great expectations were formed, and whose conduct
well deserved the favourable opinion the public had of him.

This man would have done honour to the earliest and least
corrupted times of the Athenian state. His manners were
formed in the academy, upon the models of the most exaet
and rigid virtue. It was said, that no Athenian ever saw him
laugh or weep, or deviate, in any instance, from the most
settled gravity and composure. He learned the art of war
under Chabrias, and frequently moderated the excesses and
corrected the errors of that general : his humanity he admired
and imitated, and taught him to exert it in a more extenriir^
and liberal manner. When he had received his directions to
sail, with twenty ships, to collect the contributions of the' allies
and dependent cities, "Why that force?" said Phocion;
" if I am to meet them as enemies, it is insufficient ; if as
friends and allies, a single vessel will serve.'* He bore the
severities of a military life with so much ease, that, if Phodon
ever appeared warmly clothed, the soldiers at once pronounced
it the sign of a remarkably bad season. His outward app^ar^
ance was forbidding, but his conversation easy and obUging;
and all his words and actions expressed the utmost affection
and ben^olence. In popular assemblies, his lively, close, and
natural manner of speaking, seemed, as it were, the echo of
the simplicity and integrity of his mind, and had flequently a

87S HISTORY OF GRKECB.

greater effect than even the dignity and energy of JDemo^
ihenes, who called him the pruner of his periods. He studied
only good sense and plain reasoning, and despised every .adfen-
litious ornament. In an assembly, when he was to address the
people, he was surprised by a friend, wrapped up in thon^t;
'* I am considering/' said he, ** whether I cannot retrench
some part of my intended address. " He was sensible of the iD
conduct of his countrymen, and ever treated them with the
greatest severity. He defied their censures : and so far did
he affect to despise their applause, .that, at a time when bis
sentiments extorted their approbation, he turned about in sor-
prise, and asked a friend, '* If any thing weak or impertinent
bad escaped him?" His sense of the degeneracy of Athens
made him fpnd of pacific measures. He saw the designs of
Philip, but imagined that the state was too corrupted to give
him any effectual opposition; so that he wi:^ of the nomber of
those men, who, according to Demosthenes, in his third
Philippic oration, gave up the interests of the state, not
corruptly or ignorantly, but from a desperate purpose of yield-
ing to the fate of a constitution, thought to be irrecoverably
lost He was, of consequence, ever of the party opposite to
Demosthenes ; and, having been taught by experience to sus-
pect the popular leaders, considered his earnestness to rouse
the Athenians to arms as an artifice to embroil the state, and
by that means to gain an influence in the assembly. *' Pho-
cion," said Demosthenes, " the people, in some mad fit, will
certainly sacrifice thee to their fury." ** Yes," replied he,
" and you will be their victim, if ever they have an interval of
reason." Yet they often prevailed on him to act against Us
judgment, though never to speak against his conscience. Be
never refused or declined the command, whatever might be
bis opinion of the expedition. Forty-five times was he chosen
to lead their armies, generally in his absence, and ever without
the least application. They knew his merit ; and, in the boor
of danger, forgot that severity with which he usually treated
their inclinations and opinions.

It was to him the Athenians gave the command of the
forces they sent to the aid of Plutarch of Eretria. *But this
traitor repaid his benefactors with ingratitude ; he set up the
standard against them, and endeavoured openly to repulse the

PHILIP INVADBS THRACB. 273

very anny he had requested. However, Phocion was not at a
loss how to act in consequence of that nnfcNreseen perfidy ; for
he pnrsned his enterprise, won a battle, and drove Plutarch
firom Eretria« . «

These disappointments, however, no way intimidated Philip,
or rendered him the least remiss in prosecuting his original
design. He now, therefore, changed the method of his
attack, and sought for an opportunity of distressing Athens
another way. He knew that this city, firom the barrenness of
Attica, stood in greater want of foreign com than any other.
To dispose, at discretion, of their transports^ and by that means
starve the Athenians, he marched towards Thrace, firom
whence that city imported the greatest part of its provisions,
with an intention to besiege Perinthus and Byzantium^ To
keep his kingdom in obedience during his absence, he left his
son Alexander behind with sovereign authority, though he was
only fifteen years old. This young prince gave, even at that
time, some proofs of his courage; having defeated certain
neighbouring states, subject to Macedonia, who had consi*
dered the king's absence as a very proper time for executing the
design they had formed of revolting. This happy success of
Alexander's first expeditions was highly agreeable to his
father, and at the same time an earnest of what might be ex-
pected firom him. But fearing lest, allured by this dangerous
bait, he should abandon himself inconsiderately to his vivacity
and fire, he sent for him, in order to become his master, and
form him, in person, for the profession of war.

In the mean time, Philip opened the campaign with the
siege of Perinthus, a considerable city of Thrace, and firmly
attached to the Athenians. It was assisted from Byzantium,
a neighbouring city, which threw in sacconrs as occasion re-
quired. Philip, therefore, resolved to besiege both at the
same time. Still, however, he was desirous to appear cautious
and tender of displeasing the Athenians, whom he endeavoured
to amuse wit^ the most profound respect, mixed with well-
timed abuses, and the most flattering submission. Upon this
occasion he wrote them a letter, reproaching them, in the
strongest terms, for their infraction of treaties, and his own re-
ligious observance of them. ** In the times of gteat enmity,**
fiays he, *' the most you did was to fit out ships of w«ir ag^nst

T

274 HISTORY OP GREBOB.

me, and to seize and sell the merchants that came to trade in
my dominions ; but noW, you carry your hatred and injustice to
such prodigious lengths, as even to send ambassadors to the
king of Persia, to make him declare against me."

The letter gave the orators, who undertook Philip's defence,
a fine opportunity of justifying him to the people. Demos-
tfienes alone stood firm, and still continued to expose his artful
designs, and to break down all those laboured schemes which
were undertaken to deceive the people. Sensible, on this oc-
casion, how necessary it was to remove the first impressions
which the perusal of this letter might make, he immediately
ascended the tribunal, and from thence harangued the people,
with all the thunder of his eloquence. He told thefu the letter
was written in a style not suitable to the people of Athens ;
that it was a plain declaration of war against them ; that I%ilip
had long since made the same declaration by his actions ; and
that, by the peace he had concluded with them, he meant no-
ditng farther than a bare cessation of arms, in order to gain
time, and to take them more unprepared. From thence he
proceeded to his usual topic of reproving them for their sloth,
for suffering themselves to be deluded by then* orators, who
were in Philip's pay. " Convinced by these truths,'' contmued
he, " O Athenians ! and strongly persuaded that we can no
longer be allowed to affirm that we enjoy peace (for Philip has
now declared war against us by his letter, and has long done
the same by his conduct), you ought not to spare either the
public treasure, or the possessions of private persons ; but,
when occasion shall require, haste to your respective stand-
ards, and set abler generals at your head than those you have
hitherto employed ; for no one among you ought to imagine,
that the same men, who have ruined your aflairs, will have abi-
lities to restore them to their former happy situation. Think
how infamous it is, that a man from Macedon should c<HitemB
dangers to such a degree, that, merely to aggrandize his em-
pire, he should rush into the midst of combats, and return firom
battle covered with wounds ; and that the Athenians, whose
hereditary right it is to obey no man, but to impose law on
others, sword in hand ; that Athenians, I say, merely through
dejection of spirit and indolence, should degenerate from flie
glory of their ancestors, and abandon the interest of their conn-

PHILIP DKFBATBD BY PVOGION* 975

try ! " To ttts expofituhitioii, Phodon i«»dity offeivd Ihb Toioe
and opinion. He ai^d the incapacity of the genemk aireaty
^osen ; And, in coniequenee of Mb advice. In kiaisdf was
appoinled gme^A at the army that was to ge «gaimft Pluli|^
who was atiU beneging Byaantiiuii.

PboMn htf<riag led Ms troops to the sueeoar of the Byeali-
tiafis, Ae inhabitants, ok Ms amvaA, opened tbcSr gtSbm to Un
with joy, md lodged Ms soldiers in their houses, as their own
brothers and oMIdren. The AtlMiian officers and soldiers,
atrock with the confidence reposed in tbete, behaved with llie
wtmost pmdence and nsodesty, and were entirely ilteproacli-
aUe in their conduct ; nor were the^ less admired for their
conrage ; and, in all the attacks they sustained, discovered tlie
utmost intrepidity, which danger seemed only to improve.
Phooion's prudence, seconded by tihe bravery of his troops,
soon forced Philip to abandon hs design upon Byzantium Mid
Perinthns. He was beat oat of the Hellespont, which dimi-
niAed very mnch his fame and gtot^ ; for he hitherto had been
tlnnigiit invincible, and nothing had been alle to oppose Mm.
Phocion took some of his sMps, recc/vered many forft^ss^s
wMch he had gatrisoned, and, having made severed descentss
into dAercMt parts of his territories, he plundered all the open
country, till a body of forces assembling to check his progress,
he was obliged to retire.

Ph^, after having been (breed to rats^ the siege of Byxan>
thifn, inarched against Atheas, king of ScytUa, from whom he
flad nfecetved some personal cause of discotitent, and took lib
son wttii hilh in diis expedition. Thotigh the ScyfMans had a
very numerous army, he defeated them without any difficulty.
He got a very great booty, wMcfa coMiste^d not in gold or
silver^ the use and value of which the Scythians were not as
yet so unhappy as to know, but in cattle, in horses, and in a
great number of women and cMldren.

At his return froin Scythia, the Tribdli, ^ people of Md6sia,
disputed the pass with him, laying claim tn part of the pttmd^
he was carrying off. Philip was forced to come to a biitde,
and a very bloody one was fotight, in wliith great ntkiiibei^ on
each side were killed ou thn spot; the king htmscflf H^
wounded in the thigh, and, with the sattie thru^, had his h&r^e
killed Uftder Mm. Alex;tnder flew to Ms fethter^s aid, niid.

276 HISTORY OP 6RBB0B.

covering him with his shield, killed or pot to flight idl who
attacked him.

The Athenians had considered the siege of Bjsantiiim as
an absolute rapture, and an open declaration of war. The
king of Macedon, who was apprehensive of the consequences
of it, and dreaded very much the power of thp Athenians,
whose hatred he had drawn upon himself, made ov^rtores of
peace, in order to soften their resentment Phocion, little
suspicious, and apprehensive of the uncertainty of militaiy
supplies, was of opinion, that the Athenians should accept his
^ers: but Demosthenes, who had studied more than Pkocion
the genius and character of Philip, and who was persuaded,
that, according to his usual custom, his only view was to im-
pose upon the Athenians, prevented their listening to his
pacific proposals. When Philip found the Athenians would
not treat with him, and that they were acting oflTensively against
him, especially at sea, where they blocked up his ports, and
put an entire stop to his commerce, he began to form new
alliances against them, particularly with the Thebans and
Thessalians, without whom he knew he could not keep open
his passage into Greece. At the same time he was sensible,
that his engaging these powers to act directly against Athens,
and in his own personal quarrel, would have so bad an aspect,
that they would not easily come into it. For which reason he
endeavoured, underhand, to create new disturbances in GSieece,
that he might take such a part in them as would best answer
hb views ; and, when the flame was kindled, his point was to
appear rather to be called in as an assistant, than to act as a
principal.

By the result of his machinations, he soon found an oppor-
tunity of raising divisions between the Locrians of Ampjiiagft
and their capital city. They were accused of having pro&ned
a spot of sacred ground (which lay very near the temple of
Delphos) by ploughing it, as the Phociaus had done upon a
former occasion. In order to produce and widen this fateach»
Philip employed iEschines, the orator, who by bribes was en-
tirely devoted to him, to harangue at the assembly of the
Amphictyons against this outrage upon the religion of their
country. iEschines was a man of great abilities, and only
second in eloquence to Demosthenes. He had now a ftir

PHILIP APPOINTED GENBAALISSIMO. 277

opportonity of raisiiig commotions, by appearing interested for
bis country, and zealoos for tbe glory and defence of iLtbens.
With a passionate warmtb, wbicb is freqaently tbe effect of
artifice as well as of real patriotism, and .wbicb is most likely
to deceive, and more particiuarly in popular assemblies, by
being considered as tbe indication of sincerity, and the over-
flowings of 9 heart honestly affected, he boldly delivered liis
opinions. His sentiments were echoed through tbe assembly
by tbe friends of Philip ; tbe tumult was kept up to drown^all
remonstrances of caution and policy, and a resolution was
passed, that a deputation should be sent to Philip, king, of
Hf acedon, inviting him to assist Apollo and tbe Ampbictyons,
and to repel the outrages of the impious Ampbissooans ; and
farther, to declare that he was constituted, by all the Gi'eeks,
member of the council of Amphictyons, and general and
commander of their forces, with full and unlimited powers.

This welcome invitation and commission, the firuit of all bis
secret practices, Philip received in Thrace, while he was yet
on bb return to Macedon. He bowed with an affectionate
reverence to the venerable council, and declared bis readiness,
to execute their orders.

The inferior states of Greece, and all those whose simplicity
and weakness rendered them insensible to the designs now
forming by Philip, entirely approved of tbe act of tbe Amphic-
tyons, and of the nomination of a prince to the command of
their forces, so eminent and illustrious for bis piety, and so
capable of executing the vengeance of Heaven. At Sparta
and at Athens this event was considered in a different manner.
Tbe first of these people, though possessed but of a small part
of their ancient greatness, yet still retained their pride, and
seemed to have looked with a sullen indignation at the honours
paid to Macedon. The Athenians had been long taught to
dread tbe policy of Philip, and now their great popul|r leader
repeatedly urged tbe necessity of suspicion, and represented
all the late transactions in the Ampbictyonic council as tbe
effects of Philip's intrigues, and a design against Grreece in
general, but more particularly against tbe welfare and liberty
of Athens.

To counteract tbe zeal of Demosthenes, and to prevent tbe
effects of his incessant remonstrances, the minds of tbe people

278 HISTORY OP GRBBCK.

were alarmed with oracles and predicftioiis, vttered with alt
solemnity from the sacred tripod, and reported to tlie Athe-
nians with all the veneration dne to the dictates of Apollo.
Vengeance was pronomiced against all those who should pre-
sume to oppose the king of M acedon, the destined instnwient
of Divine justice ; and the people were exhorted not to soffbr
artful and designing orators, and popular leaders, to sedoea
them to their nnn.

In the mean time, PhiKp immediately got his troops to-
gether, and, with alt the show of religious veneratioB, b^^
to march, in order to chastise the irreverent Loerians : hot he
had far different aims ; and, instead of proceeding JupoB so
ridiculous a commission, made a sudden turn, and seised upon
Elatea, a capital city of Phocis, which was very wefl situated
for awing the Thebans, of whom he began to grow jealous,
and for preparing his way to Athens. But by so extraordioary
a step as this, he fairly threw off the mask, and bade d^ance
to the whole body of Grecians. Thus was this enterprismg
prince, all of a sudden, master of a port of the utmost con-
sequence ; at the head of an army capable of striking terror
into his opposers ; at the distance of btit two days' marcli iron
Attica ; absolute commander, as it were, of the citadel and
fortress both of Thebes and Athens ; conveniently sftuated for
receiving succours from Thessaly and Macedon ; and entirely
at liberty, either to give battle to those who might presume to
appear in arms against him, or to protract the war to any
length that might be found convenient.

The news of Philip's recent transaction was quickly spread
through the adjacent countries, and received with all the stupid
and helpless astonishment of men roused from a long lethargy,
and awakened to a dreadful sense of their danger, and of the
real designs of their enemy. It was late in the evening, when
a courier, arriving at Athens, appeared before the Prytanes,
and pronounced the dreadful tidings, that the king of Macedon
had taken possession of Elatea. These magistrates, and aH
the other citizens, were now at supper, indulging themsdrw
in the pleasures and gaieties of the table, when the newa.
which in an instant rung through all tlie city, roused tliem
from their state of ease, and put an end to all their festivity.
The streets and public places were instantly filled with a di»-

PHILIP INVADBS GRB^CB. 279

tracted concourse ; every man with terror and confiinon io lu8
countenance, and every man solicitous for an immediate cob>
sultation on an emergency so important and aUrming. Ai
the dawn of the succeeding day the assembly met together,
impressed with that consternation, which urgent danger
naturally inspires. The whole body of the people flocked to
the senate-house, seized their places, and waited vrith the
utmost anxiety for so important a deliberation. The herald,
as was the custom at Athens, arose, and cried out with a loud
voice, "Who among you will ascend the tribunal?'' AU».
however, was silence, terror, and dismay. He again repeated
the invitation ; but still no one rose up, though all the generals
and orators were present. At length Demosthenes, animated
with the greatness of the approaching danger, arose, undaunted
and unmoved in this scene of horror. With a countenanoe
of serenity, the firm composure of a patriot, and the sage dis-
cernment of a complete statesman, he addressed himself to
tlie assembly in the following manner : — '* Athenians, permit
me to explain the circumstances of that state which Philip has
now seized upon. Those of its citizens whom his gold could
corrupt, or his artifice deceive, are all at ins devotion. Whal^
then, is his design ? By drawing up his forces, and displaying
his powers on the borders of Thebes, he hopes to inspire hit
adherents with confidence and elevation, and to terrify and
control his adversaries, that fear or force may drive them into
those measures, which they have hitherto opposed. If then
we are resolved, in this conjunctare, to cherish the remem-
brance of every act of unkindness, which the Thebans have
done to Athens ; if we regard them with suspicion, as men
who have ranged themselves on the side of our enemy ; in the
first place, we shall act agreeably to Philip's wannest wishes ;
and then I am apprehensive, that the party who now oppose
him may be brought over to his interest ; the whole city sub-
mit unanimously to his direction ; and Thebes and MacediNi
fall, with their united force, on Attica. Grant the due atten-
tion to what I shall now propose ; let it be calmly weigbed*
without dispute or cavil, and I doubt not but that my counsels
may direct you to the best and most salutary measures, and
dispel the dangers now impending over the state. Wbal,
then, do I recommend? — Furst, shake ofi* that terror

280 HISTORY OF GRBBOfi.

hath pcyssessed your minds; and, instead of fearing for your-
selves, let the Thebans be the objects of your apprehensions ;
they are more immediately affected ; they are the first to feel
the dangers. In the next place, all those of the age for miU-
tary service, both infantry and cavalry, should march instantly
to Eleusis, that Greece may see that you are abo assembled
in arms ; and your friends in Thebes be emboldened to assort
their rights, when they are assured, that, as they who have
sold their country to the Macedonians have a force at Elatea
to support them, so you are ready to assist the men who
bravely contend for liberty. In the last place, I recommend
to you to nominate ten ambassadors, who, with the generals,
may have full authority to determine the time and-all other
circumstances of this march. When these ambassadors arrive
at Thebes, how are they to conduct this great afiair? This is
a point worthy of your most serious attention. Hake no
demands of the Thebans ; at this conjuncture it would be dis-
honourable : assure them that your assistance is ready for thdr
acceptance,^ as you are justly affected by their danger, and
have been so happy as to foresee and to guard against it. If
they approve of your sentiments, and embrace your overtures,
we shall effect our great purpose, and act with a dignity
worthy of our state. But should it happen that we are not
so successful, whatever misfortunes they may suffer, to them-
selves shall they be imputed ; while your conduct shall appear,
in no one instance, inconsistent with the honour and renown
of Athens."

This oration, delivered with ease and resolution, did not
want its due effect ; it was received with universal applause,
and Demosthenes himself was instantly chosen to head the
embassy which he had now proposed. A decree, in pursuance
of his advice, was drawn up in form ; with an additional clause,
that a fleet of two hundred sail should be fitted out to cruise
near Thermopylae.

In consequence of this, Demosthenes set out for Thebes,
making the more haste, as he was sensible that Philip might
overrun Attica in two days. Philip, on the other hand, in
order to oppose the eloquence of Demosthenes, sent ambas-
sadors to Thebes, among whom was Python, who particularly
distinguished himself by the liveliness of his orations. But

DBM08THBNB8 R0U8BS THB THBBANS. 281

kk persaasiye powers were far inferior to those of Demos-
thenes, who overcame all opposition. The masculine eloquence
of Demosthenes was irresistible ; and kindled in the souls of
the Thebans so warm a zeal for their country, and so strong a
passion for freedom, that diey were no longer masters of them-
sehres ; laying aside all fear and gratitude, and all prudential
considerations.

That which animated Demosthenes, next to the public
safety, was his having to do with a man of Python's abilities ;
and he some time after took occasion to value himself upon
the victory he had obtained over him. '* I did not give
way," said he, ''to the boasting Python, when he would
have bore me down with a torrent of words." He gloried
more in the success of this negociation than of any other he
had been employed in, and spoke of it as his master-piece
in politics.

Philip, quite disconcerted by the union of these two nations,
sent ambassadors to the Athenians, to request them not to
levy an armed force, but to live in harmony with him. How-
ever, they were too justly alarmed and exasperated to listen
to any accommodation, and would no longer depend on the word
of a prince, whose whole aim was to deceive; In consequence,
preparations for war were made with the utmost diligence, and
tfie soldiery discovered incredible ardour. However, many
evil disposed persons endeavoured to extinguish or damp it,
by relating fatal omens, and terrible predictions, which the
priestess of Delphos was said to have uttered. But Demos-
thenes, confiding firmly in the arms of Greece, and encouraged
wonderfully by the number and bravery of the troops, who
desired, only to march against the enemy, would not suffer
them to be amused with these oracles and frivolous predic-
tions. It was on this occasion he said, that the priestess
Plulippized ; meaning, that it was Philip's money that inspired
the priestess, opened her mouth, and made the goddess speak
whatever he thought proper. He bade the Thebans remember
their Epaminondas, and the Athenians their Pericles; who
considered these oracles and predictions as idle scare-crows,
and consulted only their reason. The Athenian army set out
immediately, and marched to Eleusis ; and the T%ebans, sur-

982 HISTORY OF 6RK9CB.

prised at the diligence of their confederates, joined flMB» and
waited the aproach of the enemy.

Philip, on his part, well knowing that the braverj and spirit
of his enemies wanted that dkection which migkt enaMe ^m
to improve their advantages, and conscions also of his own
abilities, an<|l the weakness of those generab who commanded
the Greeks, determined to bring on a general engagement,
where his superior skill must appear of the greatest m<Nnent
For this parpose he took a favourable opportunity of deeamp*
ing, and led his army to the plain of Chaeronea, a name ie»-
dered famous by the event of this important contest. Hen
he chose his station, in view of a temple dedicated to Hei-
cnles, the author of his race, as if resolved to fight in his pre-
sence, to make him witness of the actions of his descendants
and to commit his forces and his cause to the immediate
protection of this hero. Some ancient oracles were pre-
served, which seemed to point out the spot, on which he
now encamped, as the scene of some dreadful calanuty to
Greece.

His army was formed of thirty-two thousand men, warlike,
disciplined, and long inured to the toils and dangers of thf
field ; but this body was composed of different nations and
countries, who had each their distinct and separate views and
interests. The army of the confederates did not amount to
thirty thousand complete, of which the Athenians and Thebans
furnished the greatest part, the rest was formed of the Corin-
thians and Peloponnesians. The same motives and the sane
aeal influenced and animated them. All were equally afiected
by the event ; and all equally resolved to conquer, or die in
defence of liberty.

On the eve of this decisive day, Diogenes, the famou*
cynic, who had long looked with equal contempt on either
party, was led by curiosity to visit the camps, as an uncon-
cerned spectator. In the Macedonian camp, where his charae-
ter and person were not known, he was stopped by the guards,
and conducted to Philip's tent. The king expressed surprise
at a stranger's presuming to approach his camp ; and asked,
with severity, whether he came as a spy? ** Yes," said
Diogenes, *' I am come to spy upon your vanity and ambi-

aATTLK OF CHi^RONfU. 888

tioD, who thus wwtonly set yow iife abd kingdom to the
hazard of an hoiar."

And now the fatal morning iqipeared, which was for ever
to decide the cause of liberty and the empire of Greece. Be-
fore the rising of the sun both armies were ranged in order of
battle. The Thebans, commanded hy Theogeoes, a man of
but moderate abilities in war, and suspected of corruption,
obtained the post of honour on the right wing of the confe-
derated Greeks, with that famous body in the front, called the
Sacred Band, formed of generous and warlike youths, coi^
nected and endeared to each other by all the noble enthusiasm
of love and friendship. The centre was formed of the Corin-
thians and Peloponnesiaos ; and the Athenians composed the
left wing, led by their generals, Lysicles and Chares. Oq
the left of the Macedonian army stood Alexander, at the head
of a chosen body of noble Macedonians, supported by the
famous cavalry of Thessaly. As this prince was then but nine-
teen years old, his father was careful to curb bis youthful im-
petuosity, and to direct his valour; and, for this purpose, sur>
rounded him with a number of experienced officers. In the
centre were placed those Greeks who had united with Philip^
and on whose courage he had the least dependence ; whilst the
king himself commanded on the right wing, where his renowned
phalanx stood, to oppose the impetuosity with which the Athe-
nians were well known to begin their onset.

The charge began on each side with all the courage and
violence which ambition, revenge, the love of glory, and th^
love of liberty, could excite in the several combatants. Alex-
ander, at the head of the Macedonian nobles, first fell, with all
the fury of youthful courage, on the Sacred Band of Thebes,
which sustained his attack with a bravery and vigour worthy
of its former fame. The gallant youths, who composed this
body, not being tintely or not duly supported by their coun-
trymen, bore up for a while against the torrent of the enemy ;
till at length, oppressed and overpowered by superior numbers,
without yielding or turning their backs on their assailants, they
sunk down upon that ground where they had been originally
stationed, each by the side of bis darling friend, raising up a
bulwark by their bodies against the progress of the army. But
thf young prince and his forces, in all the enthusiastic ardour

284 HISTORY OP GRBBCB.

of valoar, animated by success, pushed on through affl the car^
nage, and over all the heaps of slain, and fell furiously on the
main body of the Thebans ; where they were opposed with ob-
stinate and deliberate courage, and the contest was, for some
time, supported with mutual violence.

The Athenians, at the same time, on the right wing, fought
with a spirit and intrepidity worthy of the Character which tiiey
boasted, and of the cause by which they were animated. Many
brave efforts were exerted on each side, and success was for
some time doubtful ; till at length part of the centre, and the
left wing of the Macedonians (except the phalanx) yidded to
the impetuous attack of the Athenians, and fled widi some
precipitation. Happy had it been on that day for Greece, if
the conduct and abilities of the Grecian generals had been
equal to the valour of their soldiers ! But those brave cham-
pions of liberty were led on by the despicable creatnros of in-
trigue and cabal. Transported by the advantage now obtained^
the presumptuous Lysicles cried out, " Gome on, my gallant
countrymen ; the victory is ours ; let us pursue these cowards,
and drive them to Macedon : " and thus, instead of improving
the happy opportunity, by charging the phalanx in flank, and
so breaking this formidable body, the Athenians wildly and
precipitately pressed forward in pursuit of the flying enemy ;
themselves in all the tumult and disorder of a rout. Philip
saw this fatal error with all the contempt of a skilful general^
and the secret exultation arising from the assurance of ap-
proaching victory. He coolly observed to those officers that
stood round him, " That the Athenians knew not how to con-
quer ;" and ordered his phalanx to change its position^ and, by
a sudden evolution, to gain possession of an adjacent eminence.
From thence they marched deliberately down, firm and col-
lected, and fell, with their united force, on the Athenians, now
confident of success, and blind to their danger. The shock was
irresistible ; they were at once overwhelmed ; many of them
lay crushed by the weight of the enemy, and expiring by their
wounds ; while the rest escaped from the dreadful slaughter by
a shameful and precipitate flight, bearing down and hurrying
away with them those troops which had been stationed for
their support. And here the renowned orator and statesman,
whose noble sentiments and spirited harangues had raised the

BATTLE OF CHARONBA. 286

courage on this day so eminently exerted, betrayed that weak-
ness which has snltied his great character. He alone, of all his
countrymen, advanced to the charge cold and dismayed; and,
at the yeiy first appearance of a reverse of fortune, in an agony
of terror, turned his back, cast away that shield which he had
adorned With this inscription in golden characters, ''To Good
Fortulie,'' and appeared the foremost in the g^eneral rout The
ridicule and malice of his enemies, related, or perhaps in-
vented, another shameful circumstance; that, being impeded in
his flight by some brambles, his imagination was so possessed by
the presence of an enemy, that he loudly cried out for
quarter.

While Philip was thus triumphant on his side, Aleitander
continued the conflict on the other wing, and at leng^ broke
Che Thebans, in spite of all their acts of valour, who now fled
from the field, and were pursued with great carnage. The
centre of the confederates was thus totaQy abandoned to the
fury of a victorious enemy. But enough of slaughter had
already been made ; more than one thousand of the Athenians
lay dead on the field of battle, two thousand were made pri-
soners, and the loss of the Thebans was not inferior. Philip,
therefore, determined to conclude his important victory by an
act of apparent clemency, which his ambition and policy really
dictated. He gave orders that the Greeks should be spared,
conscious of his own designs, and still expecting to appear in
the field the head aud leader of that body which he had now
completely subdued.

Philip was transported with this victory beyond measure;
and, having drank to excess at ao entertainment which he gave
upon that occasion, went into the field of battle, where he ex-
ulted over the slain, and upbraided the prisoners with their
misfortunes. He leaped aud danced about in a firantic man-
ner, and with an air of burlesque merriment sung the beg^-
ning of the decree, which Demosthenes had drawn up as a de-
claration of war against him. Demades, who was of the num-
ber of the prisoners, had the courage to reproach him with this
ungenerous behaviour, telling him, " That fortune had given
him the part of Agamemnon, but that he was acting that of
Thersites." He was so struck with the justness of this re-
proof, that it wrought a thorough change in him, and he was so

366 HISTORY OF GRBBCB.

far from being offended at Demades, that he imtaiiaifdy
gaive him his liberty, and showed him afterwards gwad aiaika
of honour and friendship. He likewise rrieased <iil the
Athenian captives, and without ransom ; and when they firand
him so geaeroosly disposed towards them, they made a demand
of their baggage, with every thing else that had been taken
from them ; bttt to that Philip replied, " Snrely they think I
have not beat them." This discharge of the prisoners was
ascribed, in a great meastire, to Demades, who is said to have
new-modelled Philip, and to have softened his temper with die
Attic graces, as Diodoras expresses it. Indeed, PbiHp him-
self acknowledged, upon another occasion, that his frequent
converse with the Athenian orators had been of great use to
him in correcting his piorals. Justin represents his carriage
after the battle in a very different light : alleging, that he took
abundance of pains to dissemble his joy ; that he aflbcted great
modesty and compassion, and was not seen to laugh; that he
would have no sacrifice, no crowns, no perfumes ; that he for-
bade all kinds of sports, and did nothing that might make him
appear to the conquerors to be elated, nor to the conquered to
be insolent. But this account seems to have been confounded
with others which were given of him, after his being refonned
by Demades. It is certain, that after his first transport was
over, and that he began to recollect himself, he showed great
humanity to the Athenians ; and that, in order still to keep
measures with them, he renewed the peace. But the Thebans,
who had renounced their alliance with him, he treated in
another manner. He, who affected to be as much master of
his allies as of his subjects, could not easily pardon those who
had deserted him in so critical a conjuncture ; wherefore, be
not only took ransom for their prisoners, but made them pay
for leave to bury their dead. After these severities, andaAer
having placed a strong garrison over them, he granted them a
peace.

We are told that Isocrates, the most celebrated rhetorioian
of that age, who loved his country with the utmost tenderness,
could not survive the loss and ignominy with which it wns
covered by the loss of the battle of Chasronea. The instant he
received the news of its being uncertain what use Philip W0nld
make of bis victory, and determined to die a freeman, be has-

CHARACTER OF LYCURGUS THE ATHENIAN. 287

tened his end by abstainiog from food. He was fourscore and
eighteen years of age. This defeat was attributed chiefly to
the ill conduct of the generals Lysicles and Chares ; the for*
mer whereof the Athenians put to death, at the instance of
Lycurgusy who had great credit and influence with the people^
but was a serere judge, and a most bitter accuser. '' Ton,
Lysicles/' said he, ** were general of the army : a thousand
citizens were slain, two thousand taken prisoners ; ' a trophy
has been erected to the dishonour of thb city, and all Greece is
enslaved. You had the command when all these things hap*
pened ; and yet you dare to live and view, the light of the sun,
and Mush not to appear publicly in the forum : you, Lysicles,
who are bom the monument of your country's shame r This
Lycurgus was one of the orators of the first rank, and free
from the general corruption which then reigned among them.
He managed the public treasure for twelve years with great
uprightness, and had, throughout his life, the reputation of a
man of honour and virtue. He increased the shipping, sup-
plied the arsenal, drove the bad men out of the city, and
framed several good laws. He kept an exact register of every
thing he did during his administration ; and, when that was
expired, he caused it to be fixed up to a pillar, that every
body mi^t be at liberty to inspect it, and to censure his con-
duct. He carried this point so far, that, in his last sickness, he
ordered himself to be carried to the senate-house to give a
public account of all his actions ; and, after he had refuted one
who accused him there, he went home and died. Notwith-
standing the austerity of his temper, he was a great enconrager
of the stage ; which, though it had been carried to an excess
that was manifestly hurtful to the public, he stHl looked upon
as the best school to instruct and polish the minds of the
people. And to this end he kept up a spirit of emulation
among the writers of tragedy, and erected the statues of
iCschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. He left three sons, who
were unworthy of him, and behaved so ill, that they were aB
put in prison ; but Demosthenes, out of regard to the memory
of their father, got them discharged.

It does not appear that Chares underwent any prosecution
for bis share of this action ; though, according to his general
character, he deserved it as much or more than his colleague ;

288 HISTORY OP 6RBBCB.

for he had no talent for command, and was very little diSereot
from a common soldier. Timotheus said of him, ''That, in-
, stead of being a general, he was fitter to carry the geDeraTs
baggage." His person, indeed, was of that robost kind of
make : and it was that which served, in some measure, to recom-
mended him to the people. But he was more a man of pleasure
than fatigue. In his military expeditions, he was wont to carry
with him a band of music, and he defrayed the expense of it
out of the soldier^s pay. Notwithstanding his want of abilities,
he had a thorough good opinion of himself. He was vain and
positive, bold and boisterous ; a great undertaker, and always
ready to warrant success ; but his performances seldoni an-
swered; and hence it was that the promises of Chares became
a proverb ; and yet, as little as he was to be depended on, he
had his partizans among the people, and among the orators,
by whose means he got himself to be frequently employed, and
others to be excluded who were more capable.

But it was Demosthenes who seemed to have been the
principal cause of the terrible shock which Athens received at
this time, and which gave its power such a wound as it
never recovered. However, at the very instant that the
Athenians heard of this bloody overthrow, which affected so
great a number of families, when it would have been no won-
der, had the multitude, seized with terror and alarms, given
way to an emotion of blind zeal against the man, whom they
might have considered, in some measure, as the author of this
dreadful calamity ; even at this very instant, I say, the people
submitted entirely to the counsels of Demosthenes. The pre-
cautions that were taken to post guards, to raise the walls, and
to repair the ditches, were all in consequence of his advice.
He himself was appointed to supply the city with provisions,
and to repair the walls, which latter commission he executed
with so much generosity, that it acquired him the greatest
honour; and for which, at the request of Ctesiphon, a crown
of gold* was decreed him, as a reward for his having presented
the commonwealth with a sum of money out of his own estate,
sufficient to defray what was wanting of the expense for
repairing the walls.

On the present occasion, that is, after the battle of Ghsero-
nea, such orators as opposed Demosthenes, having all risen

BANISHMRNT OP iESCHINBS. 389

Qp in concert against him, and having cited him to take
trial according to law, the people not only declared him inno*
cent of the several accusations laid to his charge, but conferred
more honours upon him than he had enjoyed before ; so strongly
did the veneration they had for bis zeal and fidelity overbalance
the efforts of calumny and malice.

But the people did not stop here : the bones of such as had
been killed in the battle of Chseronea having been brought to
Athens to be interred, they appointed Demosthenes to com-
pose the eulogium of those brave men ; a manifest proof, that
they did not ascribe to him the ill success of the battle, but to
Providence only, who disposes of human events at pleasure.

It was in this year, that ^schines drew up an accusation
against Ctesiphon, or rather against Demosthenes, which was
the most remarkable that ever appeared before any tribunal;
not so much for the object of the contest, as for the greatness
and ability of the speakers. Ctesiphon, a partizan and friend
of Demosthenes, brought a cause before the assembly of the
people, in which he urged that a decree should be passed»
giving a golden crown to Demosthenes. This decree was
strongly opposed by iEschines, the rival of Demosthenes, as
well in eloquence as in ambition.

No cause ever excited so much curiosity, nor was pleaded
with so much pomp. People flocked to it from all parts, and
they had great reason for so doing ; for what sight could be
nobler, than a conflict between two orators, each of them ex-
cellent in his way, both formed by nature, improved by art»
and animated by perpetual dissensions, and an implacable
animosity against each other.

The juncture seemed to favour ^schines very much ; for
the Macedonian party, whom he always befriended, was very
powerful in Athens, especially after the ruin of Thebes.
Nevertheless, jEschines lost his cause, and was justly sen-
tenced to banishment for his rash accusation. He thereupon
went and settled himself in Rhodes, where he opened a school
of eloquence, the fame and glory of which continued for many
ages. He began his lectures with the two orations that had
occasioned his banishment. Great encomiums were given to
that of iEschines ; but when they heard that of Demosthenes,
the plaudits and acclamations were redoubled. And it was

u

4

290 HISTORY OP GEKBOS.

then ke spoke these words, so gpeatly laodable in the moatii
of an eaemy and a rival : ** Alas ! what applauses would yoa
not have . bestowed, had you heard Demosthenes speak it
kimseir?"

Demosthenes, thns become victor, made a good Hse of Us
conquest. For the instant i£schines left Athena, in ecder to
embark for Rhodes, Demosthenes ran after him, and forced
him to accept of a purse of monfy. On this oocaaioo,
iEschines cried out, " How will it be possible for me not to
regret a country, in which I leave an enemy more geoeioas,
dian I can hope to find friends in any other part of the
world?"

In the mean time, Philip had his ambition pleased, but not
satisfied, with his last victory ; he had one object kNig in view,
and that he never lost sight of: this was to get himself apr
pointed, in the assembly of the Greeks, their chief geoecai
against the Persians. It had long been the object, not odiy
of the confederate states, but also of the neighbouring Greek
nations, to revenge upon the kingdom of Persia the iafaiies
they had sustained from it, and to work the total dostractNa
of that empire. This was an object which had early inflawiNl
the mind of Philip, and his late victory paved the way to it
He therefore got himself declared generalissimo of the Greek
forces, and accordingly made preparations to invade that
mighty empire.

But whilst Philip was thus successful in politics and war,
the domestic divisions that reigned in his family embitteied h»
happiness, and at last caused his destruction. He had maniedi
Olympias, the daughter of the king of Epirns, and the eaiij
part of their union was crowned with happiness ; but her ill
temper soon clouded that dawn which promised so much Mi-
city; she was naturally jealous, vindictive, and passionate; awl
their dissensions were carried to such a degree, that 'PUSf
was often beard to wish for death. But his passion for Cleo-
patra, niece to Attains, his general, completed their iepar»-
tion. As Cleopatra was no less amiable in her tempw and
accomplishments than in the extraordinary graces of her per-
son, Philip conceived that he should consult his own happinras
most efl'ectually, by forming an inviolable and perpetual Tinian
with this lady ; and, without the least hesitetion, resohred to

PHILIP WARRIBS CI/BOPiLTRA. 2BII

separate kimself fat ever from the prineeaB, who had loig ap»
peared so great an enemy to his tranquillity. In vain did
Alexander his son remonstrate, that by divorcing OlympiaSy
and engaging in a second marriage, he exposed him to ik^
danger of contending with a namber of competitors for tW
crown, and rendered his succession precarious. *' My sod^ "
said the king, *^ if I create you a number of competitors, yon
will have the glorious opportunity of exerting yourself to sur^
pass them in merit. Thus shall their rivalshiip by no meana
affect your title." His marriage with Cleopatra was now de«
ckred in fom, and celebrated with all the grandeur and
solemnity which the great occasion demanded. The young
prince, however dissatisfied, was yet obliged to attend on these
solemnities, and sat in silent indignation at that feast, whioh
proclaimed the disgrace of his mother. In such circumstances^
bis youthful and impetuous mind could not but be susceptible
of the slightest initation. Attains, the uncle of the new
queen, forgetting that just caution, which should have taught
him to be scrupulously observant to avoid offending the pciii6e»
mtexisated by the honours paid to his kinswoman, as weU 9fl
bj the present festivity, was rash enough to. call publicly om
the Macedonian nobles, to pour out their libations to the gods,
timt they might grant the king the happy fruits of the present
nuptials, and legitimate heirs to his throne. ** Wretch!"
cried Alexander, with his eye sparkling with that fury and
Towtien which he had till now suppressed, ** dost thpu, then,
eall me bastard?" and instantly darted his goblet at Attains,
who returned the outrage with double violence. Clamour and
oonfiision arose, and the king, in a.sndden fit of rage, snato^ied
hia sword, and flew directly towards his son. His precipita-
liao, his lameness, and the quantity of wine in which he had
by tys time indulged, happily disappointed his rash purpose ;
he stumbled, and fell on the floor ; while Alexander, with an
nopardonable insolence, cried out, ** Behold, ye Macedoniana !
this is the king who is preparing to lead you into Asia; see
where, in passing from one tabte to another, he is fallen to the
ground.'^

. Philip, however, did not lose sight of the conquest of Asia.
F«tt of the nughfty project he had conceived, he oonsulted tfce
gods, to i|now what would be the event of it ; and the iMriestess

u2

292 HISTORY OF 6RBR0B.

raplied, '' The victim is already crowned, his end draws nigfa,^
and he will soon be sacrificed.'* Philip, hearing this, did not
hesitate a moment, but interpreted the oracle in his own
favour ; the ambiguity of which ought, at least, to have kept
him in some suspense. In order, therefore, that he might be in
a condition to apply entirely to his expedition against the Per-
sians, and limit himself solely to the conquest of Asia, he dis-
patched with all possible diligence his domestic affairs. After
this, he offered up a solemn sacrifice to the gods ; and prepared
to celebrate with incredible magnificence in Egas, a ci^ of
Macc^lonia, the nuptials of Cleopatra, his daughter, whom he
gave in marriage to Alexander, king of Epims, and brother
to Olympias, his queen. He had invited to it the most coa-
siderable persons of Greece, and heaped upon them friendship
and honours of every kind, by way of gratitude for electing
him generalissimo of the Greeks. The cities made their court
to him in emulating each other, by sending lum golden crowns ;
and Athens distinguished its zeal above all the rest Neopio-
lemus, the poet, had written purposely for that festival a
tragedy, entitled Cinyras, in which, under borrowed names,
he represented this prince as already victor over Darius, and
master of Asia. Philip listened to these happy presages with
joy, and, comparing them with the answer of the oracle,
assured himself of conquest. The day after the nuptials,
games and shows were solemnized. As these formed part of
the religious worship, there were carried in it, with great pomp
and ceremony, twelve statues of the gods, carved with inimit-
able art ; a thirteenth, that surpassed them all in magnificence,
represented Philip as a god. The hour for his leaving the
palace arrived ; he went forth in a white robe ; and advanced
with an air of majesty, in the midst of unbounded acclama-
tions, towards the theatre, where an infinite multitude of
Macedonians, as well as foreigners, waited his coming with
impatience.

But this magnificence only served to make the catastrophe
more remarkable, and to add splendour to niin. Some time
before. Attains, inflamed with wine at an entertainment, had
insulted, in the most shocking manner, Pausanias, a young
Macedonian nobleman. The latter had long endeavoured to
revenge the cruel affront, and was perpetually imploring the

PAUSAN1A6 A8SA8S1NATBS PHILIP. 398

kiDg^s justice. But Philip, unwilling to disgust Attalus, uncle
to Cleopatra, whom, as was before observed, he had married
after his divorcing Olympias, his first queen, would never listen
to Pausanias's complaints. However, to console him in som6
measure, and to express the high esteem he had for, and the
great confidence he reposed in him, he made him one of the
chief officers of his life-guard. But this was not what the
young Macedonian required, whose anger now swelling to
fury against his judge, he formed the design of wiping out his
shame, by imbruing his hands in the blood of his sovereign.

And now, while this unhappy youth continued brooding over
those malignant passions, which distracted and corroded his
mind, he happened to go into the school of one Hermocrates*
who professed to teach philosophy ; to whom he proposed the
following question : " What shall that man do, who wishes to
transmit his name with lustre to posterty?" Hermocrates,
either artfully and from design, or the natural malignity of his
temper, replied. He must kill him who hath achieved the
greatest actions ; thus shall the memory of the hero be joined
with his who slew him, and both descend together to pos-
terity." This was a maxim highly agreeable to Pausanias, in
the present disposition of his mind ; and thus various accidents
and circumstances concurred to inflame those dangerous pas-
sions which now possessed him, and to prompt him to the
dreadful purpose of satiating his revenge.

The present solemnity was the occasion which Pausanias
chose for putting his dreadful design in execution. Philip,
clothed in a white flowing robe, waving in soft and graceful
folds, the habiliments in which the Grecian deities were
usually represented, moved forward with a heart filled with
triumph and exultation, while the admiring crowds shouted
forth their flattering applause. His guards had orders to keep
at a considerable distance from his person, to show that the
king confided in the affections of his people, and had not the
least apprehensions of danger amidst all this mixed concourse
of different states and nations. Unhappily, the danger was
bnt too near him. The injured Pausanias had not yet forgot
kis wrongs, but still retained those terrible impressions, which
the sense of the indignity he had received, and the artful and
interested representations of others, fixed deeply in bis mind.

294 HISTORY OP 6RBBOB.

He chose this fatal norniDg for the ^executiM of Us revenge
on the prinee, who had denied repan^tton to his injured honour.
His design had been for some time premeditated^ undnowwas
die dreadful moment of efiecting it. As Phitip BMdrcked on»
in all his pride and pomp, this jroang Macedonian slipped
tfirodgh the crowd* and, with a desperate and reveiii^;efnl reeo*
Iittion, waited his approach in a narrow passage, just at the
entrance into the theatre. The king advanced towards him :
Pausanias drew his poniard, pinnged it into his heart» and llie
conqueror of Greece, and terror of Asia, fell phistrate to the
ground, and instantly expired.

The murderer flew towards the gates of the city^ where there
stood horses ready to favour his escape, whidi Oiyiapias ker^
self is said to have prepared. The tumult and confiunon were
such as might be expected from so fatal an event; Mine of
the Macedonians crowded round the fallen king with offieiom
and ineflfectual care, while others pursued Pausaniin. Amoi^
these were Perdiccas, Attalus, and Leonatus ; Ae first, who
exeelted in swiftness, came up to the assassin where he wo
just preparing to mount his horse, but being, by Us preeifMlft-
tion, entangled in some vines, a violent effort to extricate hn
foot brought him suddenly to the ground. As he prepared to
rise, Perdiccas was upon him, and, with his companions, sook
dispatched him by the repeated wounds which their Airy in-
flicted. His body was immediately hung on a gibbet, but ia
the morning appeared crowned with a golden diadem; (he
only means by which Olympian could now express her impla-
cable resentment. In a few days, indeed, she took a fardier
occasion of publishing her triumph and exultation in her fans-
band's fall, by paying the same funeral honours to PansaiiiaB,
which were prepared for Philip ; both bodies were burnt on tfae
same pile, and the ashes of both deposited in the same tombw
She is even said to have prevailed on the Macedonians to paiy
annual honours to Pausanias, as if she feared that the share she
had taken in the death of Philip should not be snfficientiy
known to the world. She consecrated to Apollo the dagger
which had been the instrument of the fata! deed, inscribed with
the name " Myrtalis," the name which she had borne when
their loves first began.

Thus died Philip, whose virtaes and vices were directed sod

CHARAQTBR OP PHILIP. 295

proportioned to Ut ambition. His most^shining and exalted
qualities were infloenced in a great measare by bis love of
power ; and even the most exceptionable parts of his conduct
were principally determined by their conveniency and expe-
diency. If he was unjust, he was, like Csssar, unjust for the
sake of empire. If he gloried in th§ success acquired by his
virtues and his intellectual accomplishments, rather than in that
which the force of arms could gain, the reason which he him-
self assigned points out his true principle. " In the fonnw
case," said he, " the glory is entirely mine; in the other, my
generals and soldiers have their share."

The news of Philip's death was a joyfnl surprise ia Greece,
and particubdiy in Athens, where the people crowned then»-
selvet with garlands, and decreed a crown to Pausanias. They
sacrificed to the gods for their deliverance, and suqg songs of
tiMttph, as if Philip had been slain by them in battle. But
this eoDcess of joy did ill become them. It was looked upon as
an uBgelierovs and unmanly iosult upon the ashes of a mar-
dered ptince, and of one whom they just before had revisred*
aad cronohed to in the most abject manner. These immo«
derate transports were raised in them by Demostheucfs, who«
having the first intelligence of Philip's death, went into the
assembly unusually gay and cheerful, with a chaplet on his
bead, and in a rich habit, though it was then but the seventh
day after the death of his daughter. From this circumstaaoe,
Pintarch, at the same time that he condemns the behaviomr of
the Atheaians in general upon this occasion, takes an oppor*
tnaity to justify Demosthenes, and extols him as a patriot, tof
not sufiTering his domestic afflictions to interfere with the good
fortaae of the commonwealth. But he certainly might haye
acted the part of a good citizen with more decency, and not
have given up to insult what was due to good manners.

CHAPTER XIV.

rROM THB BIRTH OF ALBXANDBB TO HIS 8BTT1N6

OUT FOR ASIA.

A. M. 8648. Albxandrr, the son of Philip, ascended the
A. J. C. 356. throne upon the death of his father, and took
possession of a kingdom rendered flourishing and powerfbl
by the policy of the preceding reign.

He came into the world the very day the celebrated temple
of Diana, at Ephesas, was burnt ; upon which occasion the
report goes, that Hegesias, the historian, was heard to say,
that it was no wonder the temple was burnt, as Diana was
that day employed at the delivery of Olympias, to facilitmie
the birth of Alexander.

The passion, which prevailed most in Alexander, even fnnn
his tender years, was ambition, and an ardent desire of glory ;
but not for every species of glory. Philip, like a sophist,
valued himself upon his eloquence and the beauty of his style;
and bad the vanity to have engraved on his coins the several
victories he had won at the Olympic games, in the chariot
race. But it was not after such empty honours that his son
aspired. His friends asked him one day, whether he would
not be present at the games above-mentioned, in order to dis-
pute the prize bestowed on that occasion ? for he was very
swift of foot. He answered, that he would contend in them,
provided kings were to be his antagonists.

Every time news was brought him that his father had taken
some city, or gained some great battle, Alexander, so far from
sharing in the general joy, used to say, in a plaintive tone of
voice, to the young persons that were brought up with him,
'' Friends, my father will possess himself of every thing, and
leave nothing for me to do."

One day, some ambassadors from the king of Persia being

EDUCATION OF ALBXAN0ER. 397

arrived at court daring Philip's absence, Alexander gave theiti
so kind and so polite a reception, and regaled them in so noble
and generous a manner, as charmed them all ; but that which
most surprised them was, the good sense and judgment be
discovered in the several conversations they had with hnn.
He did not propose to them any thing that was trifling, and
like one of his age ; such, for instance, as inquiring about the
so much boasted gardens suspended in the air; the riches and
magnificence of the place and court of the king of Persia,
which excited the admiration of the whole world ; the famoiis
golden plantain tree; and that golden vine, the grapes of
which were of emeralds, carbuncles, rubies, and all sorts of
precious stones, under which the Persian monarch was said
frequently to give audience : — > Alexander, I saiy, asked them
questions of a quite different nature ; inquiring which was the
road to Upper Asia; the distance of the several places; id
what the strength and power of the king of Persia consisted ;
in what part of the battle he fought ; how he behaved towards
his enemies, and in what manner he governed his subjects.
These ambassadors admired him all the while ; and perceiving,
even at that time, how great he might one day become, they
observed, in a few words, the difference they found between
Alexander and Artaxerxes, by saying one to another, ** Thb
yoong prince is great, and ours is rich: that man must be
▼astly insignificant, who has no other merit than his riches ! **

So ripo a judgment in this young prince was owing as much
to the good education which had been given him, as to the
happiness of his natural parts. Several preceptors were a{H
pointed to teach him all such arts and sciences as are worthy
the heir«of a great kingdom ; and the chief of these was Leo-
nidas, a person of the most severe morals, and a relation to
the queen. This Leonidas, in their journies together, used
frequently to look into the trunks where his beds and clothes
were laid, in order to see if Olympias, his mother, had not
put something superfluous into them, which might administer
to delicacy and luxury.

But the greatest service Philip did his son, was appointing
Aristotle his preceptor. He was the most famous and the
most learned philosopher of his age ; and was entrusted with
the whole care of Alexander's education. One of the reasons

2BS H16TORY OF ORBBC£«

winch {vompted Phflip to choose him a mailer of rack coa-
flffeiioss reputation and merit was, as he himself teDs us,
tllat his son might avoid committifig a great many fasHs, of
which he himfieif had been gailtj.

: Philip was sensible how great a treasure be possessed ia
the* person of Aristotle ; for which reasoo he settled a very
genteel stipend upon him, and afterwards rewarded his pains
and care in an infinitely more glorious manner ; for hanng
destroyed and laid waste the city of Stagira, the native place
of that phiiosojdier, he rebuilt it, purely out of affectioa for
him; reinstated tbe inhabitants, who had fled from it, or were
made slaves, and gave them a fine park in tbe neigbboviibood
of Stagira, as a place for their studies and assemblies. Even
in Fhitarch's time, the stone seats which Aristotle had placed
thare were standing ; as also spacious vistas, under whicfa
those who walked were shaded from the sun-beams.

Alexander likewise discovered no less esteem fm Us maa-
ter, whom he believed himself bomid to love as much as ff be
had been his fother; declaring, that be was indebted to tbe
one for Uving, and to the other for living well. Tbe prc^;fess
of the pupil was equal to the care and abilities of the pie*
ceptor. He grew vastly fond of philosophy, and learned tbe
several parts of it ; but in a manner suitable to bis iHrtfa.
Aristode endeavoured to improve his judgment, by laying
down sore and certain rules, by which he might distingiiiah
just and solid reasoning from what is but speciously so ; and
by accustoming him to separate in discourse idl such parts as
only dazzle, firom those which are truly solid, and oonstitaite
its chief value. But Alexander applied himself chiefly to
morality, which is properly tbe science of kings, becaaoe it
is the knowledge of mankind, and of their duties. This he
made bis serious and profound study, and considered it, even
at that time, as the foundation of prudenoe and wise policy.

The greatest master of rhetoric that antiquity could ever
boast, and who has left so excellent a treatise on that subject
took care to make that science part of his pupil's educatioa ;
and we find that Alexander, even in the midst of his conquests,
was often very urgent with Aristotle to send him a treatise on
diat subject. To this we owe the work entitled Alexander^a
Bhetoric ; in tbe beginning of wUdb, Aristotle proves io him

ALKXANDJKR'S B8TBB1I MMt HOMER.

the vast advantages a pnace may reap firom eloquence ; as it
gives ham the g!Mrtest ascdndttnt over tbe minds of ami, wfaiob
be onglit to acquire as well by his wisdom as awthority. Some
answers and letters of Alexander, w4iidi ai« stfll ^rtant, sbow
that be possessed, in its greatest perfbctioA, tbat strong, that
manly eloqiienoe> whtcfa abounds wilb sense atad ideas, $mi
wbicb is so entirely free from superflnous expressions, tbaC
every single word lias its meaabg; wbicb, properly speaking,;
is tbe eloqaence of kings.

ttis esteem, or ratber bis passion, for Homer sbows, tiot
only with what vigour and snccem be applied to polite literal*
tare, but tbe jtidicioas use be made of it, and tbe solid ndvaiH
tages be proposed to himself from it. He was not only
prompted to peruse this poet merely out of curiosity, or to
unbend his mind, or from a great fondness for poetry ; but bis
view, in stadying this admirable writer, was to borrow such
sentiments from him as were worthy a great king and coa-
qneror; eourag^, intrepidity, magnanimity, temperance, pm-
denoe ; Hae art of commaifdiug weH in war and peace. The
verse» wbicb pleased hhn most in Homer, was that wber^
Agamemnon is represented as a good king and a brave
warrior.

Afker this, it is no wonder that Alexander should have so
faigk an esteem for this poet. Thus when, ailter tbe battle of
Arbela, the Macedonians had found, among the spoils <if
Darius, a golden box (enriched with precious stones), in wbicdi
tbe exceUent perfumes vsed by that prince were put, AJez*
under, who wa& qmte covered with dust, and regardless eC
essences and perfiimes, ordered, that this box shouM be em-
ployed to no other use than to hold Homer*s po^ms ; wUch
he believed the most perfect, tbe most complete production
of tbe human nrind. He admired particulariy the IHad, which
be called the best provision for a warrior. He always had
with him that edition of Homer, which Aristotle had revised
and corrected, and to which the tide of tbe Edition of the Box
was given ; and be laid it with his sword every night onder
hn pillow.

Fond, even to excess, of every kind of glory, he was dHs-
pleased with Aristotle, his master, for having publiriied, in hiis
absenoe, oertmm metaphysical pieces, which he himself desired

HISTORY OP GREBOB.

to possess exclusively of all others ; and even at the tinie when
be was employed in the conquest of Asia, and the pnniiit of
Darius, be wrote to bim a letter, which is still extant, wherein
he complains upon that very account Alexander says in it,
that he had much rather surpass the rest of men in the know-
ledge of sublime and excellent things, than in the greatness
and extent of his power. He in like manner requested Aris-
totle not to show the treatise of rhetoric above-mentioned to
any person but to himself.

He had also a taste for the whole circle of arts, but in sach
a manner as became a prince ; that is, he knew the value and
usefulness of them. Music, painting, sculpture, architecture,
flourished in his reign ; because they found him both a skilful
judge and a generous protector, who was able to distinguish
and to reward merit.

But he despised certain trifling feats of dexterity, hat were
of no use. Some Macedonians admired very much a man,
who employed himself very attentively in throwing small peas
through the eye of a needle : which he would do at a consi-
derable distance, and without once missing. Alexander, see-
ing him at this exercise, ordered him, as we are told, a present
suitable to his employment ; viz. a basket of peas.

Alexander was of a sprightly disposition, was resolute, and
very tenacious of his opinion, which never gave way to force,
but at the same time would submit immediately to reason and
good sense. It is very difficult to treat with persons of this
turn of mind : Philip, accordingly, notwithstanding his double
authority of king and father, believed it necessary to employ
persuasion rather than force with respect to his son, and en-
deavoured to make himself beloved rather than feared by
him.

An accident made him entertain a very advantageous opi-
nion of Alexander. There had been sent from Thessalv to
Philip a war-horse; a noble, strong^ fiery, generous beast,
called Bucephalus. The owner would not sell him under
thirteen talents ; an immense sum ! The king went into the
plains, attended by his courtiers, in order to view the perfec-
tions of this horse ; but, upon trial, he appeared so very fierce,
and pranced about in so furious a manner, that no one dared
to mount him. Philip, being angry that so furious and un-

ALBXANDBR SUBDUKS BUCBPHALUS. 80t

manageable - a creature had been sent him, gare orders for
their carrying him back again. Alexander, who was present
at that time, cried ont, " What a noble horse we are going
to lose, for want of address and boldness to back him!"
Philip at first considered these words as the efiTeet of follj
and rashness, so common to young men ; but, as Alexander
insisted still more upon what he had said, and was rery much
▼exed to see so noble a creatnre jnst going to be sent homia
again, his father gave him leave to try what he could do. The
young prince, overjoyed at this permission, goes up to Buce*
phalns, takes hold of the bridle, and turns his head to the son,
having observed, that the thing which frighted him was his
own shadow ; Alexander, therefore, first stroked him gently
with his hand, and soothed him with his voice ; then seeiojg
his fierceness abate, and artfully taking this opportunity, he
let fall his cloak, and springing swiftly upon his back, fint
slackened the rein, without once striking or vexing him; and
when he perceived that his fire was cooled, that he was no
longer so furious and violent, and wanted only to move for-
ward, hio gave him that rein, and spurring him with great
vigour, animated him with his voice to his full speed. While thb
was doing, Philip and his whole court trembled for fear, and
did not once open their lips ; but when the prince, after hav-
ing run his first heat, returned with joy and pride, at his having
broke a horse which was judged absolutely ungovernable, all
the courtiers in general endeavoured to outvie one another in
their applauses and congpratulations ; and we are told, Philip
shed tears of joy on this occasion ; and embracing Alexander,
after he was alighted, and kissing him, he said to him, ** My
son, seek a kingdom more worthy of thee, for Macedon is
below thy merit."

Alexander, upon his accession to the throne, saw himself
anirounded with extreme dangers; the barbarous nations,
with whom Philip contended during his whole reign, thon^t
this change for their advantage, and, despising the youth and
inexperience of the young monarch, resolved to seize this
opportunity of regaining their freedom for satiating themselves
with plunder; nor had he less to fear from the Greeks them-
selves, who now thought this a convenient opportunity to re-
store their ancient form of government, revenge their former

SOS HIBTORY OP 6RBB0B.

ifljaries^ aod reclaim thoiie rights which they had eiqoyed
far ages.

Alexander, however, resolved to prevent their machinationt»
and to give them no time to complete thek covifi^eraciea
against him. After taking revenge upon the conspncalon
against his father, whom he slew upon his tomb, he first oon-
ttKated the affections of the Macedonians to hhn, by fireeii^
them fix>m a vexatious and bodily slavery, only commanding
their service in wars.

The Macedonians, reflecting on his precarioos aitiuition,
advised him to relinquish Greece, and not persist in his reao*
Mion of subduing it by force ; ta recover, by gentle methoda,
the barbarians who had taken arms ;. and to sooth, as it w^re,
those gHmmeringfS of revolt and innovation, by prudent resenra,
complacency, and insinuations, in order to conciliate their af-
fections. However, Alexander would not Ustea to those
timorous counsels, but resolved to secure and support his
affairs by boldness and magnanimity ; firmly persuaded, thai,
should he relax in any point at first, all his neighboors would
fall upon him ; and that, were he to endeavour to coaspronme
matters, he would be obliged to give up all Philip's conquests,
and, by that means, confine his dominions to the narrow limits
of Macedon. He therefore made all possible baste to eh^
the arms of the barbarians, by marching his troops to the hanks
of the Danube, which he crossed in one night He defeated
the king of the Triballi in a great battle ; made the Getas fly at
his approach; and subdued several other barbarous nations,
some by the terror of his name, and others by the force of iris
arms ; and, notwithstanding the arrogant answers of their am*
bassadors, he taught them to dread a danger, which they found
but too ready to overwhelm them.

Whilst Alexander was thus employed at a distance against
ike barbarians, all the cities of Greece, and chieflv those whe
were animated by the eloquence of Demosthenes, formed a
powerful alliance against him. A false rep<Art which prevailed
of his death inspired the Thebans with a boldness, that proved
their ruin. They cut to pieces part of the Macedonian gnrrison
in their citadel. Demosthenes, on the other side, was evei^
day haranguing the people; and, fired with contempt for Alex-
ander, whom he called a child, and a hair^brained boy, he as*

THB ATHBNIAN8 OPFOffB ALBXANDBR. zSs

jnred the Atheniins^ with a deekiye tone of Toice, UkAt tbdy
had nothing to fear from the new king of Maeedon, who dUI
not dare to stir oat of fab kingdom, but would think himself
TBstly happjy could he sit peaceably an his throne. At the
same time )ie wrote letters upon lettets to Attains, one of
Philip's lieutenants in Asia Minor, to excite him to rebel.
This Attains was uncle to Cleopatra, Philip's second wife, and
was very much disposed to listen to Demosthenes* proposals.
Nevertheless, as Alexander was grown very diffident of him,
for which he knew there was but too much reason, he, there*
fore, to eradicate from his mind aU the suspicions he might
entertain, and the better to screen his designs, sent all Demos-
thenes's letters to that prince : but Alexander saw through all
Us artifices, and thereupon ordered Hecataeus, one of his
comnumders, whom he had sent into Asia for that purpose, to
have him assassinated, which was executed accordingly^
Attalus's. death restored tranquillity to the army, and entirely
destroyed the seeds of discord and rebellion.

The object which seized Alexander's earliest ambition 'iNis
the conquest of Persia ; and he now expected, that he wooU
have leisure and opportunity to prepare for so gpreat an entei^
prise ; but he was soon called to a new undertaking. The
Athenians, Thebans, and Lacedaemonians, united against htm ;
hoping, by the assistance of Persia, to recover their former
fireedom. In order to persuade the Greeks to this, Demee^
&enes made use of a device, which had more cunning in it
than wisdom. He caused it to be reported, that Alexander
was slain in a battle against the Triballi ; and he produced a
man to the assembly, who ventured to affirm, that he was pre-
sent, and wounded, when his general was slain. These felse
reports, which serve for a day, are but bad policy ; like a false
alarm in battle, the people may sometimes be mocked by them ;
bnt in the end, the success will prove as ridiculous as the in*
▼ention ; for those that find themselves at one time abused by
such, will, at other times, neglect the real call of truth. This
unfortunate confederation obliged Alexander to turn his
sword firom the Persians against the Greeks, of whose assist-
»ce he had but just before assured himself.

Sxpedition and activity were the characteristics of this
monarches conduct. Having heard of tfie slaughter of the

a&4

HISTORY OP GRBBCB»

Macedonian garrison of Thebes, and of the imion formed
against him by the Athenians, Thebans, and Lacedaomonians,
he immediately put his army in motion. He passed over the
craggy top of Mount Ossa, to elade the Thessalians, who had
possessed themselves of the defiles lying between Thessaly and
Macedon, and moved on with such rapidity, that his appear-
ance in Greece gave the first news of his preparation for war.
He appeared so suddenly in Boeotia, that the Thebans could
scarcely believe their eyes ; and, being come before their walls,
was willing to give them time to repent; and only demanded
to have Phoenix aud Prothules, the two chief ringleaders of the
revolt, delivered up to him ; and published, by sound of trum-
pet, a general pardon to all who should come over to him.
But the Thebans, byway of insult, demanded to have Philotas
and Antipater delivered to them ; and invited, by a declara-
tion, all who were solicitous for the liberty of Greece to join
with them in its defence.

Alexander, finding it impossible for him to get the better of
their obstinacy by oflers of peace, saw with grief that he would
be forced to employ his power, and decide the affair by force
of arms. A great battle was thereupon fought, in which the
Thebans exerted themselves with a bravery and ardour much
beyond their strength, for the enemy exceeded them vastly io
numbers. But, after a long and vigorous resistance, such as
survived of the Macedonian garrison in the citadel coming
down from it, charged the Thebans in the rear, who being
surrounded on all sides, the greatest part of them were cut to
pieces, and the city taken and plundered,

It would be impossible for words to express the dreadful
calamities which the Thebans suffered on this occasion. Some
Thracians having pulled down the house of a virtuous lady of
quality, Timoclea by name, carried off all her goods and trea-
sures ; and their captain, having seized the lady and satiated
his brutal lust with her, afterwards inquired, whether she had
not concealed gold and silver. Timoclea, animated by an
ardent desire of revenge, replying, '* That she had hid some,"
took him with herself only into the garden, and showing him a
well, told him, that the instant she saw the enemy enter the
city, she herself had thrown into it the most precious things in
her possession. The officer, overjoyed at what he heard.

SPIRITED CONDUCT OP TIMOGL^A. 30f

•

drew near the well, and stooping down to tee its depth,
Timoclea, who was behind, pushing him with ail her strength,
threw him in, and afterwards killed him with great stones*
which she heaped apon him. She was instantly seized by the
Thracians, and being boand in chains, was carried before
Alexander, The prince immediately perceived, by her mien»^
that she was a woman of quality and great spirit, for she fol-
lowed those brutal wretches with a very haughty air, and with-
out discovering the least fear. Alextfider asking her who she
was, Timoclea replied, " I amiauiter to Theogenes, who fought
against Philip for the liberty of Greece, and was killed in the
battle of Chaeronea, where he commanded." The prince, ad^
miring her generous answer, and still more the action that she
had done, gave orders that she should have leave to retire
wherever she pleased with her children. .

Alexander then debated in council how to act with regard,
to Thebes. The Phocians, and the people of Platasa, Thespias,
and Orchomenqs, who were all in alliance with Alexander,
and shared in his victory, represented to him the cruel treat-,
ment.they had met with from the Thebans, who also had de-
stroyed their several cities, and reproached them with the zeal
which they always discovered in favour of the Persians against
the Greeks, who held them in the utmost detestation ; the
proof of which was, the oath they had all taken to destroy
Thebes, after they should have vanquished the Persians.

Cleades, one of the prisoners, being permitted to speak,
endeavoured to excuse, in some measure, the revolt of the
Thebans; a fault, which, in his opinion, should be imputed to
a rash and credulous imprudence, rather than to depravity of
will or declared perfidy. He remonstrated, that his country-
men, upon a false report of Alexander's death, had, indeed,
too rashly broke out into rebellion ; not against the king, how-
ever, but against his successors; that what crimes soever they
might have committed, they had been punished for them with-
the utmost severity, by the dreadful calamity which had b^
fallen their city; that there now remained in it none but
women, children, and old men, from whom they had nothing
to fear, and who were so much the greater objects of compas-
sion, as they had been no ways concwned in the revolt. He
concluded with reminding Alexander, that Thebes, which bad

X

906 HISTORY or 6RBBCB. '

given birth to ^ many gods and heroes, several of whom were
that king^s ancestors, had also been Ihe seat of hb faAer
Philip's rising glory, and like a second native country to lum.

These motives, which Cleades urged, were very itrong and
powerful ; nevertheless, the anger of the conqnetor prevailed,
and the city was destroyed. However, he set at liberty die
priests ; all sucfh as had a right of hospitality with the Mace-
donians; th^ descendants of Pindar, the famous poet, who
had done so mu^h to Greece ; and such as had opposed the
revolt But all the rest, in number about thirty thousand, he
sold ; and u^watds of six thousand had been EiUed in battle.
The Athenians were so sensibly afflicted at the sad disaster
which had befallen Thebes, that being about to solemnise the
festival of the Great Mysteries, they suspended them upon ac-
count of their extreme grief; and received, with the greatest
humanity, all those who had fled from the battle, and the
plunder of Thebes, and made Athens their asyhun. •

Alexander's sudden arrival in Greece had veiy uuoh abated
the haughtiness of the Athenians, and extinguished D^not-
thenes' vehemence and fire ; but the ruin of Thebes, whhh
was still more sudden, threw them into the utmost t^onatenoh
tion. They therefore had recourse to entreaties, and- ^ depu-
tation to Alexander to implore his clemency ; Demosthenes'
was among them ; but he was no sooner arrived' at Mount
Cytheron, than, dreading the anget of that prince, be quitted
the embassy, and returned home.

Immediately Alexander sent to Athens, roquhring the
citizens to deliver up to him ten orators, whom he supposed to
have been the chief instruments in ibraiing the leagtte which
Philip, his father, had defeated at ChsMronea. It was on tins
occasion that Demosthenes reflated to the people the fabte of
the wolves and the dogs ; in which it is supposed, ** That the
wolves one day told the sheep, that, in case they desired to be
at peace with them, they must deliver up to them the dogs,
who were their guard." The application was easy and natural ;
especially with respect to the orators, who were justiy com-
pared to dogs, whose duty it was to watch, to bark, and to
fight, in order to save the lives of the flock.

In this afflicting dilemma of the Athenians, who oould not
(nrevail with themselves to deliver up their orators to certain

ALBXANDKR PARDONS THK ATHENIANS. 807

desthy thoiigb tiiBy had do other way to save their city, De-
mades, whom Alexander* had hononred with his friendship,
offered to undertake the embassy alqne, and intercede for
them. The king) whether he had satiated his revenge, or en-
dearofured to blotout, if possible, bysome mi of cleneBcy, the
barbarous action he iiad jast beibire coldmtttbd, or rather to re*
moVe die several obstacles which ihight retard th^ execution of
his grand design, and by that means not leave, duiriog his ab-
sence, the least pretence for murmurs^ waved Hb demand with
regahi to the delivery of the orators, and was pacified by their
sending Carid^mus into'banishmlent; whfo, being a native of
Orssa, huA been presented by the Atheniahs with his freedom,
for the services he had done the republic. He was son-in-law
to Chersobleptus, king of Thrace; had learned the art of war
under Iphicrates ; aad had himself frequently commanded the
Athenian armies. To^^ avoid the pursuit of Alexander, he took
refuge with' the kin^ of Persia,

As for the Athenians, he not only forgave them the several
injurieshe pretended to have received, but expressed « par-
ticular'regard for them, exhorting diem to apply themselves
VigoiOHslyto' public 'ftffairs, and to keep a watchAil ciye over
the fl^veral transactions which might happen; because, incase
of hi» death, their city wad to give laws to the rest of Greece.
Historians relate, that,' many years after this expedition, he
was seized with deep remolrsefor tfae'dalamity hb h(eid bn>ught
ffpon the Thebans ; ' and that this nkad^ lunl b<^ai^ \l4th much
greater huihfeinity towards many other nation^.

So dreactful an example of severity, towards so> powerfrd a
city as Thebes, spread Ae terror of his arms through all
Greece, and made all-ihitags give way before biffin He snm-
mbned at Cotinth th^ H^bmUy of the MVeilal* fetatfes and free
cities of Gree^^, to dbt^in fromlhdflr the s&iiie supreme comP-
mand against the P'ersians, which hatd been gpranted to his
father a little before his death. No assembly ever debated
upon a more important stibject. It was the westeiti world de-
liberating upon the ruin of the east; and the methods for
executing a revenge which had been suspended more than an
age. The assembly held at this time gave rise to events, the
relation of which appears astonishing, and almost incredible ;

x2

306 HISTORY OF GREBCE.

and to revolutions, which contributed to change the ^position
of most things in the political world.

To form such a design required a prince bold, enterprising,
and experienced in war ; one of great views, who, having a
great name by his exploits, was not to be intimidated by
dangers, nor checked by obstacles ; but, above all, a monarch,
who had a supreme authority over all the states of Greece,
none of which, singly, was powerful enough to make so arduous
an attempt ; and which required, in order to their acting in
concert, to be subject to one chief, who might give motion to
the several p«rts of that great body, by making them all concur
to the same end. Such a prince was Alexander. It was not
difficult for him to rekindle in the minds of the people their
ancient hatred of the Persians, their perpetual and irreconcile-
able . enemies ; whose destruction they had more than once
sworn, and whom they had determined to extirpate,. in case an
opportunity should present itself for that purpose; a hatred
which the intestine feuds of the Greeks might indeed have
suspended, but could never extinguish. The immortal retreat
of the ten thousand Greeks, notwithstanding the vigorous op-
position of the prodigious army of the Persians, showed
plainly what might be expected from an army composed of the
flower of the forces of all the cities of Greece, and those of
Macedon, commanded by generals and officers formed under
Philip, and, to say all in a word, led by Alexander. The de-
liberations of the assembly were therefore short. The Spartans
were the only people who ventured to remonstrate ; though
several others were inimical to the interests of the Macedo-
nians. Mindful of their former independence and greatness,
they told Alexander, that '' the Lacedaemonians were accus-
tomed to point out the way to glorious deeds, and not to be
directed by others." But they were obliged to submit to the
prevailing sense of the assembly ; and Alexander was, of
course, appointed generalissimo against the Persians.

Immediately a great number of officers and governors of
cities, with many philosophers, waited upon Alexander, to
congratulate him upon his election. He flattered himself, that
Diogenes of Synope, who was then at Corinth, would also
come like the rest, and pay his compliments. This philoso-

ALBXANDBR VISITS D10GSN£S. 309

pher, who entertained a very mean idea of grandeur, thought
it improper to congratulate men justf upon their exaltation ;
but that mankind ought to wait^ till those persons should per-
form actions worthy of their high stations. Diogenes, there-
fore, still continued at home ; upon which Alexander, attends
by all his courtiers, made him a visit. The philosopher was at
that time lying down in the sun ; but, seeing so great a" crowd
of people advancing towards him, he sat up, and fixed his eyes
on Alexander. This prince, surprised to behold so famous a
philosopher living in such extreme poverty,* after saluting him
in the kindest manner, asked, ''Whether he wanted any
thing?" Diogenes replied, " Only that you would stand a
little out of my sun-shine." This answer raised the contempt
and indignation of all the courtiers ; but the monarch, struck
with the philosopher's greatness of soul, ** Were I not Alex-
ander," says he, "I would be Diogenes." In a word, all or
nothing presents us with the true image of Alexander and
Diogenes. How great and powerful soever that prince might
think himself, he could not deny but that he was less happy
than a man to whom he could give, and from whom he could
take nothing.

Alexander, before he set out for Asia, was determined to
consult the oracle of Apollo. He therefore went to Delphos,
where he happened to arrive in those days which are called
imlncky ; a season in which people were forbid consulting the
oracle ; and accordingly the priestess refused to go to the tem-
ple. But Alexander, who could not bear any contradiction to
his will, took her forcibly by the arm, and, as hcf was leading
her to the temple, she cried out, " My son, thou art irresistible."
This was all he desired ; and, catching hold of these words,
which he considered as spoken by the oracle, he set oat for
Macedonia, in order to make preparations for his great ex-
pedition.

Alexander, being arrived in his kingdom, held a council with
the chief officers of his army, and the nobles of his court, on
the expedition he meditated against Persia, and the measures
he should take in order to succeed in it The whole assembly
were unanimous, except in one article. Antipater and Par-
menio were of opinion, that the king, before he engaged in an
enterprise, which would necessarily be a long one, oug;ht t^

310 HISTORY OF 6RBSGS.

make choice of a consort, in order to secure himself a soc*
cefsor to his throne. But Alexander, who was of a violent,
fiery temper, did not approve of this advice; and believed,
that, after he had been nominated generalissimo of the Qreeks,
and that bis father had left him am inviacible 9rmy» it woul^
be a shame for him to lose his time m solemniaiiig his nuptials,
and waiting for the fruits of it: for' which xteason he deter-
mined to set out immediately, t .

Accordingly, he ofiered up very splendid sacrifices to the
gods, and caused to be celebrated at Dia, a city of Macedon»
scenical games, that had been instituted .by. one of his ances-
tors, in honour of Jupiter and the Muses. This festival.cpiH
tinned nine '^ays^ agreeable to the number of those goddesses;
He had a > tent raised large enough to hold a hundred t|d>les,
on which, consequently, nine hundred covers migbtj^ laid
.To this feast the several print;es of his £amily, all the a^ibas-
sadors, generals, and officers, were ihvited.

Before he set out upon his great expediticm, he settled the
afiairs of Macedon, over which he appointed Antipater as
viceroy, with twelve thousand foot, and near the same number
of horse. He also inquired into the domestic afiairs of his
friends, giving to one an estate in land, to another a village,
to a third the revenues of a town, to a fourth the toll of a har-
bour. As all the revenues of his demesnes were already em-
ployed and exhausted by his donations, Perdiccas said to him,
" My lord, what is it you reserve for yourself?" Alexander
replied, "Hope:" upon which Perdiccas said, " The same
hope ought therefore to satisfy us ;*' and so refused very ge-
nerously to accept of what the king had appointed him.

After having completely settled his afiairs in Macedonia,
and used all the precautions imaginable to prevent any troubles
from arising in it during his absence, he set out for Asia in the
beginning of the spring. His army consisted of little more
than thirty thousand foot, and four or five thousand horse ; but
then they were all brave men, well disciplined, and inured to
fatigue. They had made several campaigns under Philip, and
were each of them, in case of necessity, capable of command-
ing ; most of the officers were near threescore years of age,
and the common men fifty ; and when they were either assem-
bled or drawn up at the head of a camp, they had the air of «

THB BXPEDITION AGAINST PERSIA. 311

venerable senate. Parmenio commanded the infantry ; Phi-
lotas, his son, had eighteen hundred horse under him ; and
Callas, the son of Harpalus, the same number of Thessalian
cavalry. The rest of the horse were composed of natives of
the several states of Greece ; they amounted to six hundred,
and had a separate commander. The Thracians and Pseonians,
who were always in front, were headed by Cassander. Such
was the army which was to decide the fortune, not only of
Greece, but of all the eastern world. Alexander began his
march along the lake Csrcinum, towards Amphipolis ; crossed
the river Strymon near its mouth, afterwards the Hebrus, and
arrived at Sestos after twenty days' march. He then com-
manded Parmenio to cross over from Sestos to Abydos, with
all the horse and part of the foot ; which he accordingly did
with the assistance of a hundred and threescore galleys, and
several flat bottomed vessels, while he himself crossed over
the Hellespont, steering his galley with his own hands : when
he arrived near the shore, as if to take possession of the con-
tinent, he leaped from his ship in complete armour, and testified
many transports of joy.

This confidence soon began to diffuse itself over all the
rest of his army ; it inspired his soldiers with so much courage
and security, that they fancied themselves marching, not to a
precarious war, but a certain victory.

It has often been thought strange, that no measures were
adopted by the Persians to stop the progress of the Macedo-
nian army; more especially, as they had been apprised of
Alexander's intentions a considerable time before he quitted
Macedon. Persia was, at that time, in possession of a very
numerous and powerful fleet, while that of the Macedonians
was small, and their seamen unaccustomed to naval evolu-
tions. It would therefore appear, that, if the Persian fleet
had repaired speedily to the Hellespont, and there brought
the enemy to an engagement, they might have checked their
aspiring foe in the outset, and so have saved both their honour
and their empire. What could be their reason, for omitting so
fidr an opportunity of averting the blow that was soon to crush
them, is not a question of easy solution. Perhaps Darius and
his ministers thought themselves secure, on account of the
great superiority of their troops in point of number ; or were

312 HISTORY OF GRBBGB.

M> sunk in laxury and effeminacy, that their ruin was weU nigb
effected before they were roused from their lethargy. From
whatever canse their sapineness arose, they seem to have been
infatuated. They seem to have been, from the beginning, the
deroted victims of Alexander's resentment and ambition.

Being arrived at the city of Laropsacus, which Aleltander
was determined to destroy, in order to punish the rebellion of
its inhabitants, Anaximenes, a native of that place, came to
him. This man, who was a famous historian, had been very
intimate with Philip his father ; and Alexander himself had a
great esteem for him, having been his pupil. The king, sus-
pecting the business he came apon, to be befordand with
him, swore, in express terms, that he would never grant his re-
quest. ** The favour I have to desire of yon," says Anaxi-
menes, ** is, that you will destroy Lampsacns.'' By this witty
evasion the historian saved his country.

From thence Alexander went to TVoy, where he paid gr^it
honours to the shade of Achilles, and caused games to be
celebrated round his tomb. He admired and envied the feU-
city of that Grecian hero, in having found, during life, a
faithful friend in Patroclus, and, after death, a noble panegyrist
in Homer.

When the news of Alexander's landing in Asia was brought
to Darius, he testified the utmost contempt for the Macedo-
nian army, and indignation at the presumption of their generals.
In a letter which he wrote, he reprehended this audacious in^
science, and gave orders to his various governors in the dif-
ferent parts of his dominions, that if they took Alexander alive,
to whip him with rods, make prisoners of his whole army, and
send them as slaves to one of the most deserted parts of his
dominions. Thus confiding in the glittering but barbarous
multitude which he commanded, he disposed of the enemy as
already vanquished. But confidence goes but a short part of
the road to success : the great numbers which he had gathered
only brought unwieldy splendour into the field, and, instead of
procuring him security, increased his embarrassments.

Alexander being at length arrived on the banks of the
Granicus, a river of Phrygia, found the Persians disposed to
dispute his passage. The Persian satrap, taking possession
of the hifi^hcT banks, at tho head of an army of one hundred

BATTLB OP THB GRANICUS. 313

thousand foot, and npwards of ten thoasand horse, seemed tq
promise himself victory. Memnon, who was a Rhodian, and
commanded under Darius all the coast of Asia, had advised
the generals not to venture a battle, but to lay waste the
plains, and even the cities, thereby to starve Alexander's
army, and oblige him to return back into Europe. Memnon
was the best of all Darius's generals, and had been the prin-
cipal agent in his victories. It is not easy to determine what
we ought to admire most in him ; whether his great wisdom in
council, his courage and capacity in the field, or his zeal and
attachment to his sovereign. The counsel he gave on this
occasion was excellent, when we consider that his enemy was
fiery and impetuous ; had neither town, magazane, nor place
of retreat ; that he was entering a country to which he was
absolutely a stranger, and inhabited by enemies ; that delays
alone would weaken and ruin him ; and that his only hopes
lay in giving battle immediately. But Aristes, a Phrygian
satrap, opposed the opinion of Memnon, and protested he
wonld never suflfer the Grecians to make such havock in the
territories he governed. This ill counsel prevailed over that
of the Rhodian, whom the Persians, to their great prejudice,
suspected of a design to protract the war, and by that means
of making himself necessary to Darius.

Alexander, in the mean time, marched on at the head of
his heavy-armed infantry, drawn up in two lines, with the
cavalry in the wings, and the baggage following in the rear.
Being arrived upon the banks of the Granicus, Parmenio ad-
vised him to encamp there in battle array, in order that his.
forces might have time to rest themselves, and not to pass th^
river till very early next morning, because the enemy would
then be less able to prevent him ; he added, that it would be
too dangerous to attempt crossing a river in sight of an enemy,
especially as that before them was deep, and its banks very
craggy ; so that the Persian cavalry, who waited their coming
in battle array on the other side, might easily defeat them
before they were drawn up ; that, besides the loss which wonld
be sustained on this occasioo, this enterprise, in case it should
prove unsuccessful, would be of dangerous consequence to
their future affairs ; the fame and gloty of arms depending on
the first actions.

314 HISTORY OF GRBBCB.

However, these reasons were not able to make the least
impression on Alexander, who declared, that it would be a
shame, should he, after crossing die Hellespont, suffer Us
progress to be retarded by a rivulet, for so he called the
Granicus out of contempt ; that they ought to take advantage
of the terror which the suddenness of his arrival and the bold-
ness of his attempt had spread among the Persians, and answer
the high opinion the world conceived of his courage and the
valour of the Macedonians. The enemy's horse, which were
very numerous, lined the whole shore, and formed a large
front, in order to oppose Alexander wherever he should en-
deavour to pass ; and the foot, which consisted chiefly of
Greeks in Darius's service, were posted behind^^ upon an easy
asoent.

•The two armies continued a long time in sigh^ of each
other, on the banks of the river, as if dreading the event. The
Persians waited till the Macedonians should enter the river, in
order to charge them to advantage trpon their landing, and the
latter seemed to be making choice of a place proper forcrass-
ing, and to survey the countenance of their enemiesi Upon
this, Alexander ordered his horse to be brought, commanded
the noblemen of the court to follow him, and behave gallantly.
He himself commanded the right wing, and Parmenio the
left« The king first caused a strong detachment to march into
the river, himself following it with the rest of the forces. He
made Parmenio advance afterwards with the left wing; he
himself led on the right wing into the river, followed by the
rest of the troops; the trumpets sounding, and the whole
army raising cries of joy.

The Persians, seeing this detachment advance forward,
began to let fly their arrows, and march to a place wh«re the
declivity was not so great, in order to keep the Macedonians
from landing. But now the horse engaged with great fury,
one part endeavouring to land, and the other striving to pre-
vent them. The Macedonians, whose cavalry was vastly in-
ferior in number, besides the disadvantage of the ground, were
wounded with the darts that were shot from the eminence ;
not to mention that the flower of the Persian horse were
draWn together in this^place, and that Memnon, in concert
with his sons, commanded there. The Macedonians, there-

BATTLS OP THE GRANIGUS. 31d

fore, at first gave ground, after having lost the first ranks,
which made a vigoroos defence. Alexander, who followed
them close, and reinforced them with his best troops, headed
them himself, animated them by his presence, pushed the
Persians, and routed them; upon which the whole army fol-
lowed after, crossed the river, and attacked the enemy on all
sides.

Alexander first charged the thickest part of the enemy's
horse, in which the generals fought. He himself was par-*
ticularly conspicuous by his shield, and the plume of feathers
that overshadowed his helmet, on the two sides of which there
rose two wings, as it were, of a great length, and so vastly
white, that they dazzled the eyes of the beholder. The charge
was very furious about his person ; and though only the horse
engaged, they fought like foot, man to man, without giving
way on either side ; every one striving to repulse his adver-
sary, and gain ground pf him. Spithrobates, lieutenant-
governor of Ionia, and son-in-law to Darius, distinguished
himself above the rest of the generals by his superior bravery.
Being surrounded by forty Persian lords, all of them his rela-
tions, of experienced valour, and who never moved firom his
side, he carried terror wherever he went. Alexander, ob-
serving in how gallant a manner he signalized himself, clapt
spurs to his horse, and advanced towards him. Immediately
they engaged, and each having thrown a javelin, wounded the
other slightly. Spithrobates falls furiously, sword in hand,
upon Alexander, who, being prepared for him, thrust his
pike into his face, and laid him dead at his feet. At that very
moment Rasaces, brother to that nobleman, charging him on
the side, gave him so furious a blow on the head vrith his
battle-axe, that he beat oflf his plume, but went no deeper
than the hair. As he was going to repeat his blow on the
bead, which now appeared through his fractured helmet, Clitus
cut off Rasaces' hand with one stroke of his cimeter, and by
that means saved his sovereign's life. The danger to which
Alexander had been exposed greatly animated the courage
of his soldiers, who now performed wonders. The Persians
in the centre of the horse, upon whom the light-armed troops,
who had been posted in the intervals of the horse, poured a
perpetual discharge of darts, being unable to sustain any longer

916 HISTORY OP 6RBBCB.

the attack of the Macedonians, who struck Aem all in tbe
&ce, the two wings were immediately broke, and put to flight.
Alexander did not pursue them long, but turned about imme-
diately to charge the foot.

These at first stood their ground, but when tiiey saw them-
selves attacked at the same time by the cavalry aad the
Macedonian phalanx, which had crossed the river, and that
the battalions were now engaged, those of tbe Persians did
not make either a long or a vigorous resistance, and were soon
put to flight; the Grecian infantry in Darius's service ex-
cepted. This body of foot, retiring to a hill, demanded a
promise from Alexander to let them march away unmolested ;
but, following the dictates of his wrath, rather than those of
reason, he* rushed into the midst of this body of foot, and
presently lost his horse, who was killed with the thrust of a
sword. The battle was so hot round him, that most of the
Macedonians, who lost their lives on this occasion, feUhere;
for they fought against a body of men who were weU ^s-
ciplined, had been inured to war, and fought in despair.
They were all cut to pieces, two thousand excepted, who wen
taken prisoners.

A great number of the Persian commanders lay dead od
the spot. Aristes fled into Phrygia, where, it is said, he laid
violent hands on himself, for having been the cause that the
battle was fought. Twenty thousand foot, and two thousand
five hundred horse, were killed in the engagement, on the
side of the barbarians; and of the Macedonians, twenty-five
of the royal horse were killed at tbe first attack. Alexander
ordered Lysippus to make their statues in brass, all of which
were set up in a city of Macedon, called Dia, from whence
they were, many years after, carried to Rome, by Metellus.
About threescore of the other hqrse were killed, and nev
thirty foot, who, the next day, were all laid with their arms
and equipage in one grave ; and the king granted an exemp-
tion to their fathers and children from every kind of tribute
and service.

fle also took the utmost care of the wounded, visited them,
and saw their wounds dressed. He inquired very particularly
into their adventures, and permitted every one of them to
relate his actions in the battle, and boast of his bravery. He

OONSTBRNATION OF THE PERSIANS. 817

«bo granted the rights of sepulture to the principal Persians^
and did not even refuse it to such Greeks as died in the Per-
sian service ; but all those whom he took prisoners he laid in
chains, and sent to work as slaves in Macedonia, for having
fought under the barbarian standard against their country,
contrary to the express prohibition made by Greece upon that
bead.

Alexander made it his duty and pleasure to share the honour
of his victory with the Greeks ; and sent to the Athenians
three hundred shields, being part of the plunder taken from
the enemy, and caused the glorious inscription following to be
inscribed on the rest of the spoils : — " Alexander, son of
Philip, with the Greeks (the Lacedaemonians excepted), gained
these spcnls from the barbarians, who inhabit Asia." The
greatest part of the gold and silver plate, the purple carpets,
and other articles of Persian luxury, he sent to his mother.

This victory not only impressed the Persians with conster-
nation, but served to excite the ardour of the invading army.
The Persians, perceiving that the Greeks were able to over-
come them, though possessed of manifest advantages, sup-
posed that they never could be able to face them upon equal
terms ; and thus, from the first mischance, they gave up all
hopes of succeeding by valour. Indeed, in all invasions,
where the nations invaded have been once beaten, with great
advantages of situation on their side, such as defensive rivers,
straits, and mountains, they have always persuaded themselves,
that, upon equal terms, such an enemy must be irresistible. It
is die opinion of Machiavel, that he, who resolves to defend a
passage, should do it with his ablest forces ; for few regions
of any circuit are so well defended by nature^ that armies, of
such force as may be thought suflScient to conquer them, can-
not break through the natural difficulties of the entrance ; one
passage or other is commonly left unguarded ; and some place
weakly defended will be the cause of a fatal triumph to the
invaders. How often have the Alps given way to armies
breaking into Italy 1 and though they produced dreadful diffi-
culties and dangers among those that scaled them, yet they
were never found to give security to those that lay behind.
It was therefore wisely done of Alexander to pass the river in
iheUm of the enemy^ without marching higher to seek an

» • 1 ' •

318 ' HISTORY OP OttBECB." -''

easier passs^e, or labouring to convey his meil4>ver it^by;
safer method. Hating beaten the eneniy opoii their own terms,
he no less destroyed their reputation than their strength,
leaving the wretched subjects of such a state no hopes of suc-
cour from such unable protectors. »*" ^

Soon after the battle of GranicttS^ he recovered Sardia from
the enemy, which was in a manner the bulwark of the Barba-
rian empire oh the side next the sea. He took the inhabitaots
under his protection, received their nobles with the utmost con-
descension, and permitted them to be governed by their own
laws and maxims ; observing to his friends around him; that,
suck as lay the foundations of a new dominion, should always
endc^avour to have the fame of being merciful. Four days lifter,
he arrived at Ephesus, carrying with him those who had been
banished from thence for .being his adherents, and restov^ its
popular form of government. He assigned to* the teoipie of
Diana the tributes which were paid to the kings of Persia.
Before he left Ephesus, the deputies of the cities of Trallis aod
Magnesia waited upon him with the keys of those places.

He afterwards marched to Miletus ; which city, flatleied
with the hopes of a sudden and powerful' support, ahut thsir
gates against him ; and, indeed, the Persian fleet, which was
very considerable, made a show, as if it would succour that
city; but, after having made several fruitless attempts to
engage that of the enemy, it was intimidated, and forced to re-
tire. Memnon had shut himself up in this fortress^ wkh a
great number of his soldiers who had escaped from the battle,
and was determined to make a vigorous' defence. Alexander,
who would not lose a moment's time, attacked it, and planted
scaling ladders on all sides. The scalade was carried on with
great vigour, and opposed with no less intrepidity, though
Alexander sent fresh troops to relieve those that had been on
duty, without the least intermission ; and this lasted several
days. At last, finding his soldiers were everywhere repulsed,
and that the city was provided with every thing for a kmg
siege, he planted all his machines against it, made a great
number of breaches, and, whenever these were attacked, a
new scalade was attempted. The besieged, after sustaining all
diese efforts with prodigious bravery, capitulated, to. prevent
being taken by storm. Alexander treated the Milesians with

S1B6B OF HALICARNASSUS. 319

the utmost humanity, but sold ail the foreigners who were
found in it.

After possessing himself of Miletus, he marched into Caria^
in order to lay siege to Halicamassus. This city was of pnn
digiously difficult access, from its happy situation, and had 'been
strongly fortified. Besides, Memnon, the ablest, as well as
the most valiant, of all Darius's commanders, had got into it,
with a body of choice soldiers, with a design to signalize his
courage and fidelity for his sovereign. He accordingly made a
very noble defence, in which he was seconded by Ephidtes^
another general of great merit. Whatever could be expected
firom the most intrepid bravery, and the most consummate
knowledge in the science of war, was conspicuous on both
ndes on tins occasion. Memnon, finding it impossible for him
to hold out any longer, was forced to abandon the city. As the
sea was open to him, after having put a strong garrison into
the citadel, which was well stored with provisions, he took
with him the' surviving inhabitants, with all their riches, and
conveyed them into the island of Cos, which was not far bom
Halioaniassus. Alexander did not think proper to besiege
the eilidel, it being of little importance after the city was 4^
stroyed, which he demolished to the very foundations. He
left it, after having encompassed it with strong walls, and
stationed some good troops in the country.

Soon iafter this, he restored Ada, queen of Caria, to her
kingdom, of which she had been dispossessed some time be-
fore : • and, as a testimony of the deep sense she had of tfie
favours received from Alexander, she sent him every daj
meats dressed in the most exquisite manner, and the most ex-
cellent cooks of every kind. Alexamder answered the queeli
on this occasion, that all this train wsfii'of no siervice to him, for
fliat he was possessed of much better cooks, whom Leouidas
his governor had given him; one of whom prepared him a
good dinner, and the other an excellent supper, and those were
Temperance and Exercise.

Several kings of Asia Minor submitted voluntarily to Alex-
ander. Mithridates, king of Pontus, was one of these, who
afterwards adhered to this prince, and followed him in his ex-
peditions. He was son to Ariobarzanes, governor of Phrygia,
and king of Pontus, of whom mention has been made else-

320 HISTORY OP 6RBBCE.

where. He is computed to be the sixteenth king from Artaba-
nus, who is considered as the founder of that kingdom, of
which he was put in possession by Darius, son of Hystaspes,
his father. The famous Mithridates, who so long employed
the Roman armies, was one of his successors.

The year ensuing, Alexander began the campaign very
early. He had debated whether it would be proper for him
to march directly against Darius, or first subdue the rest of the
maritime provinces. The latter opinion appeared die safest,
since he thereby would not be molested by such nations as he
should leave behind him. This progress was a little inter-
rupted at first. Near Phaselis, a city situated between Lyaia
and Pamphylia, is a defile along the sea shore, which is always
dry at low water, so that travellers may pass it at that time;
but when the sea rises, it is all under water. As it was now
winter, Alexander, whom nothing could daunt, was desirons
of passing it before the waters fell. His forces were therefiwe
obliged to march a whole day in the water, which came up to
their waists.

Alexander, after having settled affairs in Cilicia and Fiun-
phylia, marched his army to Celeens, a city of Phi^ia,
watered by the river Marsyas, which the fictions of poets have
made so famous. He summoned the garrison of the citadel,
whither the inhabitants were retired, to surrender ; but these,'
believing it impregnable, answered haughtily, ''That they
would first die." However, finding the attack carried on with
great vigour, they desired a truce of sixty days, at the ex-
piration of which they promised to open their gates, in case
they were not succoured. And accordingly, no aid arriving,
they surrendered themselves upon the day fixed.

From thence he marched into Phrygia, the ancient domi*
nion of the celebrated king Midas. Having taken the oapital
city, he was desirous of seeing the famous chariot to winch
the Gordian knot was tied. This knot, which fastened the
yoke to the beam, was tied with so much intricacy, that it was
impossible to discover where the ends begun, or how they
were concealed. According to an ancient tradition of the
country, an oracle had foretold, that the man who could untie
it should possess the empire of Asia. Alexander being firmly
persuaded that the oracle was meant for him, after many

ALRXANDEH TAKES TARSUS. 321

fruitless trials, instead of attempting to untie it in the usual
manner, drew his sword, and cut it to pieces, crying out»
that that was the only way to untie .it. The priest hailed
the omen, and declared that Alexander had fulfilled the
oracle.

Darius, who now began to be more alarmed than before,
used all the art in his power to raise an army, and encourage
his forces. He sent Memnon into Greece to invade Macedon,
in order to make a diversion of the Grecian forces ; but this
general dying upon that expedition, Darius's hopes vanished
on that quarter; and, instead of invading the enemy, he was
obliged to consult for the protection of his empire at home.

In the mean time, Alexander, having left Gordion, marched
into Paphlagonia and Cappadocia, which he subdued. It was
there he heard of Memnon's death ; the news whereof con-
firmed him in the resolution he had taken, of marching imme-
diately into the provinces of Upper Asia. Accordingly he ad-
vanced, by hasty marches, into Cilicia, and arrived in the coun>-
try called Cyrus's Camp. From thence there is no more than
fifty stadia (two leagues and a half each) to the pass of Cilicia,
which is a very narrow strait, through which travellers are
obliged to go from Cappadocia to Tarsus. The officer who
guarded it in Darius's name had left but few soldiers in it ;
and those fled the instant they heard of the enemy's arrival.
Upon this, Alexander entered the pass, and, after viewing very
attentively the situation of the place, admired his own good
fortune, and confessed, he might have been very easily stopped
and defeated there, merely by the throwing of stones ; for,
not to mention that this pass was so narrow, that four men,
completely armed, could scarcely walk abreast in it, the top of
the mountain hung over the road, which was not only straight,
but broke in several places, by the fall of torrents from the
moiantains.

AlejLander marched his whole army to the city of Tarsus^
where it arrived the instant the Persians were setting fire to
that place, to prevent his plundering the great riches of so
flourishing a city. But Parmenio, whom the king had sent
thither with a detachment of horse, arrived very seasonably to
atop the progress of the fire, and marched into the city, which

Y

322 HISTORY OP GRBRGB.

he saved, the barbarians having fled the moment tkey beard of
his arrival.

Through this city the Cydnus runs ; a river not so remark-
able for the breadth of its channel as for the beauty of its
waters, which are vastly limpid ; but at the same time exces-
sively cold, because of the tufted trees with which its banks are
overshadowed. It was now about the end of the summer,
which is excessively hot in Cilicia, and in the hottest part of
the day ; when the king, who was quite covered with sweat and
dirt, arriving on its banks, had a mind to bathe, invited by the
beauty and clearness of the stream. However, the instant be
plunged into it, he was seized with so violent a shivering, that
all the bystanders fancied he was dying. Upon this he was
carried to his tent, after fainting away. The physicians, who
were sensible they should be answerable for the event, did not
dare to hazard violent and extraordinary remedies. However,
I^ilip, one of his physicians, who had always attended npon
him from his youth, and loved him with the utmost tenderness,
not only as his sovereign, but his child, raising himself (merely
out of afiection to Alexander) above all prudential considera-
tions, oflTered to give him a dose, which, thou^ not veiy
violent, would nevertheless be speedy in its eflTects ; and de-
sired three days to prepare it. At this proposal every one
trembled, but he only whom it most concerned ; Alexander
being afflicted upon no other account, than because it would
keep him three days from appearing at the head of his army.

Whilst these things were doing, Alexander received a letter
from Parmenio, who was left behind in Cappadocia, in whom
Alexander put greater confidence than in any other of his
courtiers ; the purport of which was, to bid him beware of
Philip, his physician, for that Darius had bribed him, by the
promise of a thousand talents, and his sister in marriage. This
letter gave him great uneasiness ; for he was now at Ml leisure
to weigh all the reasons he might have to hope or fear. But
confidence in a physician, whose sincere attachment and
fidelity he had proved from his infancy, soon prevailed, and re-
moved all suspicions. He folded up the letter, and put it
under his bolster, without acquainting his attendants with the
contents ; in the mean time his physician entered, with a me-

albxandbr'8 conpidbncb in his physician. 388

dieine in his handy and offered the cup to Alexander. The
hero, upon this, took the emp from him, and, holding out die
letter, desired die physician to read, w^e he drank oif the
draught with an intrepid countenance, without the least hesi-
tation, or discovering tho least suspicion or uueasiness. The
physician, as he perused the letter, showed greater signs of
indignation than of fear ; he bid him, with a resolute tone,
harbour no uneasiness, and that the recovery of his health
would, in a short time, wipe off all suspicion. In the mean
time the physic wrought so violently, that the symptoms
seemed to Strengthen Parmenio's accusation; but at last, the
medicine having gained die ascendant, he began to assume his
accustomed vigour ; and in about three days he was able to
show himself to his longing soldiers, by whom he was equally
beloved and respected.

In the mean time, Darius was on his march, filled with a
vain security in the superiority of his numbers, and confident,
not in the valour, but in the splendour of his forces. The plains
of Assyria, in which he was encamped, gave him an oppor-
tunity of extending his horse as he pleased, and of taking the
advantage which the great difference between the number of
soldiers in each army gave him. But, instead of this, he re-
solved to march to narrow passes, where his cavalry, and ihe
multitude of his troops, so far from doing him any service, could
only encumber each other ; and accordingly advanced towards
the enemy, for whom he should have waited ; and thus ran
visibly on his destruction.

His courtiers and attendants, however, whose custom it was
to flatter and applaud all his actions, congratulated him upon
an approaching victory, as if it had been' certain and inevitable.
There was at that time, in the army of Darius, one Caridemus^
an Athenian, a man of great experience in war, who personally
hated Alexander, for having caused him to be banished from
Athens. Darius, turning to this Athenian, asked whether be
believed him powerful enough to defeat his army. Caridemus',
who had been brought up in the bosom of liberty, forgetting
that he was in a country of slavery, where to oppose' the iti-
clinations of the prince is of the most dangerous consequence;
replied as follows : " Permit me, sir, to speak truth now*, ^srfaen
only my sincerity can be of service. Your present spl^ndoar,

y2

824 HISTORY OP GRBECR«

your prodigious nambers, which have draiaed the Ettt^ may
be terrible indeed to your effemioate neighbours, but can be
no way dreadful to a Macedonian army. Discipline, dose
combat, courage, is all their care : every single man among
them is almost himself a general. These men are not to be
repulsed by the stones of slingers, or stakes bunit at the end ;
none but troops armed like themselves can stop their career;
let, therefore, the gold and silver, which gUttem in your camp,
be exchanged for soldiers and steel, for weapons and for
hearts, that are able to defend you." Darius, though naturally
of a mild disposition, had all his passions roused at the freedom
of this man's advice : he ordered him at once to be executed ;
Caridemus all the time crying out, that his avenger was at
hand. Darius too soon repented his rashness, and experienced,
when it was too late, the truth of all that had been told him.

The emperor now advanced with his troops towards the
river Euphrates ; over his tent was exhibited, to the view of
U^ whole army, the image of the sun in jewels ; while wealth
and magnificence shone in every quarter of the army.

First they carried silver altars, on which lay fire, called by
them sacred and eternal; and these were followed by the
Magi, singing hymns, after the manner of their country ; they
were accompanied by three hundred and sixty-five youths
(equalling the number of days in a year) clothed in purple
robes. Afterwards came a chariot consecrated to Jupiter,
drawn by white horses, and followed by a courser of a prodi-
gious size, to whom they gave the name of the Sun's Hoite;
and the equerries were dressed in white, each having a golden
rod in his hand.

Ten chariots, adorned with sculptures in gold and silver,
followed after. Then marched a body of horse, composeil of
twelve nations, whose manners and customs were various, and
all armed in a difierent manner. Next advanced those whcMn
the Persians called the immortals, amounting to ten thousand,
who surpassed the rest of the barbarians in the sumptuooaness
of their apparel. They all wore golden collars, were clothed
in robes of gold tissue, with vestments having sleeves to them
quite covered with precious stones.

Thirty paces from them followed those called the kiag^s
relations, to the number of fifteen thousand, in habits venr

MAOKIPICBNCB OV DARIUS. 885

much resembUog those of women ; aad more remarkable for
the vain pomp of their dress than the glitter of their arms.

Those called the Doriphori came after ; they carried the
king's cloak, and walked before his chariot, in which he seemed
to sit, as on a high throne. This chariot was enriched on
both sides with images of the gods, in gold and silver; aad
from the middle of the yoke, which was covered with jewels,
rose two statues, a cubit in height, the one representing War,
the other Peace, having a golden eagle between them, with
wings extended, as ready to take its flight.

But nothing* could equal the magnificence of the king; he
was clothed in a vest of purple, striped with silver, and over
it a long robe, glittering all over with gold and precious stones,
that represented two falcons rushing from the clouds, and
pecking at one another. Around his waist he wore a golden
girdle, after the manner of women, whence his cimeter hung,
the scabbard of which flamed all over with gems ; on his head
he wore a tiara, or mitre, round which was a fillet of blue
mixed with white.

On each side of him walked two hundred of his nearest
relations, followed by two thousand pikemen, whose pikes
were adorned with silver, and tipped with gold ; and, lastly,
thirty thousand infantry, who composed the rear-guard. These
were followed by the king's horses, four hundred in number,
ail which were led.

About one hundred, or a hundred and twenty paces from
thence, came Sysigambis, Darius's mother, seated on a chariot,
and his consort on another ; with the several female attendants
of both queens, riding on horseback. Afterwards came fifteen
large chariots, in which were the king's children, and those
who had the care of their education, with a band of eunuclfti,
.who are to this day in great esteem among those nations.
Then marched the concubines, to the number of three hundred
and sixty, in the equipage of queens, followed by six hundred
mules and three hundred camels, which carried the king's trea-
sore, and guarded by a great body of archers.

After these came the wives of the crown oflicers, and of the
greatest lords of the court; then the snttlers and servants of
-the army, seated also in chariots.

826 HISTORY QP QRBBOB.

In the rear were a body of light-armed troe|M»: with tiieir
commanders, who closed the whole march.

Snch was the splendour of this pageant monardi : lie took
the field encumbered with an unnecessary train of eoncnbines,
attended with troops of various nations, speaking diffefent lan-
guages, for their numbers impossible to be manhalled, and so
rich and effeminate in gold and in garments, as seemed rather
to invite than deter an invader.

Alexander, after marching from Tarsus, arrived at Bactriana ;
from thence, still earnest in coming up with hia enemy, be
came to Solce, where he offered sacrifice to iGsculapius ; firom
thence he went forward to Pyramus, to Malles, and at last to
Cartabala : it was here that he first received advice that Daiios,
with his whole army, was^encamped at Socus in Assyria, two
days' journey from Cilicia. He therefore resolved^ witfaoat
delay, to meet him there, as the badness of the weather obliged
him to halt.

In the mean time, Darius led on his immense amy into tlie
plains of Assyria, which they covered to a great extent; tbeie
he was advised by the Grecian commanders, who were in Ua
service, and who composed the strength of his army, to bdt,
as he would there have sufficient room to expand his forces,
and surround the invader. Darius rejected their advioe ; and,
instead of waiting Alexander's approach, vainly puffed op with
pride by his surrounding courtiers, he resolved to pnrsue the
invader, who wished for nothing more ardently than to come
to an engagement.

Accordingly, Darius, having sent his treasures to Damascus,
a city of Assyria, he marched with the main body of hb army
towards Cilicia, then turned short towards Issus; and, quite
ignorant of the situation of the enemy, supposed he was por-
soing Alexander, when he had actually left him in the rear.
There is a strange mixture of pride, cruelty, splendour, and
magnanimity, in all the actions of this Persian prince. At
Issus he barbarously put to death all the Greeks who were
sick in that city, a few soldiers only excepted, whom he dis-
missed, after having made them view every part of hia camp,
in order to report his numbers and strength to the invader ;
these soldiers accordingly brought Alexander word of the ap-

BATTL.B OF IS8U8. 897 *

proach of Darius, and he now began to think seriously of
preparing for battle.

Alexander fearing, from the numbers of the enemy, that
they would attack him in his camp, fortified it ifith a ditch
and a rampart; but at the same time discovered great joy to
see the enemy hastening to their own destruction, and pre-
paring to attack him in a place which was but wide enough
for a small army to act and move at liberty in. Thus the two
armies were, in some measure, reduced to an equality : the
Macedonians had space sufficient to employ their whole force,
while the Persians had not room for tho twentieth part of
theirs.

Nevertheless, Alexander, as frequently haapens to the .
greatest captains, felt some emotion, when he saw that h»
was going to hazard all at one blow. The more Fortune had
favoured him hitherto, the more he now dreaded her frowns ;
the moment approaching, which was to determine his fate.
But, on the other side, his courage revived, from the reflection*
that the rewards of his toils exceeded the dangers of them ;
and, though he was uncertain with reg^d to the victory, he
at least hoped to die gloriously, and like Alexander. How-
erer, he did not divulge these thoughts to any one; well know-
ing, that, upon the approach of a battle, a general ought not
to discover the least marks of sadness or perplexity ; and that
the troops should read nothing but resolution aud intrepidity
in the countenance of their commander.

Having made his soldiers refresh themselves, and ordered
them to be ready for the third watch of the night, which began
at twelve, he went to the top of a mountain, and there, by
tcHToh-ligbt, sacrificed, after the manner of his country, to the
gods of the place. As soon as the signal was given, his army,
which was ready to march and fight, being commanded to make
great speed, arrived by day-break at the several posts assigned
them. But now the spies bringing word that Darius was not
above, thirty furlongs from them, the king caused his army to
halt, and then drew it up in battle array. The peasants^ in
the greatest terror, came also, and acquainted Darius with
the arrival of the enemy ; which he would not at first believe,
imaguitng, as we have observed, that Alexander fled before
him, and was endeavouring to escape. This news threw

tt^ Blin^ftS^ i»r CI

InnifwsBif; "AK^wamam ptiHftwanmr -iAki. s Afir aaifne, ran
iii» Ifear aeiM trith |?Tflfi jBwaiuiB&DB mi fiiHAer.

Tbe lyiil "Phege Ae fclHi wm ^mgglktt Itfrntm^it citf of

wAfriJfter. The yhm Affl w» jamaiJi WttJLB*c»lw<fc

Aleriaifr drev «p hb anrr ia Ae Mbviip onks. He
fwtcii flK Ifa&alicflii^r of tke r%ht vii^ vhich di

Aw die phulMiT rf Coe»«i, apd aftgfwaris thrtrf Ferfjccas,
wIMi Imnnated ia tke cntre of tlie Babi araqr. Ob the ex-
livwty of Ae left wiiig he posted Ae phabuL cfAam^
A0I of Ptc4eiDj, acd iasUj Aat of Melei^er. ThMAefinm
MaeedMrian pkaUmx was formed, which vefiadwaicoMpoaed
of M dktiiiet bodies. Each of Aose was headed bj able
generals; bat Alexander, beii^ ahrajs geaefafisnaw, had
consequently the command of the whole annj. He horse
were phced on the two wings ; the Macedonisai, wiA Ae
Tbessalians, on Ae right, and the Peloponnesiaas, wiA Ae
oAer allies, on the left. Crateras commanded all the foot,
which composed the left wing, and Parmenio the whole wing.
Alexander had reserved to himself the command of Ae right
He had desired Parmenio to keep as near the sea as possible,
to prevent the barbarians from snrronnding him ; and Nicanor,
on the contrary, was ordered to keep at some distance firon the
mountains, to keep himself out of the reach of Ae arrows dis-
charged by those who were posted on Aem. He corered Ae
horse on his right wing with the light horse of Protomachns and
the Poeonians, and his foot with the bowmen of Antiochns. He
reserved the Agrians (commanded by Attains, who was greatiy
esteemed), and some forces that were newly arrived from
C^reece, to oppose those Darius had posted on Ae monntaiDS*
As for Darius's army, it was drawn up in the followii^
order. Having heard that Alexander was marching towards

BATTLE OF I88U8.

8#

bim in battle array, he commanded thirty thousand horse, and
twenty thousand bowmen, to cross the river Pinarius, that he
might have an opportunity to draw up his army in a commo-
dious manner on the hither side. In the centre he posted
the thirty thousand Greeks in his service* who» donbtless, were
the flower and chief streng^ of his army, and were not at all
inferior in bravery to the Macedonian phalanx, with thirty
thousand barbarians on their right, and as many on their left ;
the field of battle not being able to contain a great number :
these were all heavily armed. The rest of the infantry,
distinguished by their several nations, were ranged behind
the first line. It is a pity Arrian does not tetl us the depth
of each of those two lines ; but it must have been prodigious,
if we consider the extreme narrowness of the pass, and the
amazing multitude of the Persian forces. On the mountain
which lay to their left, against Alexander's right vring, Darius
posted twenty thousand men, who were so ranged (in the
several windings of the mountains), that some were behind
Alexander's army, and others before it.

Darius, after having put his army in battle array, made his
horse cross the river again, and dispatched the greatest part
•f them towards the sea against Psurmenio, because they could
fight on that spot with the greatest advantage. The rest of
his cavalry he sent to the left, towards the mountain. How-
ever, finding that these would be of no service on that side,
because of the too great narrowness of the spot, he caused a
great part of them to wheel about to the right. As for him*
self, he took his post in the centre of his army, pursuant to
the custom of the Persian monarchs.

The two armies being thus drawn up in order of battior
Alexander marched very slowly, that his soldiers might take a
little breath : so that it was supposed they would not engage
till very late. For Darius still continued with his army on the
other Bide of the river, in order not to lose the advantageous
situation which he had gained ; and he even caused such parts
of the shore as were not craggy, to be secured with palisadoes,
whence the Macedonians concluded that he was ahready afraid
of being defeated. The two armies being come in sight,
Alexander, riding along the ranks, called by their several
names the principal officers, both of the Macedontaos and

^bO HISTORY OP 6RBECK.

foreigoersy and exhorted the soldiers to signaliae thenselves,
speaking to each nation according to its peculiar genins and
disposition. The whole army set up a sbont, and eageriy
desired to be led on directly against the enemy.

Alexander bad advanced at first very slowly, to prevent
the ranks on the front of the phalanx from breaking, and halted
by intervals. But when he was got within bow-shot, lie
commanded all his right wing to plunge impetuously into the
river, purposely that he might surprise the barbariani, come
sooner to a close engagement, and be less exposed to the
enemy's arrows : in all which he was very suocessfal. Both
sides fought with the utmost bravery and resolution ; and
bdng now forced to fight close, they charged both sides swoid
in hand, when a dreadful slaughter ensued ; for they engaged
man to man, each aiming the point of his sword at the fiice of
his opponent Alexander, who performed the duty both of a
private soldier and of a commander, wished nothing so ardently
as the glory of killing with his own hand Darius, who, bring
seated on a high chariot, was conspicuous to the whole army ;
and by that means was a powerful object both to encourage
his own soldiers to drfend, and the enemy to attack him.
And now the battle grew more furious and bloody than before,
so that a great number of Persian noblemen were killed*
Each side fought with incredible bravery. Oxathres, brother
to Darius, observing that Alexander was going to charge that
monarch with the utmost vigour, rushed before his chariot
with the horse under his command, and distinguished himsdf
above the rest. The horses that drew Darius's chariot lost all
command, and shook the yoke so violently, that they were
upon the point of overturning the king; who, seeing himself
going to fall alive into the hands of his enemies, leaped down,
and mounted another chariot. The rest, observing this, fled
as fast as possible, and, throwing down their arms, made the
best of their way. Alexander had received a slight wound in
his thigh, but happily it was not attended with ill consequences*
Whilst part of the Macedonian cavalry (posted to the right)
were improving the advantages they had gained against the
Persians, the remainder of them, who engaged the Greeks,
met with greater resistance. These, observing that the body
of infantry in qMstion were no longer covered by the right

BATTLE OP ISHVS. 881

wiDg of Alexander's army, which was pursuing the enemy,
came and attacked it in flank. The engagement was very
bloody, and victory a long time doubtful. The Grreeks en-
deavoured to push the Macedonians into the river, and to
recover the disorder into which the left wing had been thrown.
The Afacedonians also signalized themselves by the utmost
bravery, in order to preserve the advantage which Alexander
had just before gained, and support the honour of their pha-
lanx, which had always been considered as invincible. There
was also a perpetual jealousy between the Greeks and Mace-
donians, which greatly increased their courage, and made the
resistance on each side very vigorous. On Alexander's side»
Ptolemy, the son of Seleqcus, lost his life, with a hundred and
twenty more considerable officers, who had all behaved with
the utmost gallantry.

In the mean time the right wing, which was victorious under
its monarch, after defeating all who opposed it, wheeled to
the left against those Greeks who were fighting with the rest
of the Macedonian phalanx, whom they charged very vigor-
OMly; and, attacking them in flank, entirely routed them.

At the very beginning of the engagement, the PersiaD
<»valry, which was in the right wing (without waiting for their
being attacked by the Macedonians), had crossed the river, and
rushed upon the Thessalian horse, several of whose squadrons
they broke. Upon this the remainder of the latter, in order
to avoid the impetuosity of the first charge, and oblige the
Persians to break their ranks, made a feint of retiring, as
torrified by the prodigious number of the fenemy. The Per-
nans seeing this, were filled with boldness and confldenoe ;
and thereupon the greatest part of them advancing, without
order or precaution, as to a certain victory, had no thoughts
but of pursuiog the enemy. Upon this the Thessalians, seeing
them in such confusion, faced about on a sudden, and renewed
the fight with fresh ardour. The Persians made a brave de-
fence, till they saw Darius put to flight, and the Greeks cut to
pieces by the phalanx, when they fled in the utmost disorder.

With regard to Darius, the instant he saw his left wing
broke, he was one of the first who fled in his chariot; but
getting afterwards into craggy, rugged places, he mounted on
horseback, throwing down Ins bow, shield, and royal mantle.

8SS HISTORY OP ORBBCB.

Alexander, however, did not attempt to pnrane ham till he
saw his phalanx had conqaered the Greeks, and that the
Persian horse were put to flight ; which were of great advan-
tage to the prince that fled.

Sysigambis, Darins's mother, and that monarch's queen
(who was also his sister), were found remaining in the camp,
with two of the king's daughters, his son (yet a child), and
some Persian ladies ; for the rest had been carried to Damas-
cus, with part of Darius's treasure, and all such things as
contributed only to the luxury and magnificence of his court.
No more than three thousand talents were found in his camp ;
but the rest of the treasure fell afterwards into the hands of
Parmenio, at the taking of the city of Damascus.

As for the barbarians, having exerted tiiemselves with
bravery enough in the first attack, they afterwards gave way
in the most shameful manner ; and, being intent upon nothing
but saving themselves, they took different ways to effect
tfidr safety. Some struck into the high road^ winch led
directly to Persia : others ran into woods and lonel; moun-
tains ; and a small number returned to their camp, which the
victorious enemy had already taken and plundered. In this
battle, threescore thousand of the Persian infantry, and ten
thousand horsemen were slain ; forty thousand were taken
prisoners ; while of Alexander's army there fell but two hun-
dred and fourscore in all.

The evening after the engagement, Alexander invited his
chief officers to a feast, at which himself presided, notwith-
standing he had been wounded that day in battle. The fes-
tivity, however, had scarce begun, when they were interrupted
by sad lamentations from a neighbouring tent, which at first
they considered as a fresh alarm ; but they were 'soon taoght
that it came from the tent in which the wife and mother of
Darius were kept, who were expressing their sorrow for the
supposed death of Darius. A eunuch, who had seen his cloak
in the hands of a soldier, imagining he was killed, broi^ht
them these dreadful tidings. Alexander, however, sent Leo-
natus, one of his officers, to undeceive them, and to inform
them, that the emperor was still alive. The women, little
used to the appearance of strangers, upon the arrival of the
Macedonian soldier, imagining he was sent to put them to

ALBXAND£R V18ITS 8Y8IGAMBIS. 838

death, threw themselves at his feet, and entreated him to sptffe
them a little while. They were ready, they said, to die ; and
only desired to bury Darias before they shonid sufier. The
soldier assured them, that he oame rather to comfort than
afflict them : that the monarch, whom they deplored, was still
living; and he gave Sysigambis his hand to raise her from the
ground.

The next day, Alexander, after visiting the wounded, caused
the last honours to be paid to the dead, in the presence of the
whole army, drawn up in the most splendid order of battle.
He treated the Persians of distinction in the same manner,
and permitted Darius's mother to bury whatever persons she
pleased, according to the customs and ceremonies practised in
her country. After this, he sent a message to the queens, in-
forming them that he was coming to pay them a visit ; and
accordingly, commanding all his train to withdraw, he entered
the tent, accompanied only by Hephaestion, who made so
cautious and discreet a use of the liberty granted him, that he
seemed to take it not so much out of inclination, as from a
desire to obey the king, who would have it so. They were
both of the same age, but Hephasption was taller, so that the
queens took him first for the king, and paid him their respects
as such. But some captive eunuchs pointing out Alexander,
Sysigambis fell prostrate before him, and entreated pardon for
her mistake ; but the king, raising her from the ground, assured
her, that his friend also was an Alexander; and, after coih-»
fortidg her and her attendants, and assuring her that no part
of the state she had formerly enjoyed should be withheld, he
took the son of Darius, that was yet but a child, in his aims.
The infant, without discovering the least teiror, stretched out
his arms to th^ conqueror, who, being affected with its con-
fidence, said to Hephasstion— " Oh! that Darius had some
•hare, some portion of this infant's generosity.'' That he
Blight prevent every suspicion of design on the chastity of the
consort of Darius, and, at the same time, remove every cause
of fear or anxiety from her mind, he resolved never to visit
ber tent more, although she was one of the most engaging
women of her time. Tins moderation, so very becoming, in a
royal conqueror, gave occasion to that noted obeervatioB of
Plataich, '' That the princesses of Persia lived b an enemy's

884 HISTORY ap oummou.

camp, 83 if they had been in some sacred temple^ miaeoB» on-
approached, and amnolested.'' STMgambis was distingmshed
by extraordmary marks of Alexander's favour : Darins himself
eoold not have treated her with more respect than did Aat
generous prince. He allowed her to regelate the fanerak of
all the Persians of the royal family, who had fallen in battle ;
and, through her intercession, he pardoned several of Dairas's
nobles who had justly incurred his displeasure. This magna-
nimous conduct has done more honour to Alexander's cha-
racter than all his splendid conquests : the gentleness of his
manners to the suppliant captives, ins chastity and continence,
when he had the power to enforce obedience, were setting an
example to heroes, which it has been the pride of many since
to imitate.

After this overthrow, all Phoenicia, the capital city. Tyre,
only excepted, was yielded to the conqueror, and Pimrmenio
was made governor.' Good fortune followed him so ftst, that
it rewarded him beyond his expectations. Antigonus, Us
general in Asia, overthrew the Cappadocians, Paphlagomans,
and others lately revolted. Aristodemns, the Persian admM,
was overcome at sea, and a great part of his fleet tdcen. The
dity of Damascus also, in which the treasures of Darius were
deposited, was given up to Alexander. The governor of this
place, forgetting the duty he owed his sovereign, informed
Alexander by letter, upon a certain day, that he wonid lead
out his soldiers laden with spoil from the city, as if willing to
secure a retreat ; and these, with all their wealth, might be
taken, with a proper body of troops to intercept them. Alex-
ander punctually followed the governor's instruction, and thus
became possessed of an immense plunder. Besidea raoo^
and plate, which was afterwards coined and amounted to im-
mense sums, thirty thousand men, and seven thousand beasts
laden with baggage were taken. We find by Parmeaiio*s
letter to Alexander, that he found in Damascus diree hundred
and twenty-nine of Darius's concubines, all admirably well
skilled in music ; and also a multitude of oflScers, whose bari-
ness it was to regulate and prepare every thing relating' to dial
monarch's entertainment.

> In the mean time, Darius, having travelled on horseback
the whole night, struck with terror and consternation; Banf^a

ABDOLONYMUfi, KING OP THC SID0NIAN8. 385

in the moniiiig at Sochus, where he assembled the remaiiis «f
his army : still, however, his pride did nqt forsake him with his
fortune : he wrote a letter to Alexander, in which he radier
treated him as an inferior ; he commanded, rather than re-
quested* that Alexander would take a ransom for his mother,
wife, and children. With regard to the empire, he would
fight with him for it upon equal terms, and bring an equal
number of troops into the field. To this Alexander rqiiied,
'' That he disdained all correspondenoe with a man whom he
had already overcome ; that in case he appeared before hm
in a supplicating posture, he would give up his wife and
mother without ransom ; that he knew how to conquer, aad
to oblige the conquered."

Thus coming to no issue, the king marched firom thence into
FhoBuicia, the citizens of Byblos opening their gates to him.
Every one submitted as he advanced, but no people did this
with greater pleasure than the Sidonians. We have seen in
what manner Ochus had destroyed their city eighteen years
before, and put all the inhabitants of it to the sword. After he
was returned into Persia, such of the citizens as, upon account
of their traffic, or for some other cause, had been absent, atid
by that means had escaped the massacre, returned thither, and
rebuilt their city. But they had retained so violent a hatred
to the Persians, that they were oveijoyed at this opportunity
of throwing off their yoke ; aiid, indeed, they were the first in
that country who submitted to the kbg by their deputies, in
opposition to Strato, their king, who had declared in favotir Of
Darius. Alexander dethroned him, and permitted Hephssstldii
to elect in his stead whomsoever of the Sidonians he shouM
judge worthy of so exalted a station.

This favourite was quartered at the house of two brothen,
who were young, and of the most considerable family in the
city: to these he offered the crown. But they refused it;
telling him, that, according to the laws of their country, no
person could ascend the throne unless he were of the blood
royal. Hephasstion, admiring this greatness of soul, whidb
eould contemn what others strive to obtain by fire and sword^-^
'' Continue," says he to them, " in this way of thinking, jrou
who seem sensible that it is much more glorious to refiise a
diadem than to accept it However, name me some person of

896 HISTORY OP GREBCB.

the royal faiiiily» who may remember, when he is king, that it
was you that set the crown on his head/' The brothers, ob-
serving that several, through excessive ambition, aspired to
this high station, and to obtain it paid a servile court to Alex-
ander's favourites, declared, that they did not know any person
more worthy of the diadem than one Abdolonymus, descended,
though at a great distance, from the royal family ; but who,
at the same time, was so poor, that he was obliged to get his
bread by day labour, in a garden without the city ; his honesty
and integrity had reduced him, as well as many more, to such
extreme poverty. Solely intent upon his labour, he did not
hear the clashing of the arms, which had shaken all Asia.

Immediately the two brothers went in search of Abdolony-
mus, with the royal garments, and found him weeding in his
garden. When thay saluted him king, Abdolonymus looked
upon the whole as a dream ; and, unable to guess the meaning
of it, esked if they were not ashamed to ridicule him in that
manner? But as he made a greater resistance than suited
their inclinations, they themselves washed him, and threw over
his shoulders a purple robe, richly embroidered with gold ;
then, after repeated oaths of their being in earnest, they con-
ducted him to the palace.

The news of this was immediately spread over the whole
city. Most of the inhabitants were overjoyed at it, but some
murmured, especially the rich ; who, despising Abdolonymus's
former abject state, could not forbear showing their resentment
upon that account, in the king's court. Alexander commanded
the new-elected prince to be sent for, and, after surveying him
attentively a long time, he spoke thus: — '* Thy air and mien
do not contradict what is related of thy extraction; but I
should be glad to know with what frame of mind thou didst
bear thy poverty ?"—** Would to the gods," replied he, " that
I may bear this crown with equal patience. These hands Jiave
procured me all I desired ; and whilst I possessed nothing, I
wanted nothing." This answer gave Alexander a high idea
of Abdolonymus's virtue ; so that he presented him not only
with the rich furniture, which had belonged to Strato,. and
part of the Persian plunder, but likewise annexed one of the
neighbouring provinces to his dominions.
Syria and Phoenicia were already subdued by the Macedo

SIEGE OF TYRB. 337

nians, the city of Tyre excepted. This city was justly called
" The Qaeen of the Sea,** that element bringing to it the
tribute of all nations. She boasted her having first invented
navigation, and taught mankind the art of braving the winds
and waves, by the assistance of a frail bark. The happy
situation of Tyre, the conveniency and extent of its ports, the
character of its inhabitants, who were industrious, laborious,
patient, and extremely courteous to strangers, invited thither
merchants from all parts of the globe ; so that it might be con-
sidered not so much a city belonging to any particular nation^
as the common city of all nations, and the centre of their
commerce.

Alexander thought it necessary, both for his pride and bis
interest, to take this city. The spring was now coming on.
Tyre was, at that time, seated in an island of the sea, about a
quarter of a league from the continent. It was surrounded
with a strong wall, a hundred and fifty feet high, whidi the
waves of the sea washed ; and the Carthaginians (a colony from
Tyre), a mighty people, and sovereigns of the ocean, whose
ambassadors were at that time in the city, offering to Hercnies,
according to ancient custom, an annual sacrifice, had engaged
themselves to succour the Tyrians. It was this made them so
haughty : firmly determined not to surrender, they fix machines
on the ramparts and on the towers, arm their young men, and
build workhouses for the artificers, of whom there were great
numbers in the city, so that every part resounded with the noise
of warlike preparations. They likewise cast iron grapples to
throw on the enemy's works, and tear them away ; as also
cramp irons, and such like instruments, formed for the defence
of cities. So many difficulties opposing such a hazardous de-
sign, and so many reasons, should have made Alexander
decline the siege.

It was impossible to come near this city, in order to storm it,
without making a bank, which would reach from the continent
to the island ; and an attempt of this kind would be attended
with difficulties that were seemingly insurmountable. The little
arm of the sea, which separated the island from the continent,
was exposed to the west wind, which often raised such dread-
ful storms there, that the waves would in an instant sweep
away all works. Besides, as the city was surrounded on all

z

338 HISTORY OP GREBCE.

sides by the sea, there wa6 no fixing scaling ladders, nor thnow-
fng up batteries, bat at a distance in the ships ; and the wall,
which projected into the sea towards the lower part, prerented
people from landing ; not to mention that the military engines,
which might have been put on board the galleys, could not do
much execution, the waves were so very tamo^ltuoub.

These obstacles, however, by no means retarded the enter-
prising resolutions of Alexander ; but, willing to gain a place
rather by treaty than by the sword, he sent heralds into the
place, proposing a peace between the Tynans and him. The
citizens, however, a tumultuous, ungovernable body, instead of
listening to his proposals, instead of endeavouring to avert his
resentment, contrary to the law of nations, killed his heralds,
and threw them from the top of the walls into the sea. This
outrage inflamed Alexander's passions to the highest degree ;
he rei^dved upon the city's destruction, and sat down before it,
filled with persevering resentment. His first endeavour was
to form a pier, jutdng firom the continent, and reaching to the
city, which was built upon an island. From the fonndations i£
an ancient city upon the shore he dug stones and mbbisli;
firom Mount Lebanus, that hung over the city, he cat down
cedars, that served for piles ; and thus he began his work with-
out interruption. But the farther they went firom shore, the
greater diflSculties they met with, because the sea was deeper,
and the workmen were much annoyed by the darts discharged
firom the top of the walls. The enemy also, who were masters
at sea, coming in great boats, prevented the Macedonians from
carrying on their work with vigour. At last, however, the
pile appeared above water, a level of considerable breadth:
then the besieged, at last, perceived their rashness ; they saw,
with terror, the vastness of the work, which the sea had, till
then, kept from their sight, and now began to attack the work-
men with javelins, and wound them at a distance. It was
therefore resolved, that skins and sails should be spread to
cover the workmen, and that two wooden towers should be
raised at the head of the bank, to prevent the approaches of
the enemy. Yet these were burned soon after, through
means of a fire-ship sent in by the besieged, together with aH
the wood-work composing the pile, that could be touched by
the fire.

SIBGB OF TYRK. 339

Alexander, tlMugh he saw most of his designs defeated, a«d
Ihs woii» deflMfiabed, was not at all dejected qpoo that
acooiiot fik soldiers endeavoured, with ^redoubled vigour, to
repair the ruins of the bank ; and made and planted new mar
ohioes with «iieh prodigious speed, as quite astonished the
enemy. ' Alexander bimaeU* was present on all occasions, smd
superintended every part of the works. His presence and
great abilities advanced them still more than the multitude of
hands employed in them. The whole was near finished, and
brought almost to the wall of the city, when there arose, on a
sudden, an impetuous wind, which drove the waves with so
much fury against the mole, that the cement, and other things
that barred it, gave way, and the water rushing through the
3tones, Inroke it in the middle. As soon as the great heap of
stones, which supported the earth, was thrown dawn, the
whole sunk at once, as into an abyss.

Any wanrior but Alexander would that instant have quite
laid aside this enterprise ; and, indeed, he himself debated,
whether he should not raise the siege. But a superior Power*
who had foretold and sworn the ruin of Tyre, and whose orders
this prince only executed, prompted him to continue the siege ;
wnd, dispelling all his fear and anxiety, inspired hion with
cotmige and confidence, and fired the breasts of his whole army
with the same sentiments. Neither Alexander, however, nor
bis troops, knew from whence that animating Power came.
Agreeably to the superstitious notions of their times, they im-
puted the perseverance and strength with which they had been
armed to the kind interposition of the gods of their country.
Alexander, though a king, a conqueror, a scholar, and a man
of the world, had not been able to overcome the absurdities
which he had imbibed with his religion : in him, however, they
were not very palpable. But knowiqg. from experience, what
a fortunate resource he had in the dominion which the augurs
had usurped over the minds of his people, he always endea-
voured to secure an implicit obedience to their dictates. On
this occasion, therefore, he added artifice to his own feelings,
in order to encourage his soldiers. At one time he gave out,
that Apollo was about to abandon the Tyrians to their doom;
and that, to prevent his flight, they had bound him to his
pedestal with a golden chain : at another, that Hercules, the

z 2

340 HISTORY OF ORBBCE.

tutelar deity at Macedon, had appeared to him, and, having^
opened prospects of the most flattering success, had invited
him to proceed to take possession of Tyre. These favoarable
circumstances were announced by the augurs as intimations
from above ; and every heart was of consequence cheered.
The soldiers, as if but that moment arrived before the city,
now forgetting all the toils they had undergone, began to raise
a new mole, at which they worked incessantly.

In the mean time, Alexander, being convinced that while
the enemy remained masters at sea the city could not be taken,
with great diligence procured a fleet from various parts, and
embarking himself, with some soldiers from among his guard,
he set sail towards the Tyrian fleet, forming a line of battle.
The Tyrians were at first determined to oppose him openly ;
but perceiving the superiority of his forces, they kept all the
galleys in their harbour, to prevent the enemy from entering
there. Alexander, therefore, was contented to dmw np his
ships near the bank, along the shore, where they rode in safety,
and kept the enemy from annoying his workmen, who were
employed upon the bank.

The besiegers, thus protected, went on with great vigour.
The workmen thew into the sea whole trees, with all their
branches on them ; and laid great stones over these, on which
they put other tsees, and the latter they covered with clay,
which served instead of mortar: afterwards, heaping more
trees and stones on these, the whole, tlius joined together,
formed one entire body. This bank was made wider than the
former one, in order that the towers that were built in the
middle might be out of the reach of such arrows as should be
shot from those ships, which might attempt to break down the
edges of the bank. Thus, after many delays, the patience of
the workmen surmounting every obstacle, it was at last finished
in the utmost perfection. The Macedonians placed military
engines of all kinds on the bank, in order to shake the walls
with battering-rams, and hurl on the besieged arrows, stones,
and burning torches. Thus, by degrees, approaching to the
foot of the wall, the Tyrians were attacked in close combat,
and invested on all sides, both by sea and land.

A general attack was now, therefore, thought necessary ;
and the king manning his galleys, which he had joined to each

Sl£6£ OF TYRE. 341

other, ordered th^n to approach the walls about midnight, and
attack the city with resolutioD. The Tynans now gave them-
selves over for lost ; when, on a sudden, the sky was over-
spread with such thick clouds, as quite took away the faint
glimmerings of light which before darted through the gloom ;
the sea rose by insensible degrees, and the billows, being
swelled by the fury of the winds, increased to a dreadful
storm ; the vessels dashed one against the other with so much
violence, that the cables, which before fastened them together,
were either loosened or broke to pieces ; the planks split, and*
making a horrible crash, carried off the soldiers with them ; for
the tempest was so furious, that it was not possible to manage
or steer the galleys thus fastened together. At last, however,
they brought them near the shore, but the greatest part were
in a shattered condition.

This good fortune of the Tynans was counter-balanced by
an unexpected calamity; they had long expected succours
from Carthage, a flourishing colony of their own, but they now
received advice from thence, that the Carthaginians were
absolutely unable to give them any assistance, being overawed
themselves by a powerful army of Syraousans, who were laying
waste their country. The Tyrians, therefore, frustrated in
their hopes, still maintained their resolution of defending them-
selves to the last extremity ; and accordingly sent off their
w^men and children to Carthage, as being of no use in the
defence of their city.

And now, the engines playing, the city was warmly attacked*
on all sides, and as vigorously defended. The besieged, taught
and animated by imminent danger, and the extreme necessity
to which they were reduced, invented daily new arts, to defend
themselves, and repulse the enemy. They warded off all the
darts discharged from the balistas against them by the assist-
ance of turning wheels, which either broke them to pieces,^ or
carried them another way. They deadened the violence of the
stones that were hurled at them, by setting up sails and cur-
tains, made of a soft substance, wtuch easily gave way. To
annoy the ships, ^which advanced against their walls, they fixed
grappling-irons and scythes to joists, or beams ; then straining
their catapultas (an enormous kind of cross-bow), they laid
those great pieces of timber upon them, instead of arrows, and

843 HISTORY OP 6RBBCB.

shot them off ou a sudden at the enemy ; tbese crmdM some
t6 pkces by their great weight ; and the hookay or penaUe
scythes, with which they were armed, tore others ^to pieces^
and did considerable damage to their ships. Tbey also had
brazen shields, which they drew red-hot ont of the fire ; and,
filling these with burning sand; bnrled them in an instant from
the top of the wall npon the enemy. Thene was nothing the
Hacedonians so much dreaded as this last inrention ; for the
moment this burning sand got to the flesh, through the crevices
in the armonr, it pierced to the very bone, and stock so close,
thlit there was no pulling it off; so that the soldiers, throwing
down their arms, and tearing their clothes to {Heces, were
in this manner exposed, naked and defenceless, to ihe shot of
the enemy. It was now thought that Alexander, qnite &-
couraged with his loss, was determined to relinquish the siege;
but he resolved to make the last effort, with a great mimber
of ships, which he manned with the flower of his army* Ac-
cordingly, a second naval engagement was fought, in which
the Tyrians, after fighting with intrepidity, were obliged to
draw off their whole fleet towards the city. The kmg pursued
their rear very close, but was not able to enter the harbour,
being repulsed by arrows shot from the walls. Holrever, be
either took or sunk a great number of their ships.

Both the attack and defence were now more vigorous than
ever. The courage of the combatants increased with the
danger ; and each side, animated by the most powerful mo-
tives, fought like lions. Wherever the battering-rams bad
beat down any part of the wall, and the bridges were thrown
out, instantly the Argyraspides mounted the breach with the
utmost valour, being beaded by Admetus, one of the bravest
officers in the army, who was killed by the thrust of a spear
as he was encouraging his soldiers. The presence of the
king, and especially the example be set, fired his troops with
unusual bravery. He himself ascended one of the towers,
which was of a prodigious height, and there was exposed to
the greatest dangers his courage had ever made him hazard ;
for, being immediately known, by his insignia and the richness
of his armour, he served as a mark for all the arrows of the
enemy. On this occasion he performed wonders ; killing with
javelins several of those who defended (he wall ; then, ad-

81B6B OF TYRB. 843

vancing nearer to them, be forced some with bis 9w<Nrd,
and others^ witb his shield, either into the pity or the sea ; the
tower on which he fought almost tquching the wall. He
soon aspended the wall by the assistance of floating-bridges;
and, followed by the principal officeics, possessed himself of
two towers, and the space betnf een them* Tt^e battering ran^s
had already made several breaches ; the fleet had been forced
into the harbour ; and some of the Macedonians had po^aessed
themselves of the towers which were abandoned. The Tyrians,
seeing the enemy master of their raiopart, retired towards 9B
open place, called Agenor, and there stood their ground; but
Alexander, inarching up with his regiment of body-gqards,
killed part of them, and obliged the rest to fly. At the 3ame
time. Tyre being taken on that side which lay towards the
harbour, the Macedonians ran up and down every part of the
city, sparing no person who came in their way, beipg highly
exasperated at the long resistance of the besieged, and the
barbarities they had exercised towards some of their comrades,
who had been taken in their return to Sidon, and thrown
from the battlements, after their throats had been cut, in the
sight of the whole army. The Tyrians, thus reduced to the-
last extremity, shut themselves up in their houses, to avoid
the sword of the conqueror ; others rushed into the mi4st of
the enemy, to sell their lives as dearly as they could ; and
some threw stones from the tops of the houses to crush the
assailants below ; the old men waited at their doors, expecting*
every instant to be sacrificed, from the rage of the soldiers.
Id this general carnage, the Sidonian soldiers alone, that were
in Alexander's army, seemed touched with pity for the fate
of the wretched inhabitants ; they g^ave protection to many of
the Tyrians, whom they considered as countrymen, and car-
ried great numbers of them privately on board their ships. The
numbers that were thus slaughtered by the enraged soldiers
were incredible ; even after conquest, the victor's resentment
did not subside ; he ordered no less than two thousand nien,
that were taken in the storm, to be nailed to crosses along
the shore. The number of prisoners amounted to thirty thou-
sand, and were all sold as slaves in different parts of the world.
Thus £bI1 Tyre, that had been for many ages the most flourish-

344 HISTORY OP GRJBEGB.

ing city in the worlds and had spread the arts of eommeroe
into the remotest regions.

Whilst Alexander was carrying on the siege of Tyre, he
received a second letter from Darius, in which that monarch
seemed more sensible of his power than before ; be now gave
him the title of king, and offered him ten thoosand talents as
a ransom for his captive mother and wife ; he offered him his
daughter, Statira, in marriage, with all the country he had
conquered, as far as the river Euphrates ; he hinted to him
the inconstancy of fortune, and described at large the powrai
he was still possessed of, to oppose. These terms were so
considerable, that, when the king debated upon them in
council, Parmenio, one of his generals, could not help ob-
serving, that if he were Alexander, he would agree to
such a proposal ; to which Alexander nobly replied, ** And
so would I, were I Parmenio." He, therefore, treated the
proposals of Darius with haughty contempt, and refused to
accept of treasures which he already considered as his own.

From Tyre, Alexander marched to Jerusalem, fully re-
solved to punish that city, for having refused to supply his
army with provisions during the late siege; but the resent-
ment of the conqueror was averted, by meeting a procession
of the inhabitants of that city on his way, marching out to
receive him, dressed in white, with Jaddus, a Jewish high-
priest, before them, with a mitre on his head, on the front
of which the name of God was written. The moment
the king perceived the high-priest, he advanced towards
him with an air of the most profound respect, bowed his
body, adored the august name upon his front, and saluted him
who wore it with religious veneration. Then the Jews, sur-
rounding Alexander, raised their voices to wish him every
kind of prosperity ; all the spectators were seized with inex-
pressible surprise ; they could scarcely believe their eyes ; and
did not know how to account for a sight so contrary to their
expectation, and so vastly improbable.

Parmenio, who could not yet recover from his astonishment,
asked the king how it came to pass, that he, who was adored by
every one, adored the high-priest of the Jews: ** I do not," re-
plied Alexander, *• adore the higfa-pricst, but the God, whose mi-

ALEXANDBR VISITS JBRUSALBM. 345

nister he is ; for whilst I was at Dium id Macedonia, my mind
wholly fixed OD the great design of the Persian war, as I was re-
volving the methods how to conquer Asia, this very man, dressed
in the same robes, appeared to me in a dream, exhorted me to
banish my fear, bade me cross the Hellespont boldly, and as-
sured me, that God would march at the head of my army, and
give me the victory over that of the Persians.** This speech,
delivered with an air of sincerity, no doubt had its effect in
encouraging the army, and establishing an opinion, that Alex-
ander's mission was from Heaven. Alexander, having em-
braced the high priest, was conducted by him to the temple,
where, after he had explained to him many prophecies in dif-
ferent parts of the Old Testament, concerning his invasion,
he taught him to offer up a sacrifice in the Jewish manner.

Alexander was so much pleased with his reception upon
this occasion, that, before he left Jerusalem, he assembled the
Jews, and bade them ask any favour they should think proper.
Their request was, to be allowed to live according to their
ancient laws and maxims ; to be exempted from tribute every
seventh year, as they were, by their laws, exempted from
labour, and could, consequently, have no harvests : they re-
quested, that such of their brethren as were settled in Asia
should be indulged in the s^ime privileges. Thus, being gra-
tified in all their desires, great numbers of them offered to
enlist themselves in his array. Soon after, the Samaritans de-
manded the same favours ; but he gave them an evasive *
answer, and promised to take the matter into consideration
upon his return.

From this city he went on to Gaza, where he found a more
obstinate resistance than he had expected ; but, at length,
taking the town by storm, and having cut the garrison, con-
sisting of ten thousand men, to pieces, with brutal ferocity, he
ordered Boetis, the governor, to be bought before him ; and
having, in vain, endeavoured to intimidate him, commanded,
at last, that holes should be bored through his heels, and thus
to be tied by cords to the back of his chariot, and in this
manner to be dragged round the walls of the city. This
he did in imitation of Achilles, whom Homer describes as
having dragged Hector round the walls of Tro] in the same
manner : but it was reading the poet to very little advantage.

346 HISTORY OP 6RBBCB.

to imitate his hero in the most unworthy part of his cha-
racter.

, As soon as Alexander had ended the siege of Gasa» he left
a garrison there, and turned the whole power of his arms to-
wards Egypt. In seven days' march he arrived before Peln-
ginm, whither a great number of Egyptians had assembled,
with all imaginable diligence, to own him for their soyereigo,
being heartily displeased with the Persian government, as
likewise the Persian governors ; as the one destroyed their
liberty, the other ridiculed their religion. Masaens, the Per-
sian governor, who commanded in Memphis, finding it would
be to no purpose for him to resist so triumphant an «rmy» and
that Darius, his sovereign, was not in a condition to succour
him, threw open the gates of the city to the conqueror^ and
gave up eight hundred talents (about one hundred and forty
diousand pounds), and all the king's furniture. Thus Alex-
ander possessed himself of all Egypt, without meetii^ with
the least opposition.

He now, therefore, formed a design of visiting the temple
of Jupiter. This temple was situated at a distance of twelve
days' journey from Memphis, in the midst of the sandy deserts
of Lybia. Alexander, having read in Homer, and other
fabulous authors of antiquity, that most of the heroes were
represented as the son of some deity, was willing himself to
pass for a hero, and knew that he could bribe the priests to
compliment him as of celestial origin. Setting out, therefore,
along the river Memphis, after having passed Canopus, oppo-
site the island of Pharos, he there laid the foundation of the
city of Alexandria, which in a little time became one of the
most flourishing towns for commerce in the worid. From
thence he had a journey of three hundred and forty miles to
the temple of Jupiter ; the way leading through inhospitable
deserts and plains of sand. The soldiers were patient enough
for the two first days' march, before they arrived amidst the
dreadful solitudes ; but as soon as they found themselves io
vast plains, covered with sands of a prodigious depth, they
were greatly terrified. Surrounded as with a sea, they gaaed
round as far as their sight could extend, to discover, if possible,
some place that was inhabited ; but all in vain, for they could
not perceive so much as a single tree, nor the least appearance

ALBXANDBR QSGLARED THB aON OF JUPITBR. 3^

of any land that bad been cultivated. To increase their caia-
mity, the water that they bad brought in goat-skins, upon
camels, now faSed, and there was not so much as a single
drop in all that sandy desert. They were, however, greatly re-
freshed by the accidental falling of a shower, which served to
encourage them in their progress, till they came to the temple
of the deity. Nothing can be more fanciful than the descrip-
tion the historians have given us of this gloomy retreat ; it is
represented as a small spot of fertile ground, in the midst of
vast solitudes of sand ; it is covered with the thickest trees,
which exclude the rays of the sun, and watered with several
springs, which preserve it in perpetual verdure. Near the
grove where the temple stood was the fountain of the sun,
which at day-break was lukewarm, at noon cold ; then towards
evening it insensibly grew warmer, and was boiling hot at
midnight. The god worshipped in this place had his statue
made of emeralds, and other precious stones, and from the
head to the navel resembled a ram. No sooner had Alex-
ander appeared before the altar, than the high priest, who was
no stranger to Alexander's wishes, declared him to be the son
of Jupiter. The couqueror, quite intoxicated with adulation,
asked, *' Whether he should have success in his expedition?"
the priest answered, '* That he should be monarch of the
world:" the conqueror inquired* " If his father's murderers
weie punished?" the priest replied, '* That his father Jupiter
was immortal, but that the murderers of Philip had been all
extirpated."

Alexander, haviug ended his sacrifice, and rewarded the
priests, who had been so liberal of their titles, from that time
supposed himself, or would have it supposed, that he was the
son of Jupiter. Upon his return from the temple, and during
his stay in Eg'ypt, he settled the government of that country
upon the most solid foundation: he divided it into districts,
over each of which he appointed a lieutenant, who received
orders from himself alone. And thus having settled affairs
there, he set out, in the beginning of spring, to march against
Darius, who was now preparing to oppose him. He made
some stay at T^re, to settle the various affairs of the countries
be had left behind, and then advanced to make new conquests.
On his march, Statira, the wife of Darius, died in child-bed.

348 HISTORY OP GRBfiCfi.

and was honoured with a funeral ceremony, doe to her exalted
character and station. The news of that melancholy event
was brought to Darius by Tircus, one of Statira's euimchs,
who had effected his escape from the Macedonian camp.
When the king recollected the captivating charms, the en-
gaging manners, and gentle virtues of his unfortunate queen ;
and above all, when he considered that she had died in cap-
tivity, with hardly a friend to soothe her miseries or to close
her dying eyes, and that she must be interred without those
honours which ought to grace the fiineral rites of the consort
of the Persian monarch, his mind was overwhelmed with the
deepest sorrow. He had begun to give a loose to his feelings,
when Tircus said, " Lament not for these things, O king ! for
neither did Statira, while she yet lived, nor do any of the royal
family who are yet captives, experience any diminution of
their former splendour, or any species of suffering, exc^t that
thy countenance shineth not upon them ; with which, however,
the great Oromasdes will again bless them. Far from being
deprived of her due obsequies, Statira was buried with pomp,
and honoured with the tears of her enemies ; for, terrible as
Alexander is in battle, he knows how to exercise humanity
towards the vanquished." The eunuch's words filled the mind
of Darius with the most painful apprehensions. Taking him
aside, he demanded of the eunuch, in a familiar and friendly
tone of voice, " to tell him, as he revered the light of Mithn,
and the right hand of his king, whether the death of Statim
was not the least misfortune he had to lament ; and whether
the disgrace of his family and empire would not have been less,
had she fallen into the hand of a more barbarous foe? For
what," added he, " but the tenderest of all connections, cooU
induce a youthful and triumphant prince so to honour the wife
of his greatest enemy !" Tircus, falling upon the ground, be-
seeched the king not to entertain a notion, equally unworthy
of himself, and injurious to the character of Statira and Alex-
ander. Statira's own virtue, he said, was to her a wail of
defence. But Darius had another source of consolation, and
that was, the magnanimity of Alexander : which, he protested,
appeared more conspicuous in conquering his passions, than
in conquering his enemies. Darius, touched with gratitude
and joy, is said to have lift up his eyes to heaven, and to have

PASSAGE OF THB TIGRIS. 349

spoken thus ; " Ye gods, the guardians of our births, and who
4ecree the fate of nations, grant that I may be enabled to
leave the Persian state rich and flourishing as I found it, that
I may have it in my power to make Alexander a proper return
for his generosity to the dearest pledges of my affection. But
if the duration of this empire is near at an end, and the great-
ness of Persia about to be forgotten, may none but Alexander
be permitted to sit on the throne of Cyrus." Such sentiments
in a despotic prince must give a very favourable idea of the
liberality of his mind. Alexander continued his journey to-
wards the Tigris, where he at last expected to come up with
the enemy, and to strike one blow, which should decide the
fate of nations.

Darius had already made overtures of peace to him twice ;
but finding, at last, that there were no hopes of their concluding
one, unless he resigned the whole empire to him, prepared
himself again for battle. For this purpose, he assembled in
Babylon an army half as numerous again as that at Issus, and
marched it towards Nineveh. His forces covered all the
plains of Mesopotamia. Advice being brought, that the enemy
was not far off, he caused Satropates, colonel of the cavahry,
to advance at the head of a thousand chosen horse ; and like-
wise gave six thousand to Mazseus, governor of the province ;
«n of whom were to prevent Alexander from crossing the river,
and to lay waste the country through which that monarch was
to pass. But he arrived too late.

The Tigris is the most rapid river in the east ; and it was
with some difficulty that Alexander's soldiers were able to
stem the current, carrying their arms over their heads. The
king walked on foot among the infantry, and pointed out with
his hand the passage to his soldiers; he commanded them
with a loud voice, " to save nothing but their arms, and to
let their baggage, that retarded them in the water, float away
with the stream." At length they were drawn up in battle
array on the opposite shore, and encamped two days near the
river, still prepared for action. An eclipse of the moon, which
happened about that time, g^ave Alexander's soldiers great un-
easiness ; but he brought forward some Egyptian soothsayers,
who assured the army, that the moon portended calamities,
not to the Greeks, but the Persians. By this artifice, the

360 HISTORY OF ORESeB.

hopes aod the courage of the soldiers being revived oaee more,
the king led them on to meet the enemy, and began Us march
at midnight, On his right hasd lay the Tigris, and or hia
left; the Gordylean mountains. At break ofdi^r^ Rewsir»
brought that Darius was but twenty milef from the pfaiee in
which they then were. All things now, therefore, threatened
an approaching battle ; when Darius, who had abready twice
sued for peace, sent new conditions, still more advantageoos
than the former. But Alexander refused his offers ; prou^
replying, " That the world would not admit of two sons, nor
of two sovereigns." Thus, all negooiation being at an end,
both sides prepared for battle, equally irritated, and eqnaUy
ambitious. Darius pitched his camp near a viDage called
Gangamela, and the river Bumila, in a plain at a coufiderable
distance from Arbela. He had before levelled the spot which
he pitched upon for the field of battle, in order that Us cliarioftB
and cavalry might have full room to move ; knowing, Aat Us
fighting in the straits of Cilicia had lost him the battle fought
there.

Alexander, upon hearing this news, continued four di^ ib
the place he then was, to rest his army, and surrounded ik
camp with trenches and palisadoes ; for he was determined to
leave all his baggage, and the useless soldiers in it, and march
the remainder against the enemy, with no other equipage thv
the arms they carried. Accordingly, he set out about nineiD
the evening, in order to fight Darius at day-break ; who, up«a
this advice, had drawn up his army in order of battle. Alex-
ander also marched in battle array ; for both armies were
within two or three leagues of each other. When he wai
arrived at the mountains, where he could discover the enem/i
army, he halted ; and having assembled his general officers, as
well Macedonians as foreigners, he debated, whether thej
should engage immediately, or pitch their camp in that place.
The latter opinion being followed, because it was judged proper
for them to view the field of battle, and the manner in whioh
the enemy was drawn up, the army encamped in the same
order in which it marched ; during which, Alexabder, at the
head of his infantry, lightly armed, and his royal regiments,
marched round -the plain in which the battle was to be fought

Being returned, he assembled his general officers a second

BATTLB OF ARBBLA. 861

time, and told tfaem, that there was no occasioD for making a
speech^ because their courage and great actions were alone
sufficient to excite them to glory ; and he desired them only
to represent to the soldiers, that they were not to fight on this
occasion for Phoenicia or Egypt, but for all Asia, which would
be possessed by him who should conquer; and that, after
having gone through so many proyinoes, and left behind them
so great a number of rirers and mountains,' they could secure
their retreat no otherwise than by gaimng a complete victory.
After this speech, he ordered them to take some repose.

It is said, Parmenio advised him to attack the enemy in the
night-time, alleging, that diey might easily be defeated, if
fallen upon by surprise, and in the dark ; but the king answered
so loud, thfit all present might hear him, that it did not become
Alexander to steal a victory, and therefore he was resolved
to fight and conquer in broad day-light. This was a haughty,
but, at the same time, a prudent answer ; for it was running
great hazard to fall upon so numerous an army in the night-
time, and in an unknown country. Darius, fearing he should
be attacked unawares, because he had not intrenched himsetf,
obliged his soldiers to continue the whole night under arms,
which proved of the highest prejudice to him in the engago-
■lent; for it occasioned his men to go into action fatigued,
and worn out with watching. In the mean time, Alexander
went to bed, to repose himself the remaining part of the
night. As he revolved in his mind, net without some emotion,
the consequence of the battle which was upon the poidt cf
being fought, he could not sleep immediately. But his body
being oppressed in a manner by the anxiety of his nmid, he
slept soondly the whole night, contrary to his usual custom ;
so that when his generals were assembled at day-break before
In tent, to receive his orders, they were greatly surprised to
find he was not awake; upon which they themselves com-
manded the soldiers to take some refreshment. Parmenio
having at last awaked him, and seeming surprised to find him
ID so calm and sweet a sleep, just as he was going to fight a
battle in which his whole fortune lay at stake ; " How could
it be possible,'' said Alexander, " for me not to becalm, since
die enemy is coming to deliver himself into my 'hancb?"
Upon this he immediately took up his arms, mounted his

352 HISTORY OP 6RBBGK.

horse, and rode up and down the ranks, exhorting the troops
to behave gallantly, and, if possible, to surpass their anaent
fame, and the glory they had hitherto acquired.

There was a great difference between the two annies in
respect to numbers, but much more with regard to courage.
That of Darius consisted at least of six hundred thousand foot,
and forty thousand horse ; and the other of no more than forty
thousand foot, and seven or eight thousand horse ; but the
latter was all fire and strength; whereas, on the side of- the
Persians, it was a prodigious assemblage of men, not of sol-
diers ; an empty phantom, rather than a real army. Both
sides were disposed in very near the same array. The forces
were drawn up in two lines, the cavalry on the two wings, aod
the infantry in the middle ; the one and the other being under
the particular conduct of the chiefs of each of the diflerent
nations that composed them, and commanded in general bv
the principal crown officers. The front of the battle (under
Darius) was covered with two hundred chariots, armed with
scythes, and with fifteen elephants, that king taking Ins post
in the centre of the first line. Besides the guards, winoh were
the flower of his forces, he also had fortified himself widi the
Grecian infantry, whom he had drawn up near his person, be-
lieving this body only capable of opposing the Macedoniaii
phalanx. As his army spread over a much greater space of
ground than that of the enemy, he intended to surround and
to charge them at one and the same time both in front and
flank, which, firom Alexander's disposition, he soon after found
impossible.

Darius being afraid lest the Macedonians should draw him
from the spot of ground he had levelled, and carry him into
another that was rough and uneven, commanded the cavab;
in his left wing, which spread much farther than that of the
enemy's right, to march directly forward, and wheel about
upon the Macedonians in flank, to prevent them firom extend-
ing their troops farther. Upon which, Alexander dispatched
against them the body of horse in his service, commanded by
Menidas ; but as these were not able to make head against tl^
enemy, because of their prodigious numbers, he reinforced
them with the Poeonians, whom Aretas commanded, and with
the foreign cavalry. Besides the advantage of numbers, the

BXTTLb OF ABBBLA. 353

B^i^ns had thai also of coats of mail, which secured them-
seWes and their horses much more> and by which Alexander's
cavalry was prodigiously annoyed. However, the Mace-
donians marched to the charge with great bravery, and at last
put the enemy to flight.

Upon tUs, the Persians opposed the chariots armed with
scythes against the Macedonian phalanx, in order to break it,
hat with little saccess. The noise which the soldiers, who
were lightly armed, made by striking their swords against their
bncklers, and the atrows which fiew on all sides, frighted the
iKirses, (Old made a great number of them turn back against their
<nm troops. O&ers, laying hold of the horses' bridles, pulled
the rideirs down, and cut them to pieces. Part of the chariots
drove between the battalions, which opened to make way for
them, as they had been ordered to do, by which means they
^SA little or no execution. .

Alexander, seeing Darius set his whole army in motion, in
ordered to charge him, employed a stratagem to encourage his
soldiers. When the battle was at the hottest, and the Mace-
donians were in the greatest danger, Aristander, the sooth-
sayer, clodied in his white robes, holding a branch of laurel in
his hand, advances among the combatants, as he had been in-
structed by the king ; and crying, that he saw an eagle hover-
ing over Alexander's head (a sure omen of victory), he showed
with his finger the pretended bird to the soldiers, who, relying
upon the sincerity of the soothsayer, fancied they also saw it,
and tiiereupon renewed the attack with greater cheerfulness
and ardour than ever. Alexander now pressed to the place in
which Darius was stationed, and the presence of the two
opposing kings inspired both sides with vigour. Darius was
moanted on a chariot, and Alexander on horseback, both sur-
romided with their bravest officers and soldiers, whose only
endeavours were to save the lives of their respective princes,
at die hasard of their own. The battle was obstinate and
Uoody. Alexander having wounded Diarius's equerry with a
javelin, the Persians, as well as Macedonians, imagined that
the king was killed ; upon which, the former breaking aloud
into the most dismal sounds, the whole army was seized with
the greatest consternation. The relations of Darius, who
were at his left hand, fled away with the guards, and so aban^

2 A

964 HISTORY OF ORKBCK.

doDed the chariot; but those who were at hu right took
into the eentre of their body. Historians relate^ that this
prioce, having drawn his cimeter, reflected, whethcur he oight
not to lay violent hands upon himself, rather thap fly in aa
igrDominioos manner. But perceiving from his chariot that his
soldiers still fought, he was ashamed to forsake them ; aod, as
divided between hope and despair, the Persians retired in-
sensibly, and thinned their ranks, when it could no longer be
called a battle, but a slaughter. Then Darius, turning about
his chariot, fled with the rest, and the conqueror was now
wholly employed in pursuing him. But, in the mean time,
finding that the left wing of his army, which was commanded
by Parmenio, was in great danger, Alexander was obliged to
desist from pursuing Darius, whom be had almost overtakeab
and wheeled round to attack the Persian horse, that, sitar plun-
dering the camp, were retiring in good order; them he eat
in pieces; and the scale of battle turning in favour of the
Macedonians, a total rout of the Persians ensued. The pur-
suit was warm, and the slaughter amazing. Alewnder rode
as far as Arbela after Darius, hoping every moment to come
up with that monarch : he had just passed through whea
Alexander arrived ; but he left his treasure, with his bow and
shield, as a prey to the enemy.

Such was the success of this famous battle, which ga?e
empire to the conqueror. According to Arrian, the Persiaos
lost three hundred thousand men, beside^ those who were
taken prisoners ; which at least is a proof that the lots was •
very great on their side. That of Alexander's was very in-
considerable ; he not losing, according to the last mentioned
author, above twelve hundred men, most of whom were horse.
This engagement was fought in the month of October, about
the same time that, two years before, the battle of Issns was
fought. As Gangamela, in Assyria, the spot where the two
armies engaged, was a small place, of very little note, this was
called the battle of Arbela, that city being nearest to the field
of action.

Darius, after this dreadful defeat, rode towards the river
Lycus, with a very few attendants. He was advised to break
down the bridges, to secure his retreat; but he refused, saying
** He would not save his life at the expense of thonaands of

ALBXANDBR KHTBRS UABYLON. 966

his subjects. After riding a great number of milei ftill speed,
he arrived at midnigbt at Aibela ; from thence he fled towards
Media, over the Armenian monnttins, followed by his satraps,
and a few of his guai^ds, expecting the worst, despairing of
fortune, ^ wretched survivor of his country's ruin.-

In the mean time, Alexander approached near Babylon;
and Mazsras, die governor, who had retired thither after the
battle t)f Arbela, surrendered it to him without striking a
blow. Alexander, therefore, entered the city at the head of
his whole army, as if he had been marching to a battle. The
walls of Babylon were lined with people, iiotwithstanding^
the greatest part of the citizens were gone out before, from
the impatient desire they had to see their new sovereign,
whose renown had far outstripped his march. Bagophanes,
governor of the fortress, and giiardiaU of the treasure, un-
willing to discover less zeal than Mazseus, strewed the streets
with flowers, and raised on both sides of the wav silver altars,
which smoked not only with frankincense, but the most fragtant
perfumes of every kind. Last of all came the presents which
were to be made to the king, viz. herds of cattle, and. a great
number of horses; as also lions and panthers, which word
carried in cages. After these the Magi walked, singing hymns
after the manner of their country ; then the Chaldeans, ad*
companied by the Babylonish soothsayers and musicians.
The rear was brought up by the Babylonish cavalry ; of which
both men and horses were so sumptuous, that imagination can
scarcely reach their magnificence. The king caused the people
to walk after the infantry ; and himself, surrounded with his
gfuards, and seated on a chariot, entered the city, and from
thence rode to the palace, as in a kind of triumph. The next
day he took a view of all Darius*s money and moveables, which
amounted to incredible sums, and which he distributed with
generosity among his soldiers. He gave the government of
die province to Mazaeus : and the command of the forces he
M( there to Apollodorus, of Amphipolis.

From Babylon, Alexander marched to the province of
Pyraeeni, afterwards to Susa, where he arrived after a mareik
of twenty days, and found treasures to an mfinito taiount
Tllese also he applied to the purposes of rewardhig merit and
cdurage among his troops. In this city he Ml A^ mother

2 A 2

8S6 HISTORY UP ORRBOK.

and chiidreo of Darius; and from thence he went fonraird tilt
lie came to% river called Pasitigris. Having crosaed it, witb
nine thonsand foot, and three thousand horse» consbting of
Agrians, as well as of Grecian mercenaries, and a reinforce-
ment of three thousand Thracians, he entered the conntrj of
Uxii. This region lies near Susa, and extends to the frontiers
of Persia, a narrow pass only lying between it and Sosiana.
Madathes commanded this province. He was not a time-
server, nor a follower of fortune ; but, faithful to his sove-
reign, he resolved to hold out to the last extremity ; and for
this purpose had withdrawn into his own city, which stood in
the midst of craggy rocks, and was surrounded with precipices.
Having been forced from thence, he retired into the citadeir
whence the besieged sent thirty deputies to Alexander, to soe
for quarter, which they obtained at last by the interposition of
Sysigambis. The king not only pardoned Madathes, who waa
H near relation of that princess, but likewise set all the cap*
fives, and those who had surrendered themselves, at liberty ;.
permitted them to enjoy their several rights and privileges ;
would not suffer the city to be plundered v but let them plough
their lands without paying any tribute. From thence he
passed on to the pass of Snsa, defended by mountains almost
inaccessible, and by Ariobarzanes, with a body of five thousand '
men; he there stopped for a while ; but, being led by a dif-
ferent route among the mountains, he came over the pass^ and
BO cvd the army that defended it in pieces.

Alexander, from an effect of the good fortune which coik
stantly attended him in all his undertaking^, having extricated
himself happily out of the danger to which he was so lately
exposed, marched immediately towards Persia. Being on the
road, he received letters from Tiridates, governor of Perse-
polis, which informed him, that the inhabitants of that ct^,
npon the report of his advancing towards him, were deter-
mined to plunder Darius*s treasures, with which he
trusted ; and, therefore, that it was necessary for him to
dl the haste imaginable to seize them himself; that he liad
only the Araxes to cross, after which the road was smooth and
easy. Alexander, upon this news, leaving his in&ntry beUnd^
marched the whole night at the head of his cavalry, who were
very mneh harassed by the length and swiftness cf his auurdi»

BUBNINC OP FBR8BP0LU. 367

and passed the Araxes on a bridge, which, by his order^ had
been bailt some days before.

Bnt as he drew near the city, he perceived a large body of
men, who exhibited a memorable instance of the greatest
misery. These were about four thousand Greeks, very iar
advanced in years, who, having been made prisoners of war,
had suffered all the torments which the Persian tyranny doaid
inflict. The hands of some had been cut off, the feet of others;
and others, ag^in, had lost their noses and ears. They ap-
peared like so many shadows, rather than like men ; speeeh
being ahnost th6 only thing by which they were known to be
such. Alexander could not refrain from tears at this sight;
and as they irresistibly besought him to commiserate their
condition, he bade them, with the utmost tenderness, not to
despond ; and assured them that they should again see their
wives and country. They chose, however, to remain in a
place where misfortune now became habitual ; wherefore he
rewarded them liberally for their sufferings, and commanded
the governor of the province to treat them with mildness and
respect. The day following he entered the city of Persepolis,
at die head of his victorious soldiers ; who, though the inha*
^titants made no resistance, began to cut in pieces all those
who still remained in the city. However, the king soon pot
an end to the massacre, and forbade his soldiers to commit any
farther violence. The riches he had found in other places
*were but trifling, when compared to those he found here.
This, however, did not save the city ; for, being one day at a
banquet among his friends, and happening to drink to excess,
the conversation ran upon the various cruelties exercised by
the Persians iu Greece, particularly at Athens. . Thais, an
Athenian courtezan, urged the pusillanimity of not taking re-
venge for such repeated slaughters. These were her words «—
words which reflect no honour either on the sensibility of her
sex, or the delicacy of Alexander's manners, who could enjoy
the company of such a wretch. ** This day,** cried she, ** has
fully repaid all my wanderings and troubles in Asia, by potting
it in my power to humble the pride of Persia's insolent kiagi.
To wnp the palace of Persepolis in flames will be a noUe
deed ; but how much more glorious would it be to fire the
palace of that Xerxes, who laid the city of Athens in rmii«\

856 HISTORY OF GRBBCJB*

and to have it told, in futare times, that ' a 8iiq;le woman of
Alexander's train' had taken more signal Tengeanoe on th^
enemies of (Grreece, than all her former generals had been able
to do." All the guests applauded the discourse; when immo-
diately the king rose from table (his head being crowned with
QowersX and» taking a torch in his handi he advanced forward,
to exoj&ute bis mad exploit The whole company followed
him. breaking into loud acclamations, and, after singmg and
dancing, surrounded the palace. All the rest of the Macedo-
nians, at this noise, ran in crowds, with lighted tapen, ^nd aet
fire to every part of it. However, Alexander was sorry not
long after for what he had done, and thereupon gave orden
for extinguishing the fire, but it was too late.

While Alexander was thus triumphing in all the exaltation
of success, the wretched Darius was by this time arrived aC
Ecbatana, the capital of Media. There remained still with this
fugitive priuice thirty thousand foot ; among whom were fonr
thousand Greeks, that were faithful to him to the last Bendes
these, he had four thousand sliugers, and upwards of three
thousand Bactrian horse, whom Bessos, their governor, com-
manded. Darius, even with so small a force, still conceived
hopes of opposing his rival, or at least of protracting the war;
but he was siurounded with traitors ; his want of success had
turned all mankind against him : but Nabarzanes, one of the
greatest lords of Persia, and general of the horse, had eon*
spired with Bessus, general of the Bactrians, to commit the
blackest of all crimes ; and that was, to seize upon the person
of the king, and lay him in chuins, which they might easily do,
as each of them bad a great number of soldiers under his com-
mand. Their design was, if Alexander should pursue them, to
secure* themselves, by giving up Darius alive into his hands ;
and in case they escaped, to murder that prini^e, and after-
wards usurp his crown, and begin a new war. These traitoci
soon won over the troops, by representing to them, that they
were going to their destruction; that they would soon be
crushed under the ruins of an empire which was just ready to
fall ; at the same time, that Bactriana was open to them, and
ofiered them immense riches. These promises soon prevailed
upon the perfidious army, the Greek mercenaries except^
who rejected all their proposals with disdain. These brave and

■* r

OBATH OP DARIUS. 860

generoas-miiided men gave Darius the strongest proofs of their
fidelity and attaclmient. Thus betrayed by his generals, and
pursued by his enemies, they solicited the honour of protecting
his person; assuring him they would do so, at the expense of
the last drop of their blood. But his noUe spirit would not
suffer him to accept the offer. ** If my own subjects,'' said h&,
" will not grant me protection, how can I submit to receireit
from the hands of strangers?" Perhaps he thought t^Mt his
avowing his distrust of Bessus would have hastened the cala*
rnities which he and his accomplices were meditating. His
faithful Grrecian soldiers, finding it beyond their power to
gprant him any relief, threw themselves upon the mercy of
AleKander; who, in consideration of their noble spirit, forgave
them* and employed them in his own service. The traitors
seised and bound their monarch in chains of gold, under the
appearance of honour, as he was a king ; then, inclosing him
in a covered chariot, they set out towards Bactriana. In fhis
iuinner they carried him with the utmost dispatch, until, being
informed that the Grecian army was still hotly pursuing them»
they found it impossible either to conciliate the firiendship of
Alexander, or to secure a throne for themselves ; they, there**
fore, once more gave Darius his liberty, and desired him to
make the best of his escape with them from the conqueror;
bttt he replied, that the gods were ready to revenge the evib
he had already suffered ; and, appealing to Alexander for jus*
Iic6» refused to follow a band of traitors. At these words they
fell into the utmost fury, thrusting him with their darts and
their spears, and left him to linger in this manner, unattended,
the remains of his wretcbfKl life. The traitors then made their
escape different ways ; while the victorious Macedonians, at
length coming up, found Darius in a solitude, lying in his
chariot, and drawing near his end. However, he had strength
enough, before he died, to call for drink, which a Macedooiao,
Polystratus by uame, brought him. The generosity of the un-
fortunate monarch shone forth, on this melanchfdy occasion,!*
the address he made to this stranger. *' Now, indeed," saiA
he, *' I suffer the extremity of misery, since it is not io mjr
power to reward thee for tids act of hamanity.*' He had a
Persian prisoner, whom he employed as his intepreter.
Darius, after drinking tl^e liquor that had been given fain,.

860 HISTORY UP GRKEOK*

tamed to the Macedoniau, and said, that in the deplorable
state to which he was reduced, he, howerer, should haye the
fiomfort to speak to one who could understand him, and timt
his last words would not be lost. He, therefore, charged Um
to tell Alexander, that he had died in his debt ; that he gave
him many thanks for the great humanity he had exercised to-
wards his mother, his wife, and his children, whose Uvea he bad
not only spared, but restored to their former splendour; that
he -besought the gods to give victory to his arms, and maka
him monarch of the universe ; that he thonght he need not en-
treat him to revenge the execrable murder committed on his
person, as this was the common cause of kings.

AftfiT this, taking Polystratus by the hand — " Give htm,"
said he, " thy hand, as I give thee mine ; and carry him» in my
name, the only pledge I am able to g^ve of my gratitude and
affection." Saying these words, he breathed his last

Alexander coming up a moment after, and seeing Darius^s
body, he wept bitterly ; and, by the strongest testiaMmiea of
affection that could be given, proved how intinmtely he was
affected with the unhappiness of a prince who deserved a better
fate. He immediately pulled off his military cloak» and threw
it on Darius's body ; then causing it to be embalmed, and his
coffin to be adorned with royal magnificence, he sent it to Sy-
sigambis, to be interred with the honours usually paid to the
deceased Persian monarchs, and entombed with his anceston.
Thus died Darius, in the fiftieth year of his age, six of which
he reigned with felicity. In him the Persian empire ended,
ufter having existed, from the time of Cyrus the Great, a
period of two hundred and ninety-nine years.

The traitor Bessus did not escape the fate due to his crime.
Alexander pursued him, to avenge on the murderer the death
of his royal master; for he did not consider Darius so much in
the capacity of an enemy, as Bessus in that of a friend to the
person he had basely slain. After wandering, in anxiety and
horror, from province to province, he was delivered by the as-
sociates of his guilt into the hands of Alexander, by whom he
was put to a cruel death.

The death of Darius only served to inflame the spirit of am-
bition in Alexander to pursue farther conquests. After having,
in vain^ attempted to pursue Bessus, who now assumed the

THALKtfTRIS VISITS ALBXANDSR. SUl

ttune of kiogy he desisted, in order to cross Parthia, and in
three days anired on the frontiers of Hyrcania, which sub-
nutted to his arms. He afterwards subdued the Mandii, thci
Arii, the Drang», the Arachosii» and several other nations, into
which his army marched with' greater speed than people gene-
rally tiavet He frequently would pursue an enemy for whole
days and nights together, almost without suflTering his troopa
to take any rest. By this prodigious rapidity, he.caaM uk
awares upon nations who thought him at a great distance,, and
sobdued them before they had time to put themselves in m
posture of drfence.

It was upon one of these excursions, that Thalestris, queen
of the Ajnazons, came to pay him a visit A violent desire ^i
seeing Alexander had prompted that princess to leave her do-
minioos, and travel through a great number of countries ta
gratify her curiosity. Being come pretty near his camp, she
sent word, that a queen was come to visit him; and that she
liad a prodigious inclination to cultivate his acquaintance, and
•accordingly was arrived within a little distance firom that place.
Alexander having returned a favourable answer, she com*
manded her train to stop, and herself came forward, with three
hundred women ; and the moment she perceived the king, she
leaped from her horse, having two lances in her right hand.
She looked upon the king without discovering the least sign of
admiration, and surveying him attentively, did not think his
stature answerable to his fame ; for the barbarians are very
much struck with a majestic air, and think those only capable
of mighty achievements, on whom nature has bestowed bodily
advantages. She did not scruple to tell him, that the chief
motive of her journey was to have posterity by him ; adding,
that she was worthy of giving heirs to his empire. Alexander,
upon this request, was obliged to make some stay in this
place; after which Thalestris returned to her kingdom, and
the king into the province inhabited by the Parthians.

Alexander, now enjoying a little repose, abandoned himself
to sensuality ; and he, whom the arms of the Persians could
not conquer, fell a victim to their vices. Nothing was now t»
be seen but games, parties of pleasure, women, and excessive
feasting, ia which he used to revel whole days and nights.
Not satisfied with the buffoons, and the perfcnrmers on in-

aOe HISTORY OF GRBEGK.

fltrumeDtal music, whom he had brought with him out of
Greece, he obliged the captive womeo, whom he canned along
with him, to sing songs, after the manner of their eountrj. Ue
happened, among these women, to perceive one who appeared
in deeper affliction than the rest; and who, by a modest, and
at the same time a noble confusion, discovered a greater re-
luctance than the others to appear in public. She was a pef^
feet beauty, which was very nM|ch heigfatened by lier hashfiilp
ness ; whilst she threw her eyes to the g^round, and did all n
her power to conceal her face. The king soon imagined, by
her air and mien, that she was not of vulgar birth, and inqubiDg
himself into it, the lady answered, that she was grand-daugbter
to Ochus, who not long before had swayed the Persian sceptre,
and daughter of his son ; that she had married Hystaspes, who
was related to Darius, and general of a great army. Alexander
being touched with compassion, when he heard Ae vnhappy
fate of a princess of the blood^royal, and the sad eoaditioii to
which she was reduced, not only gave her liberty, but rHumed
all her possessions ; and caused her husband to be songfat for,
in order that she might be restored to him.

But now the veteran soldiers who had fought under Philip,
not having the least idea of sensuality, inveighed publidy
against the prodigious luxury, and the numerous vices, whieh
the army had learned in Susa and Ecbatana. The king, thefe-
fore, thought, that the safest remedy would be to employ them,
and for that purpose led them against Bessus. But as the
army was encumbered with booty and a useless train of bag-
gage, so that it could scarcely move, he first caused all his own
bc^SS^^ to be carried into a great square, and afterwards that
of his army (such things excepted as were absolutely necessary),
then ordered the whole to be carried from thence in carts to a
large plain. Every one was in great pain to know the mean-
ing of all this ; but, after he had sent away the horses, he him-
self set fire to his own things, and commanded every one to
follow his example.

Hitherto, we have seen Alexander triumphing by a oourse
of virtue ; we are now to behold him swollen up by success,
spoiled by flattery, and enervated by vices, exhibiting a very
doubtful character, and mixing the tyrant with the hero. A
i;onspiracy was formed against him by one Dymnus ;

MATH OF PH1LOTA8.

comnmaieated by a MacedoniaD soldier to Philotas, one af
Alexander's faTovrites. Philotas neglected dWulging it to bia
master, and tbas became suspected bimself as being concerned
in tbe conspiracy. Pannenio also» the fatber of tbis yooQg
favonrite^ became eqnally obnoxions ; and as tbe suspicion of
tyrants is equally fatal witb a con?iction, Alexander doomed
botb to destruction.

In tbe beginning of tbe nigbt, Tarious parties of guard*
baring been posted in the sereral places necessaiyy sobm
entered tbe tent of Pbilotas^ wbo was tben in a deep sleep^
wben starting from bis slumbers, as they were putting manacles
on bis bands» be cried, " Alas ! my sovereign, tbe inveter^^y
of my enemies has got the better of your goodness.^ After
tbis tbey covered his face, and brought him to tbe palace witb*
out uttering a single word. His hands were tied behind bim,
and bis bead covered with a coarse worn-out piece of dotb.
Lost to bimself, he did not dare to look up, or open bis lipsc
but tbe tears streaming from bis eyes, be fainted away in Aa
arms of tbe man who held him. As the standers-by wiped off
tbe team in which his face was bathed, recovering bis speeeb
and bis voice by insensible degrees, be seemed desirous of
speaking.

Tbe result of this interview was, that Philotas should be put
to tbe rack. The persons, wbo presided on that occasion, were
hit most inveterate enemies, and tbey made him suffer every
kind of torture. Philotas, at first, discovered tbe utmost reso*
Intioo and strength of mind ; the torments be suffered not beiagr
aUe to force from him a single word, nor even so much as a
sigh. But, at last, conquered by pain, be acknowledged bim-
aelf to be guilty, named several accomplices, and, as bis tor-
mentors would have it, accused bis own fiUfaer. Tbe next day*
tbe answers of Philotas were read in full assembly, be himself
being present. Upon tbe wbde, be was unanimously mm^
t^fieed to die ; immediately after winch he was stoned, accord^
lag to the custom of Macedonia, with some other of tbe coih
spirators.

The condemnation of Philotas brought on that of Pannenio ;
wt^tber it was, tbat Alexander really believed bim guilty, or
was afraid of the father, now be bad pat tbe son to dMtb«.
Polydamns, one of tbe lords of ^ court, was appointed to see

864 HISTORY UP GRBKCB.

the execatioo performed. He had been one of Panlienio's
most intimate friends, if we may give that name to coorfiers,
who stady only their own fortunes. This was the very reason
of his being nominated, because no one could suspect that he
was sent ^ with any such orders against Parmenio. He there-
fore set out for Media, where th^t general commanded the
army, and was entrusted with the king^s treasure, which
amounted to a hundred and fourscore thousand talents, about
twenty-seven millions sterling. Alexander had given him
eeveral letters for Oleander, the king's lieutenant in the pro-
vince, and for the principal officers. Two were for Parmenio ;
one of them from Alexander, and the other sealed wft^ PU-
lotas's seal, as if he had been alive, to prevent the ftuier from
harbouring the least suspicion. Poly damns was but eleven days
on his journey, and alighted in the nig^t-time at Cleander's.
After having taken all the precautions necessary, they went,
together with a great number of attendants, to meet Parmenio,
who, at this time, was walking in a park of his own. The mo-
ment Polydamus spied him, though at a great distance, he ran
to embrace him with an air of the utmost joy ; and after com-
pliments, intermixed with the strongest indications of friend-
ship, had passed on both sides, he gave him Alexander's letter,
which opening, and afterwards that under the name of Philo«
tas, he seemed pleased with the contents. At that very instant
Oleander thrust a' dagger into his side, then made another
thrust in his throat ; and the rest gave him several wounds,
even after he was dead. He was at the time of his death
threescore and ten years of age, and had served his master with
a 6delity and zeal, which in the end was thus rewarded.

In the three great battles which made Alexander master of
Persia, Parmenio had the honour of commanding the left wing.
Alexander had felt the good effects, both of his military skiU,
and of his zeal for his welfare and success ; he, therefore, re-
spected him, and all bis soldiers revered and loved him. I^hi-
Iotas, whom we have found even forced to become the accuser
of his innocent father, and cruelly put to death, was the last of
three brothers. The other two bad been bred to arms ; thej
were both men of valour, and had fallen in supporting the mad
ambition of their father's murderer.

In order to prevent the ill consequences that might ansa

lIlSERABliU BND i>f BBSSUS. 965

firom the oontemplation of these cruelties, Alexandbr set out
opon his march, and contiiiued to pursue Besisus, upon which
occasion he exposed himself to groat hardships and daugersw
Bessus, however, was treated by his followers in the same
manner he had treated the king, his master : Spitamenes, his
chief con6dant, having formed a conspiracy against him, seized
his person, put him in chains, forced the royal robes from his
back ; and, with a chain round his neck, he was delivered np
in the most ignominioos manner to Alexander. The king
caosed this man to be treated with his usual cruelty; after
reproachmg him for his treachery, and causing his nose and
ears to be cut off, he sent him to Ecbatana, there to suffer
whatever punishment Darius's mother should think proper to
inflict upon him. Four trees were bent by main force, one.
towards the other, and to each of these trees one of the limbs
(^ this traitor's body was fastened. Afterwards, these trees
being let return to their natural position, they flew back with so
much violence, that each tore away the limb that was fixed
to it, and so quartered him.

Thus uniting in his person at once great cruelty and great
enterprke, Alexander still marched forward in search of new
BStiods whom he might subdue. A city inhabited by the Bran-
chidss he totally overturned, and massacred all the inhabitants
in cold blood, only for being descended from some traitorous
Greeks, that had delivered up the treasures of a temple with
which they had been entrusted. He then advanced to the
river Jaxarthes, where he received a wound in the leg. From
thence he went forward, and took the capital of Sogdiana;
at which place he received an embassy from the Scythians*
who lived free and independent, but now submitted to him.
It is supposed, however, by some, that this was only the sub-
mission of some bordering tribes: for it appears, from the
united testimony of Arrian and Q. Curtius^ that the renowned
discipline and courage of the Macedonian army had so small
an effect on the untractable but free spirits of the Scythians*
that Alexander was forced to retire, covered with disgrace,
aod to turn his arms on a foe less capable of resistance* Cvr-
tins 8ays» that the Macedonians sustained such a loss in. <NBe
partionlar battle, that death was the epasequence of. making
the least mention of the event of that battle. If we consider

808 HISTORY OP GRBBOB.

the abrupt maoDer in wbioh those harbariaiw attacked, the
rapidity with which they retreated, and that they were in their
own conntry, and surrounded by forests impenetrable to ril
hat to themselves, we shall not find it difficult to credit what
Uatofians have said.

Alexander then marched to Cyropolis, and besieged it
This was the last city of the Persian empire, and had beeo
fcmlt by Cyrus, after whom it was called; and taking the
place, he abandoned it to plunder. In this manner he went
on, capriciously destroying some towns and building others,
settling colonies in some places, and laying whole provineea
waste at his pleasure. Among his other projects, an invasion
of the kingdom of Scythia was one ; but the ^n^ossing of die
river Jaxarthes was by no means an easy task; however,
Alexander, being always foremost in encountering dangen,
led on hb troops across the stream, which was very rapid, and
gained a ngnal victory over the Scythians, who vmnly at-
tempted to oppose him on the other side.

A strong hold, called Petra Oxiani, defended by a garrison
of thirty thousand soldiers, with ammunition and provisioB for
two years, was still considered as impregnable. However, as
difficulties only seemed to excite his ambition, his soldiers
scaled the cliff; and the barbarians, supposing that the whole
Macedonian army was got over their heads, surrendered, upon
condition that their lives should be spared; but Alexander,
forgetting the faith of a treaty, and the humanity which became
a soldier on this occasion, caused them all to be scouiged
with rods, and afterwards to be fixed to crosses at the foot of
the same rock.

After this, having subdued the Massagetae and Dahm, be
entered the province of Barsaria ; from thence he advanced to
Maracanda, and appointed Clitus governor of that province.
This was an old officer, who had fought under Philip, and
sigMlized himself on many occasions. At the battle of the
Ofanicus, as Alexander was fighting bare-headed, and Raaaces
had his arm raised, in order to strike him behind, Clitus co-
vered the king with his shield, and cut off the bart>arianrs
hasd. Hellanioe, his sister, had nursed Alexander, and he
loved her with as much tenderness as if she had been hia own
oMther.

ALBXAMDER KILLS 0L1TU8. * . 307

This favrar, however, only adranced CKtoa to a poet of '
greater danger. One evening, at an entertainment, the kii^,
after drinking immoderately, began to celebrate his own ex-
ploits ; his boasting even shocked those very persons who *
knew that he spoke trath, but particularly the old generab
of his army, whose admirations were engrossed, in some nie»*
sure, by the actions of his father. Clitus was intoxicated^
and, turning about to those who sat below him at table, quoted
to them a passage from Euripides, but in suoh a manner, that
the king could only hear his voice, and not the words dit*
tincdy. The sense of the passage was, that the Greeks had
done very wrong in ordaining, that, in the inscriptions enn
graved on trophies, the names of kings only should be men*
tioned ; because, by these means, brave men w^re robbed of
the glory they had purchased with their blood. The king,
SQspecting Clitus had let drop some disobliging expressions,
asked those who sat nearest him what he had said. As no
one answered, Clitus, raising his voice by degrees, began to
relate the actions of Philip, and his wars in Ghreecie, preferring
them to whatever was doing at that time ; which created a
great dispute between the young and old men. Though the
king was prodigiously vexed in his mind, he neverdieless
stifled his resentment, and seemed to listen very patientiy to
all Clitus spoke to his prejudice. It is probable he wouM
have quite suppressed his passion, had Clitus stopped there;
but the latter growing more and more insolent, as if deter-
mined to exasperate and insult the king, he went such lengths
as to defend Parmenio publicly ; and to assert, that the de-
stroying of Thebes was but trifling, in comparison of the vio-
tory which Philip had gained over the Athenians ; and that
the old Macedonians, though sometimes unsuooessfnl, were
greatly superior to those who were so rash as to despise
theuL

Alexander telling him, that in giving cowardice the name of
ill snocess, he was pleading his own cause; CHtos rises Qp»
with his eyes sparkling with wine and anger. ** It is, nevet*
tfaeless, this hand," said he to him, extendmg it at the same
time, '' that saved your life at the battle of Gramens. It is
the blood and wounds of these very Macedonians» who ai»
aooused of eowardioe, that raised yon to this grandenr; hot

968 * HISTORY OP 6RBICK»

* the tragical end of Parmenio shows w%at rewaift they ana
myself may expect for all oar services." This last repfoach
stoDg Alexander: however, he still restrained his passion,
•and only commanded him to leave the table. " He is in the
right," says Clitus, as he rose up, " not to bear firee-bom
men at his table, who can only tell him truth. He will do
well to pass his life among barbarians and slaves, who will be
proud to pay their adoration to his Persian girdle and his white
robe." But now the king, no longer able to suppress his rage,
snatched a javelin from one of his guards, and would have
killed Clitus on the spot, had not the courtiers withheld Us
arm, and Clitus been forced, but with great difficulty, out of
the hall. However, he returned into it that moment by
another door, sing^g, with an air of insolence, verses re*
fleeting highly on the prince, who, seemg the general near
him, struck him with his javelin, and laid him dead at his feet,
crying out at the same time—" Go now to Philip» to Par-
menio, and to Attains."

The king had no sooner murdered his faithful servant than
he perceived the atrociousness of the act : he threw himself
upon the dead body, forced out the javelin, and would have
destroyed himself, had he not been prevented by his guards,
who seized and carried him forcibly to his own apartment,
where the flattery and the persuasion of his friends, at length,
served to alleviate his remorse. In order to divert his melan-
choly, Alexander having drawn his army out of the garrisons,
where they had wintered three months, marched towards a
country called Gabana. In his way he met with a dreadfai
storm, in which his army sufiered greatly: from thence he
went into the country of Sacae, which he soon overrun, and
laid waste. Soon after this, Axertes, one of its monarchs, re-
ceived him in his palace, which was adorned with barbaroas
magnificence. He had a daughter, called Roxana, a young
lady whose exquisite beauty was heightened by the charms of
wit and good sense. Alexander found her charms irresistible,
and made her his wife ; covering his passion with the specious
pretence of uniting the two nations in such bonds as diould
improve their mutual harmony, by blending their interests, and
throwing down all distinctionis between the conquerors and
the conquered. This marriage displeased the Macedoniana

CALLISTHBNHS ^VT TO DS^tH. ^ 369

•

y&jf iiiaCD, ibd exa8p#ated his chief couftiers, wheH it was
^ seen *that he made one of his slaves his father-in-law. But
as, after mardering Clitus, no one dared to speak to him with
freedom, they applauded what he did with their eyes and
countenances, for they had nothing else left that was free.

Alexander having thus conquered all the Persian provinces,
now, with boundless ambition, resolved upon a perilous march
into India. . This country was considered as the richest in the
world^ not only in gold, but in pearls and precious stones, with
which the inhabitants adorned themselves ; but^ being willing
either to impress his soldiers with an idea of his authority, or
to imitate the barbarians in the magnificence of their titles, he
was resolved not only to be called, but to be believed, the son
of Jupiter; as if it had been possible for him to command as
absolutely over the mind as over the tongue, and that the
Macedonians would condescend to fall prostrate and adore
him, after the Persian manner.

To sooth and cherish these ridiculous pretensions, there
were not wanting flatterers, those common pests of a court,
who are more dangerous to princes than the arrows of their
enemies. But the Macedonians, indeed, would not stoop to
this base adulation ; all of them, to a man, refusing to vary in
any manner from the customs of their country. Among the
number who disdained to ofier these base adulations was Cal»
hsthenes, the philosopher ; but bis integrity cost him his life :
he was accused of being privy to a conspiracy formed by Her-
molaus, a young officer, upon the life of the king, and for this
reason he was thrown into a dungeon, and loaded with irons.
He soon found, that he had no mercy to expect; the most
grievous tortures were inflicted upon him» in order to extort a
confession of guilt; but he persisted in his innocence to the
last, and expired in the midst of his torments.

The kingdom of India, for which Alexander now set out,
was an extensive territory, which has been usually divided into
two parts, India on this side, and India on the other side of
the Ganges. All the Indians at that time were free, nor did
they even adopt the base custom of the Greeks, in purchasing
slaves to do the common offices of life. The people of that
eountry were then divided into seven classes: the first and
most honourable, though the smallest, were the guardians of

2b

370 •H18T0RY OP 6RBBGB.

religion'^ the secoifl and the greatest ips that of Ihefosbaiirf-
men, whose only employment was to cultivate the grouiid ;
the third was that of herdsmen and shepherds, who led the
herds and flocks among the mountains ; the fourth consisted
of tradesmen and merchants, among whom pilots and seamen
were included ; the fifth was of soldiers^ whose only employ-
ment was war ; the sixth was of magistrates, Who siq>erin-
tended the actions of others, either in cities or is the country,
and reported the whole to the king ; the seventh class con-
sisted of persons employed in the public councils, and who
shared the cares of government with their sovereign. These
orders of state never blended nor intermarried with each other;
none of them were permitted to follow two professions at the
same time, nor quit one class for another.

Alexander, having entered India, all the petty kings of the
country came to meet him, and make their submissioBS. On
his march he took the city of Nysa : he then marchM towards
Dsedala, and dispersed his army over the whole cooBtry, and
took possession of it without resistance. He afterwards went
forward towards the city of Hagosa, which, after being be-
sieged in form, surrendered at discretion. He next fitfaickf^
the rock of Aomos, wUch was deemed inaccessible, and
which it was said Hercules himself was not able to take ; but
the garrison, struck with the vastness of his warlike prepara-
tions, in a panic delivered it up to his army. He was said to
have been very much elated with his success in reducing this
fortress, which had bid defiance to the might of the great
founder of his race. From thence he marched to Acleslimos;
and, after a march of sixteen days, arrived on the banks of the
great river Indus, where he found that Hephaestion had got all
things ready for his passage, pursuant to die orders he had
before received. Here he was met by Omphis, a king of the
country, who did homage to Alexander, and made him a pre-
sent of fifty-six elephants, and other animals of prodigioot
size. The ambassadors from Abisaries, a neighbouring mo-
narch, came with the same ofiers, sent presents, and promised
fidelity. There was still a third monarch, whose name was
Porus, from whom Alexander expected similar submission ; he
even went to require it of him ; but Porus answered with great
coldness, that while he could fight, he should disdain to obev.

PA8SA0B OP THE HYDASPKS. 371

In pursuance of this message Alexander resolted to enforce
obedience; and giving the superintendance of the elephants
to Ompbis, who had now changed his name to Taxilus, he ad-
vanced as far as the borders of the Hydaspes. Poms was
encamped on the other side of it, in order to dispute the pas-
sage with him, and had posted at the head of his army eighty-
five elephants of a prodigious size, and behind them three
hundred chariots, guarded by thirty thousand foot, not having,
at most, above seven thousand horse. This prince was
mounted upon an elephant of a much larger size than any of
the rest, and he himself exceeded the usual stature of men :
so that, clothed in his armour glittering with gold and silver,
he appeared at the same time terrible and majestic. The
greatness of his courage equalled that of his stature ; and he
was as wise and prudent as it was possible for the monarch of
so barbarous a people to be.

The Macedonians dreaded not only the enemy, but the
river they were obliged to pass. It was four furlongs wide
(about four hundred fathoms), and so deep in every part, that
it looked like a sea, and was nowhere fordable. It was vastly
impetuous, notwithstanding its great breadth, for it rolled with
as ffl«ch violence as if it had been confined to a narrow chan-
nel ; and its raging, foaming waves, which broke in many
places, discovered that it was full of stones and rocks. How-
ever, nothing was so dreadful as the appearance of the shore,
which was quite covered with men, horses, and elephants.
Those hideous animals stood like so many towers, and the
Indians exasperated them, ra order that the horrid cry they
nuide might fill the enemy with great terror. However, this
oouU not intimidate an army, of men, whose courage was
proof against all attacks, and who were animated by an unin-
terrupted series of prosperities ; but then they did not think it
would be possible for them, as the banks were so crowded, to
sarmoimt the rapidity of the stream, or land with safety.

Alexander was in great perplexity with the diflSculties that
attended the passage of this narrow river; howevef, he re-
solved to attempt it by night, and chose one, whose lightmng,
thunder, and impetuous winds, conspired to drown the noise
of his troops in their embarkation. He did not, however,
▼enture to cross with them in the very face of the enemy ;

2b2

372 HISTORY OF GRBBCE.

but led them a few miles higher up the rhrer, where the
jutting out of a rock favoured his design. In this dtnation,
scarce any person appeared to oppose their descent; and the
moment Alexander was landed, he drew up the forces that
had passed with him, consisting of six thousand foot, and five
thousand horse, in order of battle.

Porus, upon hearing that Alexander had passed the riv^,
had sent against him a detachment, commanded by one of his
sons, of two thousand horse, and one hundred and twen^
chariots. Alexander imagined them at the first to be the
enemy's vanguard, and that the whole army was behind them ;
but being informed it was but a detachment, he charged then
with such vigour, that Porus's son was killed on the spot, with
four hundred horses, and all the chariots were taken.

Porus, upon receiving advice of the death of his son, the
defeat of the detachment, and of Alexander's approach, re-
solved to go and meet Alexander, whom he justly soppoaed
to be at the head of the choicest troops of his army. Ac-
cordingly, leaving only a few elephants in his camp, to amuse
those who were posted on the opposite shore, he set out with
thirty thousand foot, four thousand horse, three thonaand cha-
riots, and two hundred elephants. Being come into a firm,
sandy soil, in which his horse and chariots might wheel about
with ease, he drew up his army in battle array, with an intent
to wait the coming up of the enemy. He posted in front, and
on the first line, all the elephants, at a hundred feet distance
one from the other, in order that they might serVe as a bul-
wark to his foot, who were behind. It was his opinion, that
the enemy's cavalry would not dare to engage in tlieie
intervals, because of the fear those horses would have df the
elephants ; and much less the infantry, when they should see
that of the enemy posted behind the elephants, and in danger
of being trod to pieces. He had posted some of his foot oo
the same line with the elephants, in order to cover their right
and left ; and this infantry was covered by bis two wings of
horse, before which the chariots were posted. Such was the
order and disposition of Porus's army*

Alexander, being come in sight of the enemy, waited the
coming up of his foot, which marched with the utmost dili-
gence, and arrived a little after : and, in order that they might

' DBFBAT OF P0RU8. 379

bave time to take breath, aod oot be led so much fatigued
aa they were against the enemy, he caused his horse to make
a great many evolutions, in order to gain time. But now
every thing being ready, and the infantry having suflBciently
recovered their vigour, Alexander gave the signal of battie.
He did not think proper to begin by attacking the enemy's
main body, where the infantry and the elephants were posted,
for the very reason which had made Porus draw them up in
that manner. But his cavalry being stronger, he drew out
the greatest part of them, and marched against the left wing,
sent Ccenus with his own regiment of horse, and that bf De-
metrius, to charge them at the same time, ordering him to
attack their cavalry on the left behind, during which he him*
self would charge them both in front and flank. Seleucus,
Antigonus, and Tauron, who commanded the foot, were or-
dered not to stir from their posts, till Alexander's cavalry had
put that of the enemy, as well as their foot, into disorder.

Being come within arrow-shot, he detached a thousand
bowmen on horseback, with orders for them to make their
discharge on the horse of Porus's left wing, in order to throw
it into disorder, whilst he himself would charge this body in
flaok, before it had time to rally. The Indians having joined
again their ^squadrons, and drawn them up into a narrower
compass, advanced against Alexander. At that instant
Ccsnus charged them in the rear, according to the orders
given him; insomuch, that the Indians were obliged to
face about on all sides, to defend themselves from the
thousand bowmen, and against Alexander and Cobuusw Alex-
ander, to make the best advantage of the confusion into which
this sudden attack had thrown them, charged with great vigour
those that had made head against him ; who being no longer
able to stand so violent an attack, were soon broke, and re-
tired behind the elephants, as to an impregnable rampart.
The leaders of the elephants made them advance against the
enemy's horse ; but that very instant the Macedonian phalanx
moving on a sudden, surrounded those animals, and charged
with their pikes the elephants themselves, and their leaders.
This battie was very difierent from all those which Alexander
had hitherto fought ; for the elephants rushing upon the batta-
lions, broke, with inexpressible fury, the thickest of them ;

374 HISTORY OF GRBBCE.

when the lodian horse, seeing the Macedonian foot stopped
by the elephants, returned to the charge : however, that of
Alexander being stronger, and having gpreater experience in
war, broke this body a second time, and obliged it to retire
towards the elephants ; upon which the Macedoman horse,
being all united in one body, spread terror and confnsioo
wherever they attacked. The elefdiants, being all covered
with wounds, and the greatest part having lost their leaders,
did not observe their usual order ; but, distracted as it weie
with pain, no longer distingaished friends from foes; bat
running about from place to place, they overthrew every ihiog
that came in their way. The Macedonians, who hikl pur*
posely left a greater interval between their battalions, ather
made way for them whenever they came forward, or efaarged
with darts those that fear and the tumult obliged to retire. i^Iex-
ander, after having surrounded the enemy with his horse, made
a signal to his foot to march up with all imi^nable speed, in
order to make a last effort, and to fall upon them wiA his-
whole force ; all which they executed very successftiliy. In
this manner the greatest part of the Indian cavalry were cot
to pieces ; and a body of their foot, which sustained no less
loss, seeing themselves charged on all sides, at last fled.
Catorus, who had continued in the camp with the rest of bis
army, seeing Alexander engaged with Porus, crossed the
river, and charging the routed soldiers with his troops, who
were cool and vigorous, by that means killed as many enemies
in the retreat as had fallen in the battle.

The Indians lost, on this occasion, twenty thousand fool,
and three thousand horse ; not to mention the chariots, idncb
were all broken to pieces, and the elephants, that were either
killed or taken. Porus's two sons fell in this battle, with
Spitacus, governor of the province, all the colonels of horse
and foot, and those who guided the elephants and chariots.
As for Alexander, he lost but fourscore of the six thousand
soldiers who were at the first charge, ten bowmen of the
horse, twenty of his horse-guards, and two hundred ionmon
soldiers.

Porus, after having performed all the duty both oi' a soldier
and a general in the battle, and fought with incredible bravery,
seeing all his horse defeated, and the .cfrratest part of his foot.

DSFBAT OP 1^0RU8. / 875

did not beharre like the great Darius, who, in a like disaster*
was the first that fled : on the contrary, he continned in the
field as long as one battalion or squadron stood their ground ;
but at last, having received a wound in the shoulder, he retired
upon his elephant, and was easily distinguished from the rest,
by the g^atness of his stature, and his unparallieled bravery.
Alexander, finding who he was by these glorious marks^ and
being desirous of saving this king, sent Taxilus after him,
because be was of the same nation. The latter, advancing as
near to him as he might withoat any danger of being wounded,
called to him to stop, in order to hear the message he had
brought firora Alexander. Porus turning back, and seeing it
was Taxilus, his old enemy, "How!" says he, "is it not
Taxilus that calls, that traitor to his country and kingdom f ^
Immediately after which, he would have transfixed him with
his dart, had he not instantly retired. Notwithstandmg this,
Alexander was still desirous to save so brave a prince ; and
thereupon dispatched othet olOBcers, among whom was Meroe,
one of his intimate friends, who besought him, in the strongest
terms, to wait upon a conqueror altogether worthy of fadm :
after much entreaty, Porus consented, and accordingly set
forward. Alexander, who had been told of his coming, ad-
vanced forwards, in order to receive him, with some of his
train. Being come pretty near, Alexander stopped, purposely
to take a view of his stature and noble mien, be being about
five cubits in height Porus did not seem dejected at his
misfortune, but came up with a resolute countenance, like a
valiant warrior, whose courag^e in defending hb dominions
ought to acquire him tbe esteem of the brave prince who had
taken him prisoner. Alexander spoke first; and, with an
august and gracious air, asked him how he desired to be
treated? " Like a king," replied Porus. " But," continued
Alexander, "do you ask nothing more?" "No," replied
Porus» " all things are included in that single word." Alex-
ander, struck with this greatness of soul, the magnanimity of
which seemed heightened by distress, did not only restore him
his kingdom, but annexed other provinces to it, and treated
him with the highest testimonies of honour, esteem, and
friendship. Porus was faithftil to him till his death. It is

376 HISTORY OF GRBBCB.

hard to say whether the victor or die vanquished best deserved
praise on this occasion.

Alexander built a city on the spot where the battle had been
fought, and another in that place where he had crossed the
river. He called the one Niccea, from his victory ; and the
other Bucephalus^ in honour of his horse, who died there, not
of his wounds, but of old age. After having paid the last
duties to such of his soldiers as had lost their lives in battle,
he solemnized games, and offered up sacrifices of thaidLs ia the
place where he had passed the Hydaspes.

Alexander, having now conqnered Poms, advanced into
India ; which, having never been a warlike nation, he subdued
with the rapidity rather of a traveller than a conqueror.
Numberless petty states submitted to him, sensible that his
stay would be short, and his conquests evanescent.

Alexander, passing near a city where several Brachmans, or
Indian priests, dwelt, was very desirous to convene widi them,
and, if possible, to prevail with spme of them to follow Urn.
Being informed that these philosophers never made visits, but
that those who had an inclination to see them must go to their
houses, he concluded that it would be beneath his dignity to
go to them ; and not just to force these sages to any thing
contrary to their laws and usages. Onesicritus, the philoso-
pher, who had been a disciple of Diogenes, the cynic, was
deputed to them. He met, not far from the city, fifleea
Brachmans, who, from morning till evening, stood always
naked in the same posture in which they at first had placed
themselves, and afterwards returned to the city at night. He
addressed himself first to Calanus, an Indian reputed the wisest
man of his country, who, though he professed the practice of
the most severe philosophy, had, however, been persuaded, in
his extreme old age, to attend upon the court, and to him he
told the occasion of his coming. The latter, gazing upon
Onesicritus's clothes and shoes, could not forbear laughing;
. after which he told him, " That anciently the earth had been
covered with barley and wheat, as it was at that time with
dust ; that, besides water, the rivers used to flow with milk,
honey, oil, and wine ; that man's guilt had occasioned a change
of this happy condition ; and that Jupiter, to punish their in-

TH£ MACBDONIANS MUTINY. 377

gratitude^ had flentenoed them to a long, painfiil labour. That
their repentance afterwards moving him to compassion, he had
restored them their former abundance ; however, that, by the
course of things, they seemed to be returning to their ancient
confusion.*' This relation shows evidently, that these philoso-
phers had some notion of the felicity of the first man, and of
the evil to which he had been sentenced for his sins.

Onesicritus was very urgent with both of them to quit their
austere way of life, and follow the fortune of Alexander, say-
ing, " That they would find in him a generous master and
benefactor, who would heap upon them honour and riches of
all kinds." Then Mandanis, assuming a haughty, philosophical
tone, answered, '* That he did not want Alexander, and was
the son of Jupiter as well as himself; that he was exempted
from want, desire, or fear : that so long as he should live, the
earth would furnish him with all things necessary for his sub-
sistence, and that death would rid him of a troublesome com-
panion (meaning bis body), and set him at full liberty."
Calanus appeared more tractable, and notwithstanding the
opposition, and even the prohibition of his superior, who re-
proached him for his abject spirit, in stooping so low as to serve
another master besides God, he followed Onesicritus, and
' went to Alexander's court, who received him with great de-
monstrations of joy. As it was Alexander's chief ambition to
imitate Bacchus and Hercules in their expeditions into the
East, he resolved, like them, to penetrate as long as he could
find new nations to conquer. However, his soldiers, satiated
with spoil, and fatigued with repeated encounters, at last began
to open their eyes to the wildness of hb ambition. Some
bewailed their calamities in such terms as raised compassion ;
others insolently cried out, " That they would march no far-
ther." The chief object of the king's wishes was to invade
the territories of Agramenes, a prince who lived beyond the
great river Ganges, and who was able to bring into the field
two hundred thousand foot, two thousand elephants, twenty-
thousand horse, and two thousand armed chariots. The sol-
diers, however, refused to wander over those great deserts
that lay beyond tbc Ganges, and more terrible to them than
the greatest army the East could muster. He addressed them
in the most persuasive terms not to leave their general behind:

378 HISTORY OP 6RKB0B«

he threatened them that he would take his Scythnn wd his
Persian soldiers, and with them alone make conquests worthy
of his name and of his glory ; but still the Macedonian soldiers
persisted, sullen and inflexible, and at last complied, after
many persuasive orations, only to follow him towards the
south, to discover die nearest ocean, and to take the course
of the river Indus as their infallible guide.

For this expedition he embarked in a fleet, consisting of
eight hundred vessels, as well galleys as boats, which cairied
the troops and provisions. After five days' sailing, Ae fleet
arrived where the Hydaspes and the Acesines mixed their
streams. There the ships were very mucii shattered, because
these rivers unite with prodigious rapidity. At last he came
to the country of the Oxydraci and the Malli, the most valiant
people in the East: however, Alexander defeated them in
several engagements, dispossessed them of their strong holds,
and at last marched against their capital city, where the greatest
part of their forces were retired. It was upon this occasion,
that, seizing a scaling ladder, himself first mounted the wall,
followed only by two of his officers : his attendants, believing
him to be in danger, mounted swifdy to succour him, but the
ladder breaking, he was left alone. It was now that his rasin
ness became his safety ; for, leaping from the wall into the
city, which was crowded with enemies, sword in hand, he re-
pulsed such as were nearest, and even killed the general, who
advanced in the throng. Thus, with his back to a tree that
happened to be near, he received all the darts of the enemy
in a shield, and kept even the boldest at a distance. At last,
an Indian discharging an arrow of three feet long, it pierced
his coat of mail and his right breast, and so great a quantity
of blood issued from the wound, that he dropped his arms, and
lay as dead. The Indian came to strip him, supposing him
really what he appeared ; but Alexander that instant recalled
his spirits, and plunged a dagger in his side. By this time a
part of the king's attendants came to his succour, and forming
themselves round his bodv, till his soldiers without found means
of bursting the gates, saved him, and put all the inhabitants,
without distinction, to the sword.

The wound, which at first seemed dangerous, having in the
space of six or seven days a most favourable appearance^

ALBXANDBR REACHBS THB OCKAN. 999

Alexander oMiiuited his horse, and showed himself to the army,
who seemed to view him with insatiable pleasure. Thus con-*
tinaiog his voyage, and sabdaing the coantry on each side as
he passed along, the pilots perceived from the swell of the
river that the sea could not be far distant ; and they informed
the king that they already felt the breezes of the ocean.
Nothing so much astonished the Macedonian soldiers as the
ebbing and flowing of the tide. Accustomed to the gentle
floods of the Mediterranean, they were amazed when they saw
the Indus rise to a great height, and overflow the country,
which they considered as a mark of divine resentment ; they
were no less terrified, some hours after, when they saw the
river forsake its banks, and leave those lands uncovered ^ich
it had so lately overflowed. Thus, after a voyage of nine
months, he at last stood upon the shore; and, after having
offered sacrifices to Neptune, and having looked wistftilly on
the broad expanse of waters before him, he is said to have
wept for having no more worlds left to conquer. Here he put
an end to his excursions; and having appointed Nearchus
admiral of his fleet, with orders to coast along the Indian shore
as far as the Persian gulph, he set out with his army for
Babylon.

Nothing could exceed the hardships which his army sus-
tained in their return : passing through a country destitute of
all sorts of provisions, they were obliged to feast on the beasts
of burthen, and were forced to bum those rich spoils, for the
sake of which they had encountered so many dangers ; those
diseases also, that generally accompany famine, completed
their calamity, and destroyed them in great numbers. The
king^s fortitude appeared to great advantage on this trying
occasion. The army being in absolute want of water, some
soldiers were sent to endeavour to find out a spring. They
fortunately fell upon one ; but it yielded them but a very small
quantity of water. With what they had got, the soldiers re-
tnrned rejoicing to the king, who, instead of drinking it».
poured it upon the ground ; unwilling that his soldiers should
snstain a calamity in which he refused to bear a part. This
generous act inspired the soldiery with fresh spirits. After a
march of threescore days, they arrived in the province of
Oedrosia, the fertility of which soon banished firom the mhids

ago HISTORY OP GRBKCS.

«

of the soldiery all their former difficulties. Alexandw passed
through the country, not with the military pomp of a ooiMpieror,
but in the licentious disguise of an enthusiast : still wilKiig to
imitate Bacchus, he was drawn by eight horses, on a scaffbU-
in the form of a square stage, where he passed the days and
nights in feasting. Along th^ roads where he passed were
placed casks of wine in g^eat abundance, and 'these the sol-
diery drained in honour of their mock deity. The whole
country echoed with the sound of instruments and the howling
of bacchanals, who, with their hair dishevelled, with frantic
mirth ran up and down, abandoning themselves to every kind
of lewdness. This vice produced one of a much more formi-
dable nature in the king's mind ; for it always inflaBi6c\ Us
passions to cruelty, and the executioner generally crowned the
feast.

While he refreshed his army in these parts, Nearchus was
returned from his expedition along the coast, and brought him
strange accounts of the gold to be found in some islands, and
of the wonders that were to be seen in others ; he was there-
fore commanded to make some farther discoveries ; and then
enter the mouth of the river Euphrates, to meet the king at
Babylon. He here also executed an act of rigorous justice
upon Cleander and others, who had formerly been the minis-
ters ofhis vengeance in cutting off Parmenio. Against these
murderers great complaints had been made by the deputies of
the provinces in which they had commanded; and such was
the complexion of their crimes, that nothing but the certain
expectation of Alexander s never returning from India couM
encourage them to commit such. All men were glad to see
them delivered over to justice. Cleander, with six hundred
soldiers, whom he had employed, were publicly executed;
every one rejoicing that the anger of the king was at last
turned against the ministers of his vengeance. As Alexander
drew nearer to Babylon, be visited the tomb of Cyrus, in the
city of Pasargada ; and here he put a Persian prince, whose
name was Orsines, to death, at the instigation of Bagoas, a
eunuch, who falsely accused Orsines of robbing the tomb.
Here also Calanus, the Indian, having lived fourscore and
three years, without ever having been afflicted with sickness,
now feeling the approaches of disorder, resolved to put him-

DEATH OP CALANUS. 981

^If to death. Alexander imagined he might easily be dis-
suaded from his design ; bat finding, in opposition to all the
arguments he could use, that Calanus was inflexible, he gave
orders for erecting a funeral pile for him, upon which the
Indian was resolved to die.

Calanus rode on horseback to the foot of the funeral pile ;
offered up his prayers to the gods; caused libations to be^ per-
formed, and the rest of the ceremonies to be observed which
are practised at funerals ; cut off a tuft of his hair, in imitation
of victims; embraced such of his friends as were present;
entreated them to be merry that day, and to feast and carouse
with Alexander; assuring them at the same time, that he
would soon see that prince in Babylon. After saying these
words, he ascended with the utmost cheerftilness the funeral
pile, laid himself down upon it, and covered his face ; and,
when the flame reached him, he did not make the least motion,
but, with a patience and constancy that surprised the whole
army, continued in the same posture in which he at first had
bud himself, and completed his sacrifice, by dying agreeably
to the strange superstitions of the enthusiasts of his country.
Alexander punctually obeyed him in his admonitions to de-
bauchery. A banquet followed the night after, in which Pro-
machns received a talent as a prize, for having drank the
largest quantity of wine ; he survived his victory, however,
but three days ; and of the rest of the guests, forty-one died
of their intemperance. From Pasargada, Alexander pro-
ceeded to Susa, where he married Statira, the eldest daughter
of Darius, and g^ve her youngest sister in marriage to bis
&vourite HephsBstion. Fourscore Persian ladies of rank were
given to the principal favourites among his captains. The
nuptials were solemnised after the Persian manner. He like-
wise feasted all the Macedonians who had married before in
that country. It is related, that there were nine thousand
guests at this feast, and that he gave each of them a golden
cup for their libations. Upon this occasion there appeared at
Susa three hundred young soldiers, dressed in the Macedonian
manner, whom Alexander intended particularly to favour, in
order to check the unruUness of his veterans, who had but too
just reason to murmur.

While Alexander was thus employed in Persia, a new com-

382 HISTORY OP 6RBBCE.

motion was carrying on in Geeece. Harpalus, whom Alex-
ander bad appointed goyernor of Babylon, being disgusted
with his master's, cruelty, and ambitious of power himself, went
over into Grece with immense sums, winch he raised from
the plundered prisoners of Persia. He had credit enough to
assemble a body of six thousand soldiers, and with these he
landed at Athens. Money, at that time, being thought all-
powerful in Greece, he lavished immense sums among the
mercenary orators, whose business it was to inflame the minds
of the people. Of all these, Phocion alone, to whom he ofiered
seven hundred talents, preserved his well-known integrity, and
remained inflexible ; his disinterestedness had long been an
object of admiration, even in the time of Philip. Being offered
a great sum of money, if not for his own acceptance, at least
for the benefit of his children: — " If my children," cried
Phocion, " resemble me, the little spot of ground, with the
produce of which I have hitherto lived, and which has raised
me to the glory you mention, will be sufficient to maintain
them ; if it will not, I do not intend to leave them wealth,
merely to stimulate and heighten their luxury.'' Alexander
having likewise sent him a hundred talents, Phocion asked
those who brought them, why Alexander sent him so great a
sum, and did not remit any to the rest of the Athenians?"
" It is," replied they, " becaase Alexander looks upon you as
the only just and virtuous man." Phocion replied, " Let him
suffer me still to enjoy that character, and be really what I an
taken for." This, therefore, was not a character to be cor-
rupted ; on the contrary, he used all his influence to prevent
the success of Harpalus, who, being ordered by the assembly
to depart the city, lost all hopes of success.

This commotion was scarcely quelled, when another ensued,
in consequence of a declaration, by which all the Macedonians,
who, from their age or infirmities, were unable to bear the
fatigues of war, should be sent back to Greece. They, with
seditious cries, unanimously demanded to be entirely discharged
from his service, murmuring against him as a despiser of his
bravest troops, and as a cruel king, who wanted not their ab-
sence, but their destruction. Alexander, however, acted with
that resolution upon this occasion, which always marked his
character. Being seated on his tribunal of justice, he rushed

DBATH OF HRPHiESTION. 883

among the principal matineers, seised thirteen, and ordered
them to be immediately punished. The soldiers, amazed at his
intrepidity, withheld their complaints, and, with downpast eyes,
seemed to beg for mercy. — " You desired a discharge,'^ cried
be : " go, then, and publish to the world that you have left
your prince to the mercy of strangers : from henceforth the
Persians shall be my guards." This menace s«nred only to in*
crease the misery and the consternation of bis troops ; they
attended him with tears and lamentations ; till at last, softened
by their penitence, he once m<Nre took them into favour and
affection.

Now, secure from insurrection, he gave himself up to mirth
and feasting ; his army was followed by all the ministers of
pleasure ; he spent whole nights and days in iounoderate drink*
ing, and in one of those excesses Hephasstion lost Us life.
This courtier was the most intimate friend of Alexander.
Craterus alone, of all the Macedonians, seemed to dispute this
honour with him. " Craterus," as the king used to say, 'Moves
the king, but Hephestion loves Alexander." The death irf* this
favourite threw the monarch into excessive sorrow ; he seemed
to receive no consolation ; he even put to death the physician
who attended him ; and the extraordinary faaeial honour, cele*
brated at his arrival in Babylon, marked the greatness of his
aflKetion.

After various combats, conquests, cruelties, follies, and exr
cesses, Alexander arrived at Babylon. On his approach to the
city, many sinister omens were observed : on which accowit,
the Chaldeans, who pretended to foresee future events^
attempted to persuade him not to enter that city. The Greek
philosophers, on the other hand, displayed the futility of their
predictions. Babylon was a theatre for Um to display his
glory on ; and ambassadors, from all the nations he had con-
quered, were there in readiness to celebrate his triumph*
After making a most magnifk)ent entry, he gave audience to
the ambassadors, with a grandeur and dignity suitable to his
power, yet with the affability and politeness of a private
conrtier.

At that time he wrote a letter, which was to have been read
publicly in the assembly at the Olympic ffme^ whereby the
several cities of Greece were commanded to pevmit all exiles

384 HISTORY OP GRBBCE.

to return into their native country, those excepted, who had
« committed sacrilege, or any other crime deserving death ;
ordering Antipater to employ an armed force against such
cities as should refuse to obey. This letter was read in the as-
sembly; but the Athenians and ^tolians did not think them-
selves obliged to put orders in execution which seemed to in-
terfere with their liberty.

Finding Babylon, in extent and conveniency, superior to all
the other l;ities in the East, he resolved to make it the seat of
^ his empire ; and for that purpose was desirous of adding to it
all the ornaments possible. Though he was much em{Joyed in
projects of this kind, and in schemes even beyond human
power to execute, he spent the greatest part of his time in such
pleasures as this magnificent city afibrded. But his pleasures
often terminated in licentiousness and riot. The recent loss of
Hephasstion ; the sad remembrance which he still had of tke
iniquitous death of the virtuous Callisthenes, and of the gallant
Clitus ; but, above all, of the barbarities exercised on Panne-
nio and his innocent son ; the idea of these shocking events
festering his mind, had cast a thick gloom over his spirits; to
dissipate which required the application of some very power-
ful remedy. The remedy to which he had recourse was
intemperance. He was, of course, often invited to banquets,
at which he drank immoderately. On a particular occaaoo,
having spent the whole night in a debauch, a second was pro-
posed : he accepted the invitation, and drank to such excess,
that he fell upon the floor, to appearance dead ; and in this
lifeless manner was carried, a sad spectacle of debauchery, to
his palace. The fever continued, with some intervals, in which
he gave the necessary orders for the sailing of the fleet, and
the marching of his land forces, being persuaded he should
soon recover. But, at last, finding himself pasiall hopes, and
his voice beginning to fail, he gave his ring to Perdiccas, with
orders to convey his corpse to the temple of Ammon. He
struggled, however, with death for some time ; and raising
himself upon his elbow, he gave his hand to the soldiers, who
pressed to kiss it. Being then asked, *' To whom he would
leave his empire?" he answered, "To the most worthy."
Perdiccas inquiring at what time he should pay him divine ho-
nours, he replied, " When you are happy.'* With these words

DEATH OF ALEXANDttR. :)85

he expired » being thirty- two years and eight months old, of
which he had reigned twelve, with more fortune than virtue.

By the death of this illustrious conqueror were fulfilled
many of the prophecies of the sacred writers. One of them
is singularly striking : — " The temple of Belus shall be broken
down unto the ground, never to rise from its ruins.'' That the
word of God might stand firm, Alexander is cut ofi^ at the very
instant he is preparing to rebuild that temple, and to restore
Babylon to its wonted splendour. Alexander left one son ; he
was named Hercules, and was bom of Barsine, the daughter of
Artabasus, and widow of Memnon. Both Roxana an4 Statira
are said to have been been left pregnant.

In whatever light we view this monarch, we shall find little
to admire, and less to imitate. That courage, for which he was
celebrated, is but a subordinate virtue ; that fortune, which still
attended him, was but an accidental advantage ; that discipline,
which prevailed in his army, was produced and cultivated by
bis father ; but his intemperance, his cruelty, his vanity, his
passion for useless conquests, were all his' own. His victories,
liowever, served to crown the pyramid of Grecian glory; they
served to show, to what a degree the arts of peace can promote
those of war. In this picture we view a combination of
petty states, by the arts of refinement, growmg more than a
match for the rest of the world united ; and leaving mankind
an example of the superiority of intellect over brutal force.

Tfce successors of Alexander seized upon particular parts of
his extensive empire ; and what he gained with much fatigue
and danger, became a prey to men, who sheltered their ambi-
tion under the sanction and glory of his name. They had been
taught by him a lesson of pride ; and, as he would never suffer
an equal, his numerous successors could not think of admitting
a superior. They continued their disputes for dominion, until,
in some measure, they destroyed each other ; and, as no go-
vernments were ever worse conducted than theirs, so few pe-
riods of history were ever left in greater darkness, doubt,
and confusion.

2 c

CHAPTER XV.

TRAMSACTIONS IN GRBBCE, FROM THB DESTKUCTlQlf
OF THBBBS TO THB DBATH OF AMTIFATBR.

Whbn a general convention of the states declared a Macedo-
nian king captain-general of their forces ^igainst. the tmrbariaBit
they proclaimed to the world, that Greece had ceased to i|ct a
primary part, and fallen from the rank she h^ held among the
nations. The destructions which followed the death of Alex-
ander afforded an opportunity of reclaiming her dignity ; and
this opportunity, indeed, she neither overlooked nor neglected.
But the same causes, which subjected the degenerate Gkeeks
to a foreign power, rendered all their efforts to reooy^ their
liberty ineffectual. It was not the policy of Philip, or the
vigour of Alexander, that subdued the Grecian statee, thou|^
these contributed to precipitate their fall : it was a relaxalion
of manners that ruined Greece ; it was the insolence of pro^h
perity, which, by provoking internal jealousy and diajcoid, in-
vited the ambition of neighbouring and powerful states and
princes. These causes continued to operate with increaflog
force, and humbled the Grecians under whatever power pre-
ponderated in the countries with which they were surrounded.
The Macedonian was only exchanged for the Boman yoke;
and the Roman for that of different tribes of barbarians ; until
at last, about the middle of the fifteenth ^ century, they found
a melancholy repose in the stability of the Ottoman emigre.

The Grecian states, during this long period, being under
the influence of foreign councils, and the control of fbieigp
arms, had lost their existence as a nation. But neither did thoj
submit to slavery without a struggle, nor did the power which
subverted their government deface, at once, their national
character, or destroy, but by degrees, the various effects which

* * From the accession of Alexander to the throne of MacedoQ to tbe
sacking of Constantinople in 1445 ; a space upwards of 1500 years.

INDBPBNfD^NCB OP SPARTA. 387

ftffWert from thirit original genms and' politicat inatitalions. It
ivpvopfKiecU in what feilbw9, t» trace, amidst the revolutions of
iMitiMis, tto^i^iMMfs of Greece ; to take a sammary view of
her efforts for the recovery of expiring liberty ; to trace those
featares that remained the longest nnsallied by the infection of
barbarism ; and (bose efforts of genius, which, surviving the
dissol^iliein of tbo state, continued^ and still contioue^ to
enlighten anfd refine the world.

The setere punidbmentinfficted by Alexandiefr on the city of
ThebeSi the vigilance and vigour of Antipater, to whom he had
committed the charge of his affairs in Europe,/with the progress
of the Macedonian arms in Asia, alarmed and overawed the
nations of Greece, at the same time that Macedonian add
PlerskiB gofd corrupted their morals, and divided and con^
fomided Aeir councils. But, even in this situation of affairs,
Sparta dared to stand forth singly the assertor of ancient
Nbcnrty. Being guarded, in some measure, by her political
constitution, against the arts of corruption, she resisted the
sedncemeots of the Macedonian emassaries, and exhibited a
noble example ^ patriotism to the other states of Greece.
Ber Amiro wa» adorned by an active, brave, and intrepid
Idng, Agis, the son of Archidamus, and grandson of the re-
BowoiMt Agesilaus. It was he who infused into the Spartan
deputies that sphrit of opposition, which -they showed to the
flieMBre» of Alexander in the general convention of the
aCm^ ; by which' he at once reprobated' the 6fed» for their
ahjeet siAnrisston, and signified to their usurper, that some
apefkff of independence were still left in Greece. He had
himself worthy of the honours of royalty long before he
invested with them, by bis sfnrited conduct al» the court of
PhBip of Maeedon. Having been sent thither in the quality
of ambassador, that proud monarch, who had been used to re-
eeiviy ff nmnber of ambassadors from the other Grecian states,
aaid, with^an air of contempt, " What! from Sparta but one?"
•'^Why," replied Agis, " I was sent but to one." When, on
another occasion, one of the creatures of that prince told him,
tifar " Philip would not allow him to set a foot in any odier
pnrt of Greece." " Well," said he, ** it is lucky that we havo
a good deal of room at borne."

In the beginning of Alexander's reign, Agis did not think

2 c 2

388 HISTORY OP GRBBCB.

it prudent to oppose him bj his arms, well knowing, that the
superior number of the Macedonian troops, and the Ugh spirits
with which several successful campaigns had inspired them,
had rendered any attempt of that kind extremely hazardous.
But he thwarted his measures as much as he could by hb
counsels ; and was fully determined to embrace the very first
occasion of vindicating the rights of his country. After the
battle of Issus, a great many mercenaries fled out of Porna ;
of these he enlisted into the service of Sparta upwards of eight
thousand, and immediately declared for the Persian king. He
established a regular correspondence with that monarch, by
which he was informed of Alexander's various movements and
successes. He received money from Persia, to enable him to
prosecute his designs ; and having formed a powerful confede-
racy in Peloponnesus, resolved to lose no time in commencing
hostilities. It must be remarked here, that Cleomeues, the
other Spartan king, took no share in these transactions. His
advanced age admitted not of vigorous exertions, and he was
contented to see the military operations of the state directed
by his colleague, in whose abilities he placed entire confidence.
When Agis, therefore, had made the necessary preparatio«i»
he sailed over to Crete, where he excited an insurrection, and
established the power and the government of the Spartans.
Having returned from that expedition, he again renewed fab
endeavours to promote disafiection among the Grecian states.
His applications to them were now more open, and they were
also more successful. The news of the defeat of Darias it
Arbela had just been received in Greece, and the minds of aD
men were alarmed by the rapidity of Alexander's conquests.
A more seasonable opportunity could not have offered itself for
Agis to promote his designs. He forthwith set himself to
convince his countrymen of the great dangers that threatened
them : he showed them, that the effects of Alexander's victo-
ries would be the subjugation of all the East ; and the natnial
consequence of that subjugation, the return of the victor to
load them with chains : a state of degradation, in his opinioOt
more humiliating, and more disgraceful, than the vilest cos*
dition of Persian slaves. The Greeks felt the weight of fa*
remonstrances, and were ready to second his intentions. Aa
army of twenty thousand foot, and two thousand horse, was

DEATH OP AGIS. 389

levied, with which force Agis took the field, and marched
against Megalopolis, the only city in Peloponnesus that had
acknowledged Alexander for its sovereign. Antipater was, at
that time, employed in quashing a rebellion which had taken
place in llirace ; but, on hearing of the operations of the Per
loponqpsians, he adjusted matters in Thrace, in the best way
that circumstances would allow, and drew off his troops to
combat a more dangerous foe. His army consisted of forty
thousand men. Great, however, as his superiority was« Agis
did not seek to avoid an engagement : so that a general action
soon ensued, in which the Spartans and their allies were
routed. The loss on each side was three thousand five hundred

*

men. Agis himself fell, but he fell gloriously. Having been
distinguished by his exertions during the battle, and having
received a number of wounds, when the rout became general.
Us soldiers, who were bearing him on their shoulders, were
likely to be surrounded: on seeing which, he commanded
tfiem to set him down, and to preserve themselves by flight,
for the future services of their country. His soldiers obeyed:
he was left alone, and on his knees he fought and killed seve-
ral of thh Macedonians, whom he continued to engage till he
was run through the body with a dart. Thus fell Agis, one of
the most virtuous and valiant men that his country had ever
produced. He had reigned nine years.

Had the bold schemes of Agis succeeded, all Greece would
hsve probably revolted. Not only would the different states
have endeavoured to protect their own rights and privileges,
but they would have carried, in their turn, the arms of Greece
into Macedon. Alexander's hereditary dominions would have-
been endangered, and all his plans of foreign conquest over-
tivown. It is to be regretted that Agis was so precipitate in
taking up arms against' Macedon. Had he proceeded more
deliberately and circumspectly ; had he either waited till he
should have increased his army at home, or obtained succour
from Persia; his countrymen, animated by their flattering
sitttation, and roused by the recollection of the glorious deeds
of their ancestors, might not only have checked the growing
power of Macedon, but prolonged the reputation and conse-
quence of Greece. *

The subsequent reigns of the Spartan kings were so unim-

300 HISTORY OF GR&BCB.

poFtant and so obscure, that there is hardly any tUag knowB
of them but their names, and those of a few of tiie leading
men. Eudemidas, the son of Agis, ascended the tfaroaeopoii
the death of his father. He was more virtooos aud wise thai
any of his successors ; and, fortunately for mapkind, his ex-
cellent qualities were all of the gentle and moderat% kind.
They were such as led him to inculcate on the minds of hk
subjects^ that the blessings of peace, even in a state of degm-
dation, are superior far to those precarious, fleetiiig 1^qdoqis»
which princes often purchased at the expense of the wealth mi
blood of their subjects.

The Lacedeemonians were so ineeosed by the loss of Agjb,
whom they all revered and ioved, that they resolved to proie-
cute the war at all events. There were, however, in Sparte, a
few who opposed this resolution ; and of that nnmber waa
Eudemidi^. A saying of his on that occasion is worthy of being
remembered : — '' Why, sir," said a certain okiam to bia,
" do you alone advise the continuance of peace, when il jmt
subjects are for war ? " - ' Because, answered the king, '* I
wish to convince them, that what they want wooU be injnnow
to them.^' When another of his subjects was m«gniQfnig, ia
his presence, the victories which their ancestors had won from
the Persians, and was from thence drawing arguments ia
favour of renewing hostilities againat Macedon, ** You per-
haps think /^ said Eudemidas, '' that it is the same tfaag to
make war against a thousand sheep, as againat fifty wolves.''
Having one day gone by accident into the school of Xeofr-
crates, the philosopher, and observed that he was ver}- old, h»
asked one of those who stood next to him, what was the oU
man's profession. Upon being answered, ** that he was a wise
man, who sought after virtue," " Alas ! " said he, *' is he aed^
ing it at these years: whep then will he make use of it!"
And when, as we shall see afterwards, Alexander caused the
return of all the exiles that belonged to Greece, those of
Thebes excepted, to be proclaimed at the Olympic games;
'"Tis a hard case, O ye Thebaus," said Eudemidas, " but at
the same time very honourable ; for it is evident, that, of aft
the Greeks, Alexander fears you only."

Antipater having succeeded to his wish in crushing tko la-
surrectiou in Peloponnesus, and having cut off Agis, who was

HARPALU8 CORRUPTS DBMOSTHBNBS. 991

the chief spring of that insurrection, he resolved to render
Alexander's power in Ghreece still more complete, and his
authority more indisputable. The most formidable enemy
which Macedon had ever known in that country was Demos-
theneSy the effects of whose eloqnence had been felt both by
Philip raid his son. On Demosthenes, therefore, Antipater
determiiied to wreak his vengeance : and a fit occasion for
doing so soon offered. Harpalus, one of Alexander's captains,
halving inearred the displeasure of his master, fled for protec-
tion to Athens. During the time that he had commanded hi
Asia, he had amassed an enormous quantity of treasure, with
which he hoped to gain the degenerate Athenians over to his
desperate cause. His expectations were not altogether vain.
Many of the chief orators, allured by the golden prospects
which were set before them, tendered their services, and gave
faim reason to think that they could ensure him of safety. Two
of the orators, however, were still uncorrupted ; these were
Phocion and Demosthenes. Phocion is said to have wiAstood
evefy solicitation, and to have rejected every offer which Har-
paliu canU make with disdain. Demosthenes's virtue is said
to hmwe been equally inflexible for a while ; so high, indeed,
did his indignation rise, when he first beheld Harpalos dis-
triboting his bribes among the people, that he stood np and
flude a warm oration against Idm, treating him no otherwise
thm as a villain, who had robbed his master, and who was
come to Athens to involve the nation in a firesh war with
Alexander. But he soon changed his tone ; for when Harpa-
los was landing his treasures, a golden cup, of immense value
aod beantiful workmanship, is said to have caught his eye.
Harpalus, observing that he looked at it with mo^ than ordi-
nary earnestness, begged of him to take it up, and poise it m
faia hand. When he had done so, he asked Harpalus what
might be the value of it. '' To you, sir," replied Harpalm,
" it shall bring twenty talents : " and that very evening it is said
to have been sent, with twenty talents, to the orator^s house*.
Demosthenes was, next day, to have delivered his opinion re-
specting the propriety of granting protection to a Macedonian*
culprit. But when he was called upon, he showed his diroat
bound round with several rollers, on account of a bad cold
he bad caught. A wit was said to have observed on that

992 HISTORY QF ORBBOBr

occastoD, that ** The orator had got a golden quinsey.'' In a
very short time a rumour went abroad, that Alexander had
heard that the Athenians had suffered Harpalus to take refoge
in their city, and that he was so incensed, that be was jnat
about to dispatch a formidable fleet, to punish them for their
treachery. This rumour inspired the greatest conatematioo,
and Harpalus was immediately expelled from the city. An
inquiry was now set on foot, respecting those persons who hid
accepted of presents from Harpalus. This was the instnuiieBt
by which Antipater was to destroy Demosthenes. He, with
several others, was impeached : a prosecution commenoed be-
fore the court of the Areopagus, which, findii^ him giiilty of
receiving gold from Harpalus, he was fined in fifty talents.
Being unable to pay so large a sum, he was forced to go into
banishment.

This change in the condition of Demosthenes has given
rise to a variety of opinions respecting the cause of iL The
most reasonable, as also the most probable one is, that il was
the effect of the malice of his rival orators, added to the teoror
which the threat of Antipater had occasioned in the Areo-
pagus. Demosthenes is fully exculpated both by Pliitaidi
and Pausanias. Plutarch assures us, that that orator was the
very first person who proposed, that those who had been sus-
pected of the receiving bribes should be brought to trial in the
court of the Areopagus; and had he been guilty, says the
historian, it is not likely that he would have been so forward
in the affair. Pausanias again informs us, that Harpalus, haf-
ing fled to the island of Crete, was there slain by his own ser-
vants ; that his chief servant, who was likewise his confidant,
falling into the hands of Philoxenus, was by him put to the
torture, that he might thereby be compelled to discover which
of the Athenians had accepted of Harpalus*s gold. From his
confession it appeared that Demosthenes was innocent. Phi-
roxenus, who was an oflBcer in Alexander's service, and an
avowed enemy to Demosthenes, has confirmed this fact.

Antipater's deep policy in promoting the above charge
against Demosthenes has very justly been admired. He
thereby freed Macedon of the greatest obstacle to her ambi-
tion, and prepared the minds of the Athenians for a cheeifol
acquiescence in the measures of the friends of Alexander, by

RESTORATION OF THU GRECIAN EXILES. %I3

oonvincing them, that he who had made the strongest pro-
fessions of patriotism and zeal for the prosperity of Greece,
had, all the while, been aiming only at his own personal ag-
grandisement

With the loss of Aips, Sparta was disarmed ; and with
Demosthenes fled the very life and soul of the foreign opera-
tions of the Athenians. One would think that these events,
so fatal to Greece, would have tended to stay the unaccount-
able resentment of Alexander ; but they had no such -effect.
There still remained an act by which he might oppress that
once flourishing nation ; and that act he was resolved to see
accomplished. The violence of political contests, and of un-
successful expeditions against foreign enemies, had filled all
the cities of Greece with exiles. Their number, at the period
of which we are now speaking, is said to have amounted to
upwards of twenty thousand. Alexander, who never hesi-
tated at any thing that could cither promote his ambition or
confirm his power, foresaw advantages that were likely to
arise from a judicious management of these unhappy men.
It occurred to him, that if he should be the means of restoring
to them their former rights and immunities, they would, firom
a principle of gratitude, attach themselves to his interest
Grreeoe, he thought, by the accomplishmait of his scheme,
m^ht be brought to a total submission to the dominion of the
Macedonian monarchs : for it would naturally produce con-
vulsions in the states, by the manifold transfers of power and
property which would attend it : whence a very favourable
conjuncture would be afforded for him to step in, and eztin-
guish those sparks oC freedom, which appeared so irrecon-
cileable with his general system of government. Proclamation
was accordingly made, in the name of the Macedonian monarch,
at the Olympic games, "That all the exiles (those only ex-
cepted who had been guilty of atrocious crimes) should be
forthwith restored to their respective cities ; and that those
cities, which should refuse to admit them, should be forced to
compliance by dint of arms."

So nnprecedented, so insolent a command, could not fail to
rouse the indignation of a people, who enjoyed the name, at
least, of being free. It constrained them to reflect on the
glory which their ancestors had enjoyed in the happier times

394 HISTORY OP GRBEGB.

of Themistodes »id of CimoD, and to compare that gbry witlr
the disgrace with overwhelmed them now. Smik» as they
were, in effeminacy and idleness, they nevertbeleas entertained
in their minds ideas of independence, which a retrospect to
die virtues of their forefathers inflamed and heightened^ They
had boldly ridiculed the idea of Alexander's pretensions to
divinity. The Athenians bad taken courage to fine one of
their citizens for talking of having Alexander enrolled with
the gods of their country : and they had passed sentence of
death on another^ who, being on an embassy to Alexander,
had been so mean as to pay him divine honours. These wera,
indeed, but small exertions: such, however^ as they were,
they served to show that Greece was not yet fiilly pt'epsied
to stoop to a tyrant But all the former iostanees of Alex-
ander's usurpations were outdone by that, which was to oonpel
them to receive into their society men, whose crimes had jaslly
separated them from their former connections. That aet was
aiming a deadly blow at their civil and municipal privileges,
and was the grossest insult that any tyrant could have devised.
But Greece did not submit to it. The Athenians icified to
feel the indignity with superior poignancy ; nor wewe they at
any pains to stifle their resentment They dispatched ambas-
sj^dors to all the neighbouring states for the parpoae of pro-
moting an insurrection ; with many of which tliey were very
successful. The ^tolians, mindful of some proud, reproach-
ful terms, which Alexander had used, espoused the geneial
cause with particular zeal.

Such was the aspect of afi*airs when the news of Alexand^s
death reached Greece : news which added fresh spirits and
vigour to all the operations of the insurgents. Those who bad
not already revolted now ran to arms, drove out the Mace-
donians who were residing among them, and hastened to put
themselves under the command of Leosthenes, the Atha^io,
who had already collected a very considerable army.

It was now that Demosthenes was recalled from banish*
ment. His love for his country, though forced by its decrees
to part with those to whom he was peculiarly attached, had
remained undiminished. He had accompanied the Athenian
ambassadors in their progress through Peloponnesus, and by
the powers of his (^locution, had gained many friends to the

DBM08THRNB8 RBGALLBD. 895

eause wbieh they sought to maintain. He was deserved^
extolled for Ins opposition to Pytheas, an abettor of the Mace-
donian oanse, who strove to sow dissension atnong the inh»-
bitants of Arcadia. '' The Athenians/' said Pytheas, " may
be likened nnto ass*s milk, which is a certain indication of
sickness being in any house into which it is brought ; for, when
they appear in any city, we may, with certmnty, pronounce
that city to be distempered." — '*True," answered Demos-
theneSy ** but as ass's milk is a restorative of health, so are
Athenian counsels of distempered states." It was in const-
deraftion of such services as these, that Demosthenes was in-
vited to participate again in the pleasures of his native country.
The invitation was accompanied with very flattering marks of
respect. A galley was dispatched to JSgina, where he was
reading, to convey him to Athens. As he approached the
city, the citizens of every rank and sex went out to meet him,
and to congratulate him on his safe return. By the laws of
Us country, the fine which had been imposed on him could
not be remitted. His fellow-citizens, therefore, being solicit-
OQs tiiat he should lie under no sort of restraint, nominated
him to the office of preparing the temple of Jupiter Conser-
vator, against the feast of that deity, vrith an appointment of
fifty talents, the nett amount of Ids fine. This being paid,
Demosthenes began afresh to harangue in favovr of Athenian
liberty.

lioosthenes had now got together a very powerful army,
with which he marched against Antipater. As soon as that
general received intelligence of the approach of Leosthenes,
being aware of the inferiority of his troops to those of the
Athenians, he sent off a courier to Craterus, then acting in
CiiHeiat to request a supply. In the mean time, he inarched
Us troops into Thessaly, where he was joined by a large body
of cavahry. But the Thessalians, when they saw the con-
federated Greeks advancing, and perceived how greatly
snperior their army was in numbers to that of the Macedonians,
imniediately deserted to them. Antipater, however, was not
discouraged : he ventured to engage the enemy ; but, being
rented, he was forced to betake himself to flight. He led off
his men in good order ; and, having arrived at Lamia, a city
in Thessaly, ho caused the place to be fortified, and, with

306 HISTORY OF CRRBCB.

eight or nine thousand foot, prepared to make a desperate
defence. The Athenians advanced, and attacked the city:
but, finding it too well fortified to be easily taken by storm,
they set themselves down before it, in hopes of carrying it by
a regular siege. These dammings of success had greatly elated
the minds of the Athenians. They had once more seen their
invaders constrained to retire within their native limits. Tlieir
countrymen seemed to act with unusual unanimity and energy ;
and they thought they had now reason to look for a retam of
their ancient greatness. But Phocion's ideas were diflferent;
he made it his business to expose their infatuation, and to
check their misguided ardour ; well knowing that they pos-
sessed neither sufficient constancy nor vigour to carry on a
successful war with the Macedonians. ** What do you think,"
said one of his leaders to him, *' will be the most proper time
for going to war?" "When the young men," replied be,
'* keep within the bounds of regularity ; when the rich are
liberal in their donations ; and the orators cease to rob the
state." During these commotions, there is not a word said of
Demosthenes. Perhaps Phocion, with whom ^ he then lived
on terms of intimacy and friendship, had convnced Urn by
conversation, which he never could do by public sppaking, that
every idea of opposition to Macedon was now b^KM)me vaio
and extravagant.

Difficulties, and long habits of military experience, had
made Antipater fruitful of resources. Though every day at-
tacked by fresh troops, he maintained his situation, and seemed
not to abate either in spirit or strength. Making at last a
sudden sally upon the workmen, he threw them into great dis-
order ; and Leosthenes, who hastened to t!heir assistance, was
unfortunately killed with a stone. This incident greatly dis-
couraged the Athenians. They did not, however, relinquish
their system of conquest: they chose Antiphilus their general,
and pursued Antipater, who had, by his spirited sally, escaped
from Lamia. Shortly after that event they fell in with the
Macedonians, under Leonatus, and completely routed them :
but such repeated successes were their ruin. Overjoyed with
the victories which they had gained, and filled with contempt
at the feeble resistance made by the Macedonians, many of
them returned home, to boast of the triumph of their arms.

DB6RADAT10T4 OP ATHBN8. 807

and to congratnlate their friends on the return of ancient free-
dom. The period of their rejoicing was short* Antipater,
having received a strong reinforcement from Cilicia, under the
command of Craterus, advanced towards Cranon, a city in
Thessaly, where he engaged and quite discomfited the enemy,
who were led on by Antiphilus and Memnon. Though the
confederates lost only five hundred men in this battle, yet their
spirits were so broken by it, that they immediately sued for a
peace. To grant a general peace was not Antipater's design ;
he wished to see the Athenians more thoroughly humbled.
He therefore acquainted the vanquished, that he was ready to
enter upon separate treaties with them, and to hear what were
their demands. Thb proposition the Grecians rejected with
scorn ; but, finding that several cities belonging to their allies
in Tbessaly fell daily before the enemy, they were glad to
accept of any terms. In a short time, therefore, Antipater
had granted to every state, and to every city, except Athens,
whatever they demanded. In this distressful situation, Pho-
cion, with some other orators, was delegated by the Athenians
to sue for peace from Antipater, who was then encamped at
Cadmaea. Phocion entreated that the terms might be adjusted
there ; but Craterns insisted upon marching the Macedonians
into Attica, and opening the treaty at the gates of Athens ;
alleging. ** That it was unreasonable to burthen their firiends
with an arm,, while they were treating with an enemy." An-
tipater acknowledged the'justice of what he said ; '' but yet,"
subjoined he, 'Mot us grant this single favour to Phocion."
The favour was granted, and a peace was concluded ; but the
terms of it were equally subversive of Athenian honour and
power. Demosthenes and Hyperides were to be delivered
up; a distinction which they, no doubt, owed to their superior
seal in the service of their country. The democracy was to
be abolished ; the ancient mode of raising taxes restored ; the
obnoxious were to forfeit their municipal rights ; Athens was
to receive a Macedonian garrison, and to defiray the expenses
of the war. Phocion, who may be supposed to have had more
influence with Antipater than any other Athenian, on account
of his pacific disposition, was not, with the utmost exertions
of his eloquence, able to preserve bis native city from the ig-

306 HISTORY OF GRBECB.

nominy of being garrisoned by MacedoninE soldiers. He used
every ai^menft whkh could be dictated, either by bis fe«r of
shame, or bb regard for bis country's bononr ; but he coaM
not prerail; determined on oppressiov, the victor fiaiMMitd
unmoved. Menyllus, a man of an amiable temper of mini,
and ft fiiend of Pbocion'sy was sent to Athens to oemniaiid tfie
new garrison. Upwards of twelve thousand Atheinana were
disfranchised. Many of these foand their conditioo so in-
supportable, that they were obliged to go into Thraee, and td
settle there as Macedonian colonists.

Upon the arrival of the messenger who brought die first
accounts of that disgraceful treaty, Demosthenes led to
Calauria, a small island opposite to Troezene. He was eoii-
scious of having rendered too essential services to his comtiy
to have any hopes that Antipater would show him flMorcj.
Soon after his departure, Arcbias, a player, was seat to find
him out. Being informed that he had taken refuge in the
teropfe of Neptune, which bad been raised in thatishHid,
thither Arcbias bent bis course. He found the patriot orator
sitting, more collected and composed than his natural timiditf
gave reason to expect that be wouldbe. He tried to petsaade
him to return home ; assuring him that Antipater would treat
him humanely. Demosthenes, who knew better than Ardns
did what were the dispositions of Antipater, said, ** 0
Aicbias, I never was much moved with you as a player; and
now I am as little moved with you as a negociator." When
Arcbias began to press him bard, be begged leave to withdraw
a. little farther into the temple, in order to write a few lines ts
his family. When he had got to the place where be was to
write, he put a poisoned quill into his mouth, and chewed it,
as he usually did other quills, when he was very thoughtful.
The poison beginning to operate, he turned towards the
tragedian, and said, " Now, sir, you may act the part of Creoo
in the tragedy as soon as you please, and east out this body
of mine unburied." He desired to be supported to the door
of the temple, being unwilling to pollute it by his death ; bat
as he passed by the altar he expired.

Some historians have been at pains to refute this account of
the death of Demosthenes; alleging, that lie died of grief and

THE GREEKS HONOUR ANTIPATER. 399

a broken constitution ; but their account of (be event is nether
so probable, nor so well attested, as that whicb has now been
given.

The Atheoiiin citiasens, who had not forfeited the favour and
[NToteotioQ of Antipater, enjoyed a degree of tranquillity and
affluence, which had been for a loi^ time unknown. For
'kDany year$ they had been torn to pieces by the diMensioiis
which invariably attend a democracy. This form of govem-
ment Antipater bad abolished : he had put th^n nearfy npon
the same footing on which they stood in those virtnons days,
in which they had prospered by the wise institutions of Solon.
Most of the other states derived advantages of a sioiilar kind ;
and though they were at first much dissatisfied, on account of
the infiringements which they imagined he had made on their
freedom, yet they soon found, that they were, in reality, be-
come a more free people than they had hitherto been. They
acknowledged their obligations to Antipater, and honoured
him with the title of " The father and protector of Greece.''

Antipater, having revisited Macedon, was celebrating the
nuptials of his daughter Philla, whom he had bestowed on
Craterns, when he was informed that the iEtolians had taken
the field with a large army. The ^toKan^ were tiie only
people in Greece who complained of the terms granted them
by the governor of Macedon ; and they were resolved, either
to extort more favourable conditions, or to lose their all in the
field of battle. Antipater, and his young son-in-law, marched
directly into iEtolia; and, afiter encountering several diffi-
cnlties^ had the good fortune to see the enemy routed. Theae
operations happened in the winter season. In the spring,
Antipater prepared to besiege the cities of ^toBa which had
tiot su^eadered : but before he had been able to effect any
thing that was great, he was informed by Antigonus, that
Perdiccas had been paving the way to a revolt in the EbbL
The chief ai^uments which Antigonus used to influence Anti-
patar^s mind were, that Perdiccas had slighted Nicssa (the
daughter of Antipater), and put to death Cynane, the sister of
Alexander. This information declared the necessity which
there was for his immediate presence in Asia. He was thcare*
finre obliged to enter into a treaty with the JStoliaas; which

400 HISTORY UP GRBBCB.

ending in a peace, he was left at leisure to look afler bis
concerns in the East.

While Antipater and Craterus were rectifying disofders
beyond the Hellespont^ the ^tolians entered into a resolution
of avenging themselyes of the injuries which they bad sustained
during the preceding winter. They, therefore, entered the
territories of Macedon with a formidable armament, and were
committing dreadful depredations, when their career was in-
terrupted by Polycles, who commanded in that quarter for
Antipater. The ^tolians found means to bring Polycles to a
general action. Hb troops being greatly inferior to theirs in
point of numbers, were soon put to flight, and he himadf slain.
Before the victors had time to improve the advantages wUch
they had gained, they received advice, that the Acaraanians
had already penetrated into the heart of their country, and
were laying all waste by fire and sword. They, tliefeftre, re-
treated with precipitation to ^tolia ; leaving, however, their
allies in Thessaly under the command of Menon. Pdyp^choii,
who had the command in Macedon, took the advantage of the
division which had been made in the iEtolian army; and,
marching directly into Thessaly, fell upon Menon before he
was aware, and completely discomfited his troops. The iBto-
lians were so struck by the news of Menon's defeat, that thej
immediately laid down their arms. Thus was peace once
more restored to Macedon.

We are now to take a view of the Athenians, before the
total decay of their national consequence. We are to behold
them, not demanding liberty with the noble confidence of as
independent people, but imploring if with the servility of slaves.
Peaceable and happy as their city had been, since its submis-
sion to Antipater, there was one circumstance in their ki
which they could not brook with patience; that was, their
being protected by a Macedonian garrison. The dignity
and the glory of their ancestors recurred to their minds, and
prompted them to wish for the semblance, at least, of free-
dom. The first effects of this disposition were manifested
by their application to Phocion, whose influence with Anti-
pater they knew to be great, to repair to that general, who
was just returned from Asia, and to pray him to remove the

DBATH OP DEMADhS. 401

Macedonian garrison. But Phocion, well knowing that it
was then too late a period of their national existence for them
to be able \o guard themselves, bluntly declined the commis-
sion. He interceded, however, with the king, for the return
of the Athenian exiles, and had them all restored to their
homes and ancient privileges.

The recal of the garrison by Antipater was an object of too
much moment to be easily abandoned. On the refusal, there-
fore, of Phocion, they turned their eyes towards Demades,
the orator, who was likewise a favourite with Antipater.
Having less magnanimity and patriotism, but much mpre
vanity and self-conceit, than Phocion, this man undertook the
embassy. It was this same Demades who reproved Philip's
indecent exultation after the battle of Cheeronea ; it was he
who drew up the sentence of banishment against Demosthenes,
when, he fled to Calauria: and it was he who accompanied
Phocion to Cadmasa, to treat with Antipater and Craterus,
after the fatal battle of Cranon. He had long been a tool to
Antipater: he wanted not for abilities or eloquence; but
probity and disinterestedness were none of his virtues. Anti-
pater often said that ha had two friends at Athens : — - Phocion,
who never would accept of any reward for his services ; and
Demades, who never thought he had received enough.
Whether Antipater had diseontinued his largesses to Demades,
or whether Demades expected to be more liberally rewarded
by Perdiccas, we cannot say ; but he had formed a correspond-
ence with that commander, and had recommended to him to come
oi^er, and assume the government of Macedon and Greece.
A letter of his to Perdiccas was found, in which were these
words: " Gome and be the support of Macedon and Greece,
which at present lean on an old rotten staff;" meaning Anti-
pater. This discovery was made at the very time that he and
his son were soliciting the recal of the garrison. Antipater
atraightway ordered the son of Demades to be slain in his
father's sight ; and the moment that he had expired, sentence
of death was pronounced on the father himself. Thus fell
Demades, the orator ; and with his life were extinguished all
liopes of Athenian liberty.

The death of Antipater happened soon after that of the
lorator Demades, and a very short time after his return from

2 D

402 HISTORY OP GRBBCB.

his Asiatic expedition. The excessive fatigue whkh he had
undergone in forcing the Greeks to submit to the power of
Macedon, and in accommodating matters in Asia, had preyed
greatly upon a constitution afaready impaired by age. Being
fidthful and zealous in the cause of his country, his mind en-
joyed but little repose. As soon as he had arrived in Mace-
don, he employed himself in endeavouring to compose the
difierenoes subsisting among his countrymen, and to inatmet
them in the arts of peace. Anxiety of mind, co-operating
with an enfeebled and declining habit of body, produced a
violent disease, which soon left him but little room to hope for
a recovery. Though loaded with distress, he acted not un-
worthily either of the highness of his descent, or the exoetteaee
of his understanding. He was noble by birth, and had been
educated in the school of Aristotle. He assemUed his friends*
and those of his country, and admonished and instracted tbem
in the course of conduct which he wished them to pursue. To
Polyperchon, the eldest of all Alexander's captains then a
Europe, he bequeathed the two hi^ offices of |Hrotector and
governor of Macedon. His own son, Gassandor, he made a
chiliarch, or commander of a thousand men ; an appointmeot
of very great consideration in those days. He gave directiOBS
concerning the Athenian garrison, and recommended modeia-
tion and forbearance towards the Athenians. Thus did Aati'
pater reconcile the minds of his countrymen to the loss whioh
they were about to sustain, and lay the foundation of future
concord and vigour in the government of Macedon. Htf
career of glory was at an end : full of years and honours, and
surrounded and lamented by his friends, he died in a penod of
the most profound national tranquillity.

CHAPTER XVI.

TRANSACTIONS IN ASIA, PROM THB DEATH OP ALBX-
ANDBR TO THB DEATH OP ANTtGONUS.

When Alexander was asked, on Us death-bed, to whom he
denred to bequeath his empire, his answer was— -"To the
most worthy." These indefinite words must have been ex-
tremely soothing to the ambition of his superior officers. Hen
who had been accustomed to rule with absolute power, in dis-
tant, extensive, populous, and wealthy provinces, must have
b^n highly pleased to find, that their sovereign's trill threw no
bar in their way to dominion or power. They had all given
proofs of their great military talents ; and had, in return, been
fieivoured with the approbation and fiiendship of the king ;
each, therefore, thought himself possessed of sufficient merit
to be placed in that exalted station, which had been mentioned
as the reward of the most worthy. There was one, however,
who appeared to have an extraordinary claim to distinction ;
Perdiccas, to whom Alexander, in has last moments, had
delivered his royal signet. Possessed of merit equal at least
to that of his competitors, this adventitious circumstance might
seem to have given him a superior title to the vast object in
question. But his rivals were too proud to sufier an equal to
be exalted above them, without throwing some embarrassment
in his way ; and too fond of power to bestow a title to an
empire without advanchig their own pretensions. Accord-
ii^ly, they all remonstrated, and opposed Perdiccas's eleva-
tion ; and finding that they were not likely to succeed in their
private schemes, by acting interestedly, they resolved to over-
turn his, by acting justly, in supporting the claims of the
lawful heirs to the crown. These were, Hercules, the son of
Alexander, by Barsine, the widow of Memnon ; and Aridseus,
or, as he was afterwards called by the soldiery, PhiAlip ridaeus,
Alexander's onlv brother. There was fitde or no contest

2 d2

404 HISTORY OP 6RBBCB.

about Aridaeus's right to a share in the sovereignty. He bad
been acknowledged to be insane; and that circamstance, per-
haps» more than his consanguinity to the, king, procured Inm
an easy admission to the throne. Hercales's right was not so
readily recognized ; his mother was not of royal extraction ;
and, as Alexander had always shown a preference to Roxana
and Statira, and had, moreover, omitted to mention Hercules
in his last hoars, his title was at once set aside. But die ex-
clusive right to the throne was not to be granted to one person.
It was, therefore, judged proper, by all the leading men, to
divide the sovereignty between Aridsdos and the child to be
born of Roxana, should it prove a son. This appointment
was easily acceded to; as the government, that was naturally
to be expected from it, would leave full scope for the exerase
of avarice and ambition.

This settlement being made, the various competitors of
Macedonian empire retired to their respective employments.
Perdiccas had always been much about the person of the king;
and having been reported to be at once a favourite and a friend
to him, he found little diflBculty in ingratiating Umself witii
Aridffius and Roxana. Their countenance and favour wete
indispensably necessary to the execution of the deep phms
which he had laid ; and he spared no pains, and refrained from
no act of violence, which promised to procure them. He had
at first strenuously, though secretly, opposed the election of
Aridseus ; but finding that his influence, in the general council,
was likely to be outweighed, he immediately saw the necessitj
of disguising his real sentiments. He therefore professed
himself to be that prince's most zealous friend and supporter;
and, ill a little time, found himself possessed of all that he
desired, but the empty name of royalty. He insinuated him-
self so completely into the weak prince's favour, that he soon
contrived to have those, who had been most active in seating
him on the throne, put to death : and, in order to secure die
afl*ection of the army, he persuaded him to marry Euiydioe,
the grand-daughter of Philip, whose mother had lost her life
through his instigation. Philip still stood high in the good
opinions of the soldiery ; and there could have been no measure
adopted, that could bid so fair to ensure their warm and steady
support, as an apparent inclination to continue the govenh

DIVISION OF ALKXANDBR'S BMPIRB. 405

ment of the empire in his family. He was also obliged to
sacrifice to the passions of Roxana. By this time she had
been delivered of a son, whom she named Alexander : and as
it was he who was to share the sovereignty with Arideeus, the
friendship and interest of his mother became highly important.
A woman's jealousy is ardent and implacable. Statira was
great with child ; and lest a son shoold have appeared to dis-
pute the throne with Alexander^ Roxana and Perdiccas con-*
spire for her death. She falls accordingly ; and, in a very
short time after, Parysatis,. the sbter of Statira, and widow of
Hephasstion, suffers a like fate. Thus it was, that Perdiccas
endeavoured to conciliate the fevour of Arideeus and Roxana.
Macedon might be said to have had two kings ; but, in fact,
she had- but one ruler : for there was no act, either legislative
or executive, that did not owe its origin to Perdiccas. One
would think, that he might have been content with the respect
and power that were now conferred on him ; but his views
^tended much farther than to the possession of temporary
honour. He was determined to render the distinctions he had
acquired as permanent as they were great and substantial ; and,
for that purpose, it was requisite, that those men, who were
most likely to eclipse his glory, should be constrained to act on
distant and separate theatres. This end was to be attained
by a judicious distribution of the several governments and
great offices of state. A council was holden, in which it was
resolved, that the following arrangement should be made, in
the name of the two kings. To Antipater and Craterus was
assigned the government of the hereditary kingdom of Mace-
don, and of all Greece : the very same trust which Antipater
alone had received firom the hands of Alexander the Great.
To Lysimachus fell Thrace and the Chersonese. Eumenes
had Paphlagonia and Gappadocia. Ptolemy had Egypt ; and
Antigonus Phrygia the Greater, Lycia, and Pamphylia. Se-
leacus was appointed to command the royal cavahry ; while
Perdiccas contented himself with the title of captain of the
household troops. Considering the influence which Perdiccas
had in the state, this might have appeared to be but a humble
appointment for him ; but, though it wanted splendour, it con-
fenred power ; for it left him at full freedom to prosecute the
purposes of his ambition, by placing him in the presence of the

406 HISTORY OF 6RBBCB.

kings, at the head of a trosty and well-discipliiied body of
soldiers ; while his rivals w^re forced to seek their fortunes id
distant quarters of the empire.

Had the electors of the kings been sincere in the im)fe8sioD
of esteem and loyalty which they made, when they affected to
pay so great a deference to justice and right, the steps which
Perdiccas had taken would, in all probability, faaTe been the
most effectual, of all others, for securing to himself the ex-
clusive direction of the empire. But men, who had great and
powerful armies ready to move at their nod, and who could
command the treasures of wealthy nations, were not veiy likely
to act disinterestedly on such an occasion. In tnith» every
one hoped to find an eaiiy opportunity of tfarowiiq; oflf the
mask ; and, until that opportunity should offer, tiiey were
willing to acknowledge the sovereignty of kings, whose in-
capacity to inspect the proceedings of their servanti woaht
allow tii«e for their schemes to ripen.

The flames of sedition at length broke forth; whenttiere
appeared to ha three distinct, active, and aspiring factioni m
the empire. One was headed by Perdiccas, and aopported fay
Eumenes ; another was headed by Ptolemy, and sapported hf
Antipater and Craterus; and thetlurd, which ultiDiatdyprof«4
the most formidable of all, was raised and maintained by A»-
tigonus alone. This chief seems to have had the most daring
and intrepid mind of all the captains of Macedon. None
ventured to speak his sentiments so freely as he, at the elec-
tion of the kings, and he was the first who presumed to re-
monstrate with Perdiccas, on the new arrangement that htd
been made in the state. But it was Ptolemy who first dis-
claimed the power of the united monarchs, and who preparodf
in the face of the world, to act the part of an independeot
sovereign prince. Removed to so great a distance from tlie
seat of empire, he could strengthen his army and establish his
government as he pleased, without interruption. Encouraged
by these circumstances, he was hastening to render his posses-
sions stable and secure, when Perdiccas judged it expedient,
for the safety of the Macedonian interests, to march into ]^;ypt
with a powerful army. This commander crossed, over into
Asia ; but, before he had nearly accomplished his march, br
was informed tha( Antipater and Craterus were also in arms^

DBATH OP PERDIGGAS. 407

aod that they were pursuing the same route which he himself
bad taken. The preparations which Ptolemy had already
made were too alarming to admit of delay. Perdiccas, there-
fore, empowered or ordered Eumenes to watch the motions of
Antipater and Craterus ; while he, and the two kings, should
direct their march towards Egypt. After undergoing con-
siderable fatigue, he reached the Egyptian frontier. Hostilh-
ties were instantly commenced, and frequent and vigorous
efforts were made by the royal troops, against the forces of
Ptolemy, in vain. The soldiers, discouraged at 'length by their
ill success, and disgusted with Uie haughty and overbearing
deportment of their general, mutinied, and slew him.

Duringthese transactions, the other parties were not inactive.
Antipater's main object was to check the growing power of
Perdiccas, who, under pretext of guarding the rights of the
kings, appeared to be graspmg at the supremacy for himself.
He divided his army into two bodies : the one he put under the
oonmiand of Craterus, who was to make head against
Eumenes ; and with the other he marched into CiUcia, that he
might have it in his power to succour Ptolemy, in case the
royal party should preyail.

Before he had time to learn any thing concerning the ope-
rations of the contending powers in Egypt, he had the mortifi-
cation to hear of the death of Craterus. That general had
fiiUen, and his army had been routed, chiefly durough the
artifices of Eumenes. Eumenes, knowing how much his op-
ponent was esteemed by the national troops, did not judge it
safe to permit them to take a station in the field, from whence
diey might have an opportunity of discovering the favourite
general, against whom they were to act. In drawing up his
troops, therefore, he took dare to oppose the foreigners that
w^re in his army to the soldiers of Macedon ; and by that
cautious management, not a single soldier in his army knew by
whom the enemy were led on, till Craterus was found breath-
less on the field of battle.

By the death of Craterus, Phila, the only daughter of Anti-
pater, was left a widow. From a twofold cause, therefore,
Antipater must have been afflicted by the loss wUch he had
sustained. But he was not doomed to mourn long : a pal-
liative was very soon brought him ; and that was, the news of
the death of Perdiccas. In consequence of that important

40B HISTORY OP GRJSS6B.

event, Antipater was solicited to join the army in Syria, is
order to make new arrangements for the gOTemmeat of the
empire. He repaired thither with all convenient expeditbn ;
and» upon his arrival, was, by general consent, appointed pro-
tector of the kings.

This was a fatal blow to the interest of the friends of Per-
diccas. Enrydice, who owed her present exaltation to the in-
terposition of the late protector, set herself to distnrb the qoiet
of his successor; but she soon found bis authority too great to
be affected by any exertion of hers. She, therefore, began to
soften in her resentment ; and, in a little time, she tendered
him not only her support, but her confidence. Antipater,
thinking it requisite to revisit Macedon, lost no time in adjust-
ing matters* in Asia. He found Eumenes determined in his
purpose of prosecuting the war against the enemies of Perdic-
cas, because he believed them to be the enemies of the true
interests of Macedon. He therefore appointed Antigonns to
continue hostilities with Eumenes, in the name of the kings.
He gave his son, Cassander, the command of a very coonder-
able army ; with secret injunctions to guard, with a jealov
eye, the proceedings of Antigonus. Of that oflScer^s valour
and conduct he entertained not a doubt ; but he prudently
thought, that he had too bold a genius to be constantly awed
by the irresolute and tardy commands of a distracted and dis-
tant government. Matters being thus settled, he, together
with the kings, set out for Macedon.

Antigonus now prepared to act with uncommon vigour
against Eumenes. He had every incentive to dispatch ; his
temper was naturally suited to action ; he was dissatisfied with
the manner in which the great departments of the state were
filled ; he bore no good will to fiumenes, and he had the sanc-
tion of royal authority for taking the most effectual measures
to crush him. A battle soon ensued, in which Eumenes was
betrayed by one of his officers, and completely discomfited;
but that discomfiture was productive of one of the chief glories
of his life. Having rallied bis men, he escaped the pursuit of
his enemies, by striking into another road. He returned to the
field of battle unperceived ; burned the bodies of the slain, and
covered their ashes with a large mound of earth : he then se-
lected six hundred of his ablest soldiers, and with them re-
turned to Nora, a castle bordering on Cappadocia. His in-

POLYPBR€HON RBCAL8 OLYMPIAS. 400

genuity and kis exertions* while in that fortress^ have been
very jnstly admired. The only provisions^ which he had» were
com, salty and water. On these he held out, against the whole
strength of Antigonns's army, for a complete year, and at
length forced him to quit the siege.

A very important revolution had, by this time, taken place
in Europe. Antipater had been cut off by a violent disease ;
and Polyperchon, whom he had appointed to succeed him in
the hi^ offices of governor-general of Macedon and protector
of the kings, had ascended the throne. This man was destitute
of resolution, of wisdom, and of probity ; and proficient in nothing
but the mere forms of transacting business, and in the ceremo-
nials of a court. His country had, of course, reason to look
for ostentation and splendour, instead of politic schemes and
beneficial acts of legislation.

It was not long before be evmced the extent of his capaciiy
for conducting the empire. On the death of Antipater a ge-
neral council was held, in order to consult for the general
good. The first resolution taken by that court was one pro-
posed and strenuously supported by Polyperchon. The sub-
stance of it was, " That Olympias, the mother of Alexander
the Great, should be recalled, and appointed to superintend
the rearing of Alexander, the son of Roxana." Thisresolutkm
was extremely impolitic, and full of danger. For it-was to
place in an important situation a woman, whoser alarming in-
terferences in government had determined former governors
to keep her constantly at a distance from the seat of empire.
She had resided for several years at Epirus ; and one of the
last admonitions, which Antipater gave to Polyperchoq, was,
never to permit her to return to Macedon.

But Polyperchon was not guided by the prudent counsel of
Us predecessor. Not only did he allow Olympias to take up
her abode in Macedon, but made her his cUef confidant, and,
in a little while, virtually committed to her care the govern-
ment of the whole nation. Though a woman of a violent and
revengeful temper of mind, yet she was not destitute of dis-
cernment. The deep and often fatal intrigues, in which she had
been concerned, had taught her the knowledge of men. That
knowledge was exerted on the occasion of which we are now
speaking ; for, instead of nominating to the chief command in

410 HIBTORY OP GRBBCB.

Asia, ooe whose dissolute morals promised fair to promote any
arbitrary scheme which the court might propose, she appmnted
£nmenes, who was the most loyal and steady friend which the
royal family had. There was much wisdom in employing such
a character as Eumenes, at that critical juncture. The power
of Antigonns had for a considerable time been increasing ; one
or two more successful campaigns would, in all likelihood, have
placed him above the reach of opposition.

On receiving the letters which conferred on him the sopieme
command in the East, Eumenes made haste to acquit himself
with credit. He had a powerful rival to contend with. Being
inferior to him with regard to the number of his aoldiera, and
also in point of influence in the Asiatic provinces, he was under
the necesnty of employing the whole resources of his inventive
genius. He did so : and he might have been yictorions in the
end, had not bis friends deserted him. He made a consider-
able augmentation of his forces ; and, by granting appoint-
ments and conferring honours, soon found means to gain over
to his cause many of the most powerful officers in the opposite
interest. The Argyraspides, a body of hardy Mao^oniaa
veterans, who had been presented with silver shields by Alex-
ander the Great, in consideration of their valiant exploits, and
who were therefore held in high estimation by their fellows-
soldiers, soon became attached to his party. This was looked
upon as no slight mark of his superior address and favour with
the military. He was peculiarly careful to avoid giving offence
to the higher rank of oflScers, well knowing, that men who had
withstood so many changes in government, who had so mack
influence with the soldiery, and who, moreover, had it in their
power to disappoint his measures, by endeavouring to second
those of his opponent, could not be aflronted but at the ex-
pense of his honour and success. The first step, which he took
to prevent their ideas of precedency, and their mutual jealousy
of being supplanted in their commander's favour, from disturb-
ing the peace of the army, was, to cause a pavilion, with a
throne in the midst of it, to be erected ; around which throne
his officers were to assemble, when any public business was to
be transacted. This pavilion was after the manner of that
which Alexander used on a similar occasion. Eumenes pre-
tended that he was directed to do so in a dream. The expo-

8UCCKSVBS OF \NTIGONUS. 411

(Bent, doubtless, was a good one. It might an^er the pur-
pose for which it was intended ; bat» while it did so, it demon*
strated the precarious ground on which Maeedonian com-
maoden then stood.

Eunenes was enabled to keep the field against Antigonus
for about three years, in which time he generally had the ad*
rantage, Antigonus at length, provoked by the obstinacy, and
filled with apprehensions at the enterprising spirit of his anta-
.gonist, resolved to make one desperate, and, if possible, deoi-
sive effort He resolved to attack Eumenes in his winter-
quarters. Peucestus, commander of the royal horse, had
secretly gone over to the interests of the enemy. When Anti-
gonus made his attack, Peucestus managed his command in
such a way as to render the horse of little or no service to the
army to which they belonged. The infantry made a brave and
successful stand against the enemy. The phalanx of Antigo-
nus was routed by them ; and had their exertions been sup-
ported by the cavalry, Antigonus's fortune would that day have
been reversed. But they were left to combat alone. Antigo-
BM improved the advantage, and, wheeling about upon their
rear, threw them somewhat into confusion. Still, however,
they kept the field, and by their intrepidity kept the issue of
the battle in suspense, till they were informed, that a detach-
ment firom that part of the enemy's army which had been op-
posed to Peucestus had fallen upon the baggage, and made
themselves masters of their wives, their children, and of all the
treasures which thev had won in the course of their Asiatic
wars. This news inspired the whole army with rajge, resent-
ment, and grief. They were incensed, not only against Peu-
cestus, by whose baseness they had been betrayed, but against
Eumenes, under whose command their private fortunes and
the public cause had sustained so insupportable a blow. They
meditated revenge on both ; but, first of all, it appeared re-
quisite to try to recover their families and effects. In a mean
and submissive manner, therefore, they applied to Antigonus to
restore the fortunes which his arms had acquired. Antigonus
veadily agreed to grant them that request, and any other they
should make, provided they would forthwith, deliver into his
hsnds Eumenes, *' who was not a Macedonian bv birth, and
who had boon dcchirod an onemy to the public."

413 HISTORY OF GRBBCB*

These insinaations^ we may suppose, wouUT find ready ad-
mittance into the minds of men, who were already dissatisfied
with the person against whom they were made. The greater
part of the army fell in with the proposition of Antigonus ; and,
among the first, were the famous Argyraspidas. Eumenes
was seized ; his hands were tied behind his back ; and his sol-
diers were carrying him to Antigonns, when he besoogfat them
to grant him leave to speak. They allowed him a hearing.
But though his speech was well calculated to soften their
hearts, though it unfolded to them the dangers they were about
to bring on the state, by rendering Antigonus absolute; and
reproached them with the cruelty and injustice of delivering to
his executioner a general, who had undergone so many tofls
for their honour, and for the aggrandizement of the ^npire—
still they remained unmoved. He entreated ihem to rescue
him from the disgrace of being put to death by the hands of m
enemy, by doing that last office to him themselves. But he
entreated them in vain. He was conducted to AntigonuiTs
camp, his hands bound in the manner we have mentioned ;
and, after a few days' confiuement, was brought forth and
executed.

The late signal success of Antigonus opened a wide field for
his ambition. It inspired him with insolence and pride, and
filled the neighbouring princes with consternation and dismay.
To ward off the misfortnues which such prosperous events
might have occasioned, those very commanders, who had lately
opposed him, now hastened to make their submission, and to
proffer their aid and support. He readily accepted their ac-
knowledgments of his superiority, but was backward in assurii^ .
them of his protecUon. In truth, it was not his intention to
protect them. The prospect of rising among the princes of
the earth, which then began to dawn, had rendered him inte-
rested and selfish. The theatre on which he then appeared,
extensive as it was, exhibited too many actors for any one of
them to become illustrious : it was therefore his intention to
lessen their number. Several of the inferior governors were
sacrificed ; and his resentment and suspicions would have been
allayed had not Seieucus still stood in the way.

Seleucus had been appointed governor of Babylon by An-
tipater. He was an able and an enterprising commander. He

LKA6UK AGAINST ANT1O0NU8. 418

had always professed himself the friend of Antigonus ; and
none that koew him ever thought of questioning the sincerity
of his professions. But Antigonus was become a tyrant; and
tyranny admits not of lasting friendship, ft vexed him to see
any Ajiatic commander holding an appointmentnot immediately
derived firom him. He therefore advanced to Babylon, in
order to extort the submission of the govemor. The method
he took to compel Seleucus to come to a speedy explanation
vras, his leqneslmg an exact statement of the revenues of his
province. At this request Seleucus was astomshed. He told
Antigonus, that he had been invested with the command and
direction of his province by the court of Macedon, and that, of
course, he was accountable to none for his proceedings, but to
that court, or to those whom it might delegate. Antigonus
persisted in his right to have satisfaction, and began to
threaten. Seleucus thought it was now high time for him to
be gone. With the privacy and assistance of some of his
officers, he got together a small detachment of horse, and in
the night quitted Babylon and fled into Egypt. He well knew
that it would have been in vain to have attempted to oppose
Antigonus with arms; and, perceiving with what unprecedented
cruelty other governors had been treated, he wisely deter-
mined to seek safety in flight.

These revolutions were the means by which Seleucus,
Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and Cassander, were again brought
forth into public notice. The last of these chiefs soon came to
act a very distinguished part among the governors of the Ma-
cedonian empire. The whole influence of Antigonus's family
kad almost fallen before his power. It was not long before
Ae report of Antigonus's victories had spread itself over every
province then under the dominion of Macedon. In Europe, the
dismemberment of the empire was dreaded ; and in Asia and
Africa little else was looked for than the reign of a despotic
prince. All were«alarmed, and ready to listen to the advice of
any one who was capable of projecting any plan for their re-
lief. Ptolemy was the first who evinced his zeal in thwarting
the measures of Antigonus. The news, which Seleucus had
brought to him concerning that bold commander, confirmed
the apprehensions he had formerly entertained of his views.
To embarrass and crush him the more effectually, he leagued

414 HI8T0RY OF 6RKKCB.

himself with Lysimachus and CassaDder, who joined cordially
in a wish to overthrow his power. They were preparing to
commence hostilities, when Antigoniis resolved to show them
that he was not intimidated by their preparaticnia. He
collected his forces with all possible speed ; and« before the
enemy were aware, the greater part of the provinces of Ooslo*
Syria and Phoenicia jbad submitted to his arms. Finding that
hia conquests could not ea«ly be extended without a fleet to
oo-operate with his land forces, he set every hand to the
building of ships ; and, before the end of die yeai,- he was
ready to put to sea with five buadced sail. The first ezpeditfon
of this armament was against Tyre, which opened its gates to
him after a siege of near four months.

Whilst these operations were going forward, the other
belligerent powers were up in arms. Cassander had led Us
forces towards the coasts of the Lesser Asia, and had ande
himself master of several provinces. The news of this reaching
Antigonus, ho judged it necessary to hasten to the relief of
those provinces. In a short time, therefore, he encamped ii
the neighbourhood of Cassauder*s army ; but no action took
place, Cassander being sensible of the inferiority of his troops,
in respect to numbers, to those of the enemy.

At the same time, very vigorous exertions were making
against Antigonus in another quarter. Ptolemy, having levied
a formidable army, had reached Gaza, and attacked and
defeated Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, who had been left
to command in his father's absence. But Demetrius soon
regained the honour which he had lost. Having come op
with Cilles, one of Ptolemy's generals in the Upper Syiis,
he won a complete victory over him ; and in a short time
Coelosyria and Phoenicia, which had been wrested from
Demetrius by Ptolemy, submitted to the power and govern-
ment of the family of Antigonus. ^

The defeat of Demetrius at Gaza, enabled Ptolemy to sap-
port Seleucus in his claims on Babylon. Ptolemy was happy
to find so able a confederate ; he therefore furnished him with
a small body of troops (all, however, that he could spare), and
with them Seleucus marched to attempt the recovery of his
government. The army which he then commanded did not
amount to fourteen hundred men, and he was to conduct them

SELEUOUS KE-ESTABLISHfiU IN BABYLON. 41ft

tbroagh that extensive coantry which lies between PboDDicia
and Btibylon, many districts of which were peopled by men in
the interest of Antigonus. He accomplished his march ; andy
on his approach to the city, the whole inhabitants ran out to
meet him, and to welcome his appearance among them. Thus
was SeleacQS restored to a command, which his abilities and
▼irtnes gave him a high title to ; and to a people who respected
and loved him, on account of the pradenoe and moderatioii
which he had evinced ever since he had been set over them.
The attachment which his people bore to him, added to the
vigour of his own mind, secured to him, through the remainder
of his days, the possession of Babylon, with tittle interruptioii,
and of some neighbouring states.

Antigonus and Demetrius were now become the enemies of
the whole Macedonian empire, and a general combination was
formed against them. But it was not found easy to humble
dieir power. Their activity and resources seemed to be in-
exhaustible. In Greece, the iEtoIians and Epirots, spurred on
and supported by them, had taken tblf field against Cassander.
Ptolemy had carried his arms into the Lower Asia, and sent
his fleets to reduce the iEgean islands, that were in league
with Antigonus. To both of these objects, therefore, Anti-
gonus was forced to attend. Lysimachus and Cassander, on
the other hand, were making depredations on the provinces
situated on the banks of the Hellespont and Bosphorus : there,
also, the aid of Antigonus or Demetrius was necessary. In
short, they were beset with foes on every hand, and they
maintained their cause with an astonishing degree of vigour
and success.

The period was now at hand, when the Macedonian empire
was for ever to be torn from the fomily of Philip. Its various
governors had, for a time, been suffered to act without control ;
or, if there existed any control, it was that of one general
over another, which neither could brook, because each thought
himself the equal of his rival. Their ambitious views had long,
been fostering : the commotions of the state had quickened
their growth ; and, in the pride or the prospect of victory, they
were not likely soon to subside. It was not, however, till
after a considerable time, that any of them dared to avow his
intentions. Every declaration of war, and every overture for

«^

416 HISTORY OP GRBBCB. ^

peace, was made in the name of the young king Alexander ;
and if a prince was dethroned, or a country ravaged, it was on
account of him and the royal family. These artifices were
the more remarkable, as they were made at the very period,
and by those very men, by whose perfidy the royal family was
daily mouldering away. Olympias, Alexander's mother, had
lately been murdered by Cassander ; and Cleopatra, his uster,
had fallen a victim to the ambition of Antigonus* Cassander
having usurped the government, it was not difficult to foresee
what would be the end of Roxana, and the king her son.
They were looked upon by Cassander as obstacles to his
power ; and, in a short time, they were put to death by Us
direction. At his instigation, also, Hercules, the son of
Alexander, by Barsine, was secretly murdered.

After the perpetration of such barbarous deeds, it was ?ain
to hope that mankind would any longer be imposed upon.
The generality of the leading men were convinced of this, and
they resolved to throw off a veil through which every eye
could pierce. Antigonus was the first to declare bis views.
He was emboldened by the successes of his son, Demetrius.
All Greece had acknowledged the force of Demetrius's arms;
the island of Cyprus had been reduced by him; and the
Egyptian fleet, commanded by Ptolemy, had been totally
defeated. On receiving the news of the reduction of Cyprus,
and, above all, of the overthrow of Ptolemy, Antigonus was
transported with joy, and issued out orders, that he and bis
son should forthwith be proclaimed kings of Syria.

So pleasing an example was not likely to want followers.
Accordingly, Seleucus and Lysimachus, without taking time
to consult the inclinations of those whom they governed, gave
orders that they should be saluted kings. The other leading
men resolved to accept of the same honourable distinction, as
soon as the situation of their affairs would permit.

The Syrian kings, now inflamed with the love of dominion,
mark out Egypt as the first victim of their power and ambition.
Demetrius is appointed admiral of the fleet ; Antigonus him-
self takes the command of the land army. A storm at sea,
the sultry heats of the deserts between Syria and Egypt, and
the vigilance of Ptolemy, disappointed the ambitious views
of Antigonus and Demetrius. They quitted Egypt ; and, as

-r w

* SUGCB6SB8 OP UKMETRIUS. 417

•

tlie only means of safety, made a hasty retreat into Syria.
Ptolemy, after this repalseoTsuch formidable enemies, assumed
the title and the dignity of a king.

The Syrian princes, in order to redeem the honour of their
arms, resolved to carry them against the Rhodians, on pretence
that they had furnished supplies to Ptolemy in his late contest
with Syria. The Rhodians had, for many years, been renowned
for their skill in naval affairs. Their commerce was consi-
derable, their soil rich and fertile ; the conquest of Rhodes,
therefore, would present to the invaders a plentiful harvest
Denetrius having made good his landing on that island, sat
dawn before the capital, determined to exhaust all his ingenuity,
in order to reduce it to obedience. Of all the princes of his
time, he is said to have been at once the most ingenious, the
most profound, and the most intrepid. In the construction of
warlike engines his genius shone forth with particular lustre.
It was from the amazing efficacy of some of these that he
acquired the name of Poliorcetes, the Stormer of Cities. The
Rhodians, supported by their numerous fleets, and furnished
with stores from Greece and from Egypt, withstood every
attack with firmness, and utimately obliged the besiegers to
draw off their forces. The high spirit of Demetrius was mor-
tified by the unexpected resistance of the Rhodians, and the
ingenuity and constancy with which they opposed all the fina*
ness of his resolution and the resources of his invention*

The solicitations that were made to Demetrius by the
Athenians, to come and rescue them from the oppression of
Cassander, were gladly received by him in such a juncture.
He found his reputation declining every hour that he remained
in Rhodes, and was extremely happy to undertake an expe-
dition, the urgency of which might serve as a pretext for his
having abandoned an object for which such great and formi-
dable preparations bad been made. In Greece his arms were
attended with more success. He soon forced Cassander to
raise the siege of Athens ; pursued him in bis retreat; and,
having come up with him, threw his army into disorder, and
obliged them to fly with precipitation into Macedon. The
result of this triumph was, the submission of the greater part
of Greece. All the cities, from the straits of Thermopylse t^ .

2 B

418 HISTORY i)P 6RBBGK.

the isthmus of Coriath, yielded to his prevailing power ; and
also many cities in the Peloponnesus.

The Grecians, sunk into effeminacy and serviHty, thonght
that the interposition of Demetrius in their favour had laid
them under an eternal obligation to him, and that they were
in gratitude bound to make him the g^atest and earliest retmli
in their power. They therefore studied to feed his appetites,
and to gratify his passions. There was no sensaal iodnlgence
with the means of which they did not furnish him. The orators
made the most fulsome and ridiculous panegyrics on his virtues
and his victories. The nation at large complimented him on
his being the restorer of the liberties of an oppressed people ;
and, to complete his honours, a solemn convention of the states
declared him generalissimo of all Greece.

Had Antigonus discovered and pursued his true interest,
he would have availed himself of the defeat of Cassander, to
enter into some beneficial alliance with that commander. But
instead of that, he rejected with disdain all his advances towards
reconciliation. He would not even enter into a treaty of
peace with him, though he condescended to ask it in the mort
suppliant manner. The only terms he would grant were
unconditional submission, and a total renunciation of every
claim on the kingdom of Macedon.

This impolitic insolence did not go unchastised. Cassander^s
influence in Europe was still great, and he had the esteem of
several of the eastern princes. But the chief advantage he
had over Antigonus was, the antipathy which all their neigh-
bours bore to the Syrian kings. Many of them had already
smarted under the rod of their oppression, and all of them had
much to fear from their ambitious and tyrannical principles.
They therefore joined, avowedly and cordially, in checking the
growth of a power, which threatened one day to overwhdn
them. The confederacy against Antigonus and Demetrias
was composed of the Macedonians, the Thracians, and the
Egyptians, together with some inferior states. Lysiniadifis
was appointed to the command of the Thracians, and a detach*
raent of Macedonians ; and Selencus to that of the Egyptians,
together with the household troops, which had been put under
his direction by Pcrdiccas. Lysimachus made all possiUe

UBATH OV ANTi60>iU8. jl^

baste ]Q condiM^ng his army into Asia- Before the wintar
k» bad reached Phrygia. ' He made several o^ers of accom-
modatioa with Aiiligoiitis» wIm w^ then in the same province ;
but tUs prince was too confident of success to listen to his
proposals.

Early in the spring, news w^ brpi^ht to AjitigonuSy t|h^
Seieucns was approaching rapidly at t^e ^eiad of a powerfi;^
army. On receiving that intelligence, he dispatched a
messenger to Demetrius, to request of him to march to bis
assistance as quickly as possible. Demetrias obeyed bis
father's command ; and had arrived in Phrygia a very sbort
time when it was reported, that Seleucus had joined Lysi-
macbus. Thus united, the Syrian army consisted of seventy
thousand foot, ten thousand horse, and seventy-five elephants ;
that of the confederates, of sixty-four thousand foot, ten
thousand five hundred horse, four hundred elephants, and a
hundred and twenty chariots of war. Both armies were
anxious about the event of a battle, by which the fate of king-
doms was to be decided. Antigonus, who never bad been
seen to shrink from any form of danger, is said tobav^ betrayed
several marks of fear on this occasion. The eventful battle
was fought near to Ipsus, an inconsiderable town in the
province of Phrygia. It were needless to record all the
manoeuvres and feats of valour to which it gave rise ; it will
be enough to say, that both armies behaved gallantly, and
acted with a degree of zeal and energy which would have done
honour to a better cause. The brave Antigonus fell ; the
Syrians were completely routed ; and Demetrius, with much
diflSculty, effected his escape at the head of nine thousand
men. The success of the confederates is ascribed to the good
conduct of Seleucus, who took advantage of the warmth of
Demetrius, in pursuing with too much ardour a body of the
enemy which he had put to flight. With Antigonus fell the
greatness of the Syrian empire.

Antigonus, when he was slain, was in the eighty-fourth year
of his age. He was a person of noble extraction. He
espoused Stratonice, the daughter of Correus, a young lady
of exquisite beauty ; and by her had two sons, Demetrius and
Philip. Philip died in early youth ; Demetrius, as we have

2e2

420 HISTORY OP GRBBCB.

already seen, was the pride and sapport of his father's days.
There was no commander in the service of Macedon who had
been more in the field than Antigonujs : his whole life had
been a scene of activity and peril ; and he had, on ail occa-
sions, displayed the utmost zeal and bravery. He had risen,
from being to officer in the army of Alexander, to be the brd
of some of the fairest provinces in Asia.

CHAPTER XVII.

REVOLUTIONS IN MACBDON AND GRBECE, PROM THE
DEATH OP ANTIPATBR, TO THE PINAL OVERTHROW
OP THE PAMILY OP PHILIP.

Cassandbr, apprehendiDg the perilous situation in which he
and all the friends of the late administration of Macedon were
placed, resolved to take some precautions for their safety.
He began to reflect on the character of Polyperchon, which,
bring that of a credulous and inhuman man, determined him
to act with equal circumspection and dispatch. Besides, he
was dissatisfled with the disposition of affairs which his father
had made ; and was stimulated by his ambition to attempt the
recovery of a command, to which he reckoned that he had the
best right. From these, and some other considerations of a
similar nature, he was led to adopt the following expedient; —
He engaged a number of his most respectable friends to ac-
company him into the country, to enjoy the diversion of hunt-
ing. When they had got a considerable distance from court,
he assembled them together, and disclosed his mind. He told
them, that his true reason for having brought them to that
place was, that he might have the advantage of their opinions,
in a matter in which their lives and fortunes were deeply con-
cerned. What he alluded to was, the arrangement that had
lately been made in the conduct of public affairs, and the con-
sequences that were likely to flow from that arrangement He
then expatiated at great length on the dangers that threatened
the nation, from the junction of interests that had taken place
between the protector and Olympias, the ancient and implaca-
ble enemy of Antipater and of all his friends. He set before
them the obligations which they lay under to obviate the mis-
fortunes which might be expected to rise out of that union ;
and, that they might join with the greater alacrity in doing so,
he stated the motives which he thought would induce Antir
gonus, Ptolemy, and Lysimachus, to become the enemies of
Polyperchon. It is not known, whether he then avowed his

423 HISTORY OF GREBCB.

intentions of supplanting the protector, or whether he spoke
of only providing for the security of his friends. At any rate,
his remonstrances procured him many powerful partizans* in
confidence of whose support he resolved to act independently
and openly.

In the mean tiine, Polyperchon was busied in new modelling
the government of Greece. He had held a council of state,
in which it was resolved to displace all the gOTemorB who had
been nominated by Antipater, and to restore democracy
throughout that country. The ^dict which was pnblkhed on
that occaaott is to be found in the works of Diodonlft. The
manner in which it is written gives us the highest opiakm if
the genius of the Macedonians of that period* The body of
the edict contains several great stretches of the royal prevsgi-
tive ; while the preamble abounds with protestatioos of die
courts having no other end in view, by the measure eqoioed,
than to restore liberty to the Grecian people.

This prodamation, gracious as it pretended to be, did not
meet with unanimous approbation. The nlain object of it ww
to break the power of the late governors ; but die govemtn
did not choose to submit to a decree, by which they were evi-
dently to be sufferers ; they hesitated for a while, and tbee
had recourse to Cassander for relief. The Athenian being of
more consequence to Macedon than any other Grecian stale,
the eyes of all men were turned on Nicanor, governor of
Athens. Had Nicanor complied readily, all the ends of the
edict would certainly have been gained ; the rest of the gover-
nors would have followed his example : but, instead of fidlflif
in with the wishes of the court, he endeavoured to set theff
power at defiance. He at first questioned the autboriCjr of
Polyperchon ; when Olympias, some time after, wrote to fain
on the subject, he devised new causes of procrastination ; ni
he continued to do so, till he had sufficiently strengthened the
garrison at Munichia, which he commanded. In that situation
he might have held out till Cassander could have had time to
bring him succours : but he was now able to do more than
protect his fort. Instead, therefore, of quittbg the Munichi«i
fort, as the proclamation required, or of barely defending it.
as his friends expected, he sallied forth, and made
master of the Pirwus.

OBATH OP PHOCION. 428

T|ie people, intoxicated with the ideal liberty which they
DOW enjoyed, and provoked at the resistance made by Nicanor
to their beneficent deliverers, determined to take an active part
in the dispute. Their fury, always violent, and for the most
part misguided, turned upon the patriotic Phocion, and a few
more distinguished citizens. Their ostensible reasons for these
outrages were, that these men had been instrumental in bring-
ing about the revolution, by which Greece had been deprived
of her democracy ; and that they were still in the habit of con-
sulting with Nicanor, who was the avowed enemy of the
people's liberty. These reasons, groundless as they were,
effected the ruin of Phocion and his friends. Being imme-
diately proscribed, they threw themselves upon the mercy of
Alexander, the son of Polyperchon, who was then entering
Attica, at the head of a powerful army. By this time, Poly-
perchon himself was at hand : he had left Macedon, accom-
panied by Philip Aridaeus, and was hastening to join the troops
under his command to those led on by his son. Alexander,
hnving heard Phocion and the other unhappy exiles relate
their story, was convinced of the injustice of the decree, by
which they had been expelled the city. He sent them to his
father, with letters of recommendation from himself, and at-
tended by Dinarchus, a Corinthian, the old and intimate friend
id Polyperchon. But, in a little time, arrived deputies from
Athens, charging them with high treason. Polyperchon was,
ai first, somewhat puzzled how to act, between the very oppo-
site representations of the Athenians and his son. But in-
terested motives prevailed over those of justice and humanity.
He perceived, that to thwart the Athenians would not only
alienate their minds from his government, but give them ground
io believe, that he was not sincere in the professions he had
published in the late edict. He therefore caused Phocion and
his friends to be chained, and sent back to Athens. The
message which accompanied them was to this effect : " Though
be was persuaded that they were traitors, yet he left them to
be judged by the Athenians, as a free people." Phocion
desired to know whether he was to bo proceeded against ac-
eording to the regular forms of law t Being told that he was,
he added, " How was that possible, if no hearing was to be
allowed him ? " Perceiving, from the violence of die popular

4^4 HISTORY OF GRRBCB.

clamour, that no opportunity of defence was to be granted

bin)» he exclaimed, " As for myself, I confess the crime of

which I am accused, and submit cheerfully to the sentoice of

the law; but consider, O ye Athenians, what it is that these

nen have done, that they should thus be involved in the same

calamity with me." The people called out vehemently, "They

I * are your accomplices, and we need no farther ground of accu-

« sation." A decree was then drawn up and read, by which

Phocion, Nicocles, Atreudippus, Agamon, and Pythoeles,

were condemned to suffer. These men were present: the

following were doomed to the same untimely end, thoogb

absent, viz. Demetrius, Callimedon, and Charides. Many

of the people moved, that Phocion should be put to the torture

before he was executed ; but that punishment appearing too

severe, he was put to death without being tortured. When

the votes were collecting, many of his enemies were seen with

garlands on their heads, and demonstrating ail the satisbetioa

they could have felt on the discomfiture of a poweifol public

enemy. A friend took occasion to ask Phocion, as they were

bearing him to the place of execution, what commands he had

to leave for his son : " Only this," replied he, very coolly.

*' that he forget how ill the Athenians treated his father."

The resentment of his enemies was not allayed, even after
they had deprived him of his life. They passed a decree, by
which his body was banished the Athenian territories, and any
person subjected to a penalty who should furnish fire for his
funeral pile. One Conopion conveyed the corpse a little be-
yond Eleusina, where he borrowed fire of a Megarian woman,
and burned it. A Megarian matron, who attended on that
occasion, raised a humble monument on the spot, in memory
of the unfortunate orator ; and, having carried home his ashes,
which she had previously collected with great care, she buried
them under her hearth ; putting up, in the mean time, this
prayer to her household gods : "To you, O ye deities ! who
protect this place, do I commit the precious remains of the
most excellent Phocion ; protect them, I beseech you, from
every insult, and deliver them one day to be deposited in the
sepulchre of his ancestors, when the Athenians* shall have
become wiser." A short time only had intervened, when the
prayer of the pious matron was fullfillrd. The Athenians, as

in former iDstanees of a similar kind, began to abate of their
fury, and to have their eyes opened to the trutf! They re
collected the many services which the state bad derived from
the superior wisdom of Phocion's coansels ; and, on that re-^
collection, they could not but wonder at the part they hffl
acted. They decreed for the victim of their rage a statue of
brass ; they ordered his ashes to be brought back to Athens, ^
at the public expense ; and passed an act, by which ail his ^
accusers were to be put to death. Agnonides, who had been
a leader in the plot against Phocion, was seized and executed.
Epicurus and Demophilus fled ; but Phocion's son overtook
tiiem, and revenged the death of his father. This is said to
have been the only meritorious deed which that young man
ever performed. Entirely destitute of his father^s virtues, he
possessed but a small portion of his abilities : in the history of
his country, therefore, his other actions are deservedly for-
gotten.

The integrity of Phocion, his magnanimity, and his sober,
steady zeal for the welfare of his country, are not surpassed
by those of the most patriotic of all his countrymen. Without
aiming at the favour of the great, he often dared to stem the
popular tide ; and, without being deterred by the threats of
the people, he sometimes ventured to espouse the cause of
the few who stood high, but alone. He had as much probity
as his illustrious competitor Demosthenes ; and he wanted all
that enthusiasm which sometimes threatened to mislead him.
His opposition to the most popular men of his time has been
the cause of his making so distinguished a figure in the state,
and constitutes the most striking feature in his character. It
would not be difficult to show, that the motives from which he
acted were always prudent and commendable. The principle
on which ho opposed Demosthenes, when that orator would
have stirred up the Athenians to resist the government of
M acedon, proves at once the greatness of his wisdom and the
extensiveness of his knowledge of the real condition of the
rival states at that period. It was this : — " Since the Athe-
nians are no longer able to fill their wonted glorious sphere, let
them adopt counsels suited to their abilities ; and endeavour*
to court the friendship of a power, which they cannot provoke
but to their ruin." These were his own words. The principle.

436 HISTORY OF GRBECg.

on which he proceeded in that last stru^le which cost him his
life, argaed an equal degree of prodence and temperate
patriotism. He was condemned for keeping up a correspond-
ence with Nicanor» who continued to hold out uftet Polyper-
olion had tendered Athens her freedom. Had that grant of
tbe protector's been such as promised to confer happiness on
tthe state, Phocion would have sided with the multitude ; but
he well knew, that the meaning of it was merely to divide the
power of Cassander's party ; and as the protector did not im-
mediately support his edict by arms, it was plain that it could
not take effect while Nicanor remained hostile to it Besides,
if Athens was not to reap any advantage from the decree, it
would have been extreme folly to have superadded to her other
evils that of an intestine broil between her governor and her
citizens. He was the only Athenian who was able occasion-
ally to draw the respect both of his countrymen and of their
enemies. He was a rational and a peaceable patriot, he
wished for the aggrandizement of his native land ; but he was
anxious that its grandeur should flow from those ingenious arts
which spring from national tranquillity.

Whilst these things were doing, Cassander, who saw no
prospect of immediate success by the greatest effort of all tbe
power he could then command in Europe, judged it proper to
look for aid in another quarter. He had been industrious to
conciliate the affections of his Macedonian friends, and to
engage them warmly in his cause : having done so, he thought
he had reason to hope for a happy issue to his affairs. He
knew how ready Antigonus would be to oppose the measures
of any person holding the invidious office of" Protector of the
Kings;" to him, therefore, he resolved to fly for succour.
Indeed, his own personal safety required that he should then
quit Macedon. The Syrian king received Cassander with the
greatest affability and kindness. He did not lay him under
the necessity of repeating his request. He hated Polyper-
chon ; and to execute vengeance on him he saw would be the
shortest and surest road to the conquest of Asia, the grand
object of his ambition.

The troops which Cassander received were not numerous ;
in the hands, however, of a man, animated by so enterprising
a spirit as he possessed, they were capable of achieving gn^at

POLYPBRCHON INVADES PBLOPONNBSUS. 437

exploits. He set sail for Athens, and, arriving in the Pirens
with his little fleet, was welcomed to Greece by Nicanor.
With regard to the new administration, Nicanor was qnite of
the same mind with Cassander. He had received his govem*^
ment from Antipater ; he had been the first to oppose PoTf-
perchon's edict ; he had been exposed to danger on account of
that Opposition ; he was, therefore, the most likely person to
second the views of his intrepid visitor. '

Polyperchon, hearing of the arrival of Cassander, resolved
Id make a vigorous effort both by sea and land. He assembled
a powerfal army, and marched directly into Attica. This por-
tion of Greece was never remarkable for the fertility of its
lands; the numbers which followed the protector soon produced
scarcity of provisions, and tfiat scarcity determined him to
alter his purpose of immediately subduing his enemies. He
gave to Alexander, his son, a force suflBcient to keep Cassan-
der in awe ; and with the rest of his troops he moved towards
Peloponnesus, where his opponent had many friends.

By this time, the fleet commanded by Clitus had set sail to
meet that of Cassander ; the latter was under the conduct of
Nicanor. A battle took place, in which this commander was
defeated, and obliged to betake himself to flight. But his ships
being refitted, and fully manned, by the addition of a body of
light troops sent over by Antigonus, he soon found himself in
a condition to face the enemy. He put to sea ; and coming
up with Clitus, as he lay at anchor at Byzantium, he obtained
a complete victory. A short time after this battle, Clitus was
slain, by an insurrection of the soldiers of Lysimachus.

Meanwhile, Polyperchon had commenced his operations in
the Peloponnesus. He was determined to see his edict obeyed^
or to inflict the punishment which it threatened in case of dis-
obedience. Many had been put to death who had not readily
complied with the terms it proposed. So severe and unreason-
able were his proceedings, that he condemned many persons,
merely because they had held offices under the protectorship
of Antipater. He was now acting like a tyrant ; and every
province through which he passed was a scene of confusion
and blood. The Megalopolitans were the most considerable
body of men who resisted Polyperchon s decree. The magis-
trates and people having consulted on the affair, resolved

428 HISTORY OF GRBBCB.>

imaiiimously uot to alter their form 6f government. Such a
resolution was treason in the eyes of the protector : he de-
clared it to be not only an open insult on his authority, but a
tacit acknowledgment of the Megalopolitans being the abettors
of Cassander's rebellion, and he denounced exemplary ven-
geance against them. The Megalopolitans comprehended his
meaning fully ; but their counsels had been taken maturely,
and were not to be easily overturned. They fortified their
city ; removed their effects, and all those persons who could
not assist in defending their lives ; and to the number of fifteen
thousand retired within the walls, determined to make a
desperate resistance.

Polyperchon made good his threats : he appeared before the
city» accompanied by Philip Arida&us, the king, and supported
by a large army. His engineers were exceedingly active;
before the besieged imagined that the enemy had begun to
work, three towers, with all the wall between them, were un-
dermined and thrown down. Polyperchon then made an
attack, which was well supported by both sides ; but the Me-
galopolitans had the advantage. On this occasion, the conduct
of the Megalopolitan wives and youths was very remarkable :
while their friends had advanced to the breach to face the
enemy, they had laboured with all their might, and had almost
completed an intrenchment of earth and rubbish within the
breach. This repulse did not discourage the protector. He
resolved to renew the assault, and to avail himself of his ele-
phants. The thought of being attacked by those animals
greatly distressed the besieged : they were, however, soon de-
livered from uneasiness on that account. There happened to
be among them a roan named Damides, who had served under
Alexander, and who had learned from experience the de-
structive arts of his profession. He undertook to render the
elephants perfectly useless to the besiegers, and the stratagem
he used was this : — He caused long pieces of planks to be
driven into the ground, with spikes in the ends of them, and
over the spikes he threw some rubbish to prevent the enemy
from discovering the plot ; this was done all along the inside
of the breach. The citizens were drawn up between the city
and these machines, and at each end of the breach. The be-
siegers were now ready to make the attack. They moved for-

CAS8ANDBR ASSASSINATES NICANOS. 439

ward in great order, with the elephants in front. Theae ani-
mala, having got within the breach, found the spikes mnning
into their feet, and were thereby much irritated. The citiflens,
observing this, began to gall them and their riders with darts
and stones. This occasioned a dreadful confusion. Many of
the spikes had pierced so deep, that some of the poor brutes,
unable to move, fell down. Others were so enraged by the
pain they felt, that they turned upon their own men, and trod
them under foot. The Macedonian army, observing thb, were
struck with dismay, and refused to attempt storming the place :
Polyperchon was therefore forced to retire. News of a nature
equally disgraceful reached him much about the same time.
Thb was an account of the discomfiture of the admiral Clitns.
After such repeated losses, he saw no prospect of acquiring
any honour in Greece. He appointed a considerable body of
foot and horse to block up the Megalopolitans in their ciQr, and
the remainder of his army hastened to Macedon.
ttNicanor, loaded with naval honours, had now resumed his
government. Cassander, sensible of the service which the go-
vernor had rendered him, showed him the greatest attention
and respect. They were llvbg togetheer on the most intimate
and friendly terms, when it was told Cassander, that the go-
vernor had a design of making himself the sovereign of Attica.
He had made some diflSculty in admitting Cassander^s troops
into some of the forts ; a circumstance which, being united
with that report, awakened suspicion, which is nearly allied to
revenge. Cassander posted some of his men in an empty
house, and asked Nicanor to meet him there, in order to con-
sult about some matters of high moment Nicanor iqppeared»
and was entering, when assassins attacked and murdered him.
The indignation of the friends of Nicanor was roused ; but
when they considered that Cassander was ahready in possession
of the greater part of the city, and that they were not likely to
find a very able second in Polyperchon, in case they should at^
tempt a revolution, they judged it most eligible to submit to
their fate. Indeed, the engaging manners of Cassander tended
greatiy to reconcile the Athenians to his government His
condescension and his generosity bespoke, in many instanoes,
the submissive negociator, rather than the successful prince.
Among the first acts of his power, was tiie appointment of

480 UilftTURV UP GRJRBCB.

a governor. The person whom he named to that office was
Demetrius Phalereas, the celebrated disciplaof Theophnitw.
Demetrius was at eace a pfailosofAer, an orator, and a man of
virtue* His science he had derived from Tbeopfanifitus,
his lessons of virtue aad eloquence from Pbocioa mmk Da-
mosthenes. The one qualified him to oompwfcend and encon-
vage the literary pursuits of an aeate and ingenious people ;
the others, to check and control their lioentk)usnes8. Cieeio
speaks in a very favourable manner of his oratory ; but then
he says, he was the first of all the Greeks who changed the
bold, nervous, and reristless eloquence of the earlier oiatore,
into the mild and pathetic species of eloquence ; which, he
thinks, is far inferior, in point of merit, to the former, *' as the
power of the gently-gliding stream is inferior to that of the
rough, thundering torrent." His moderation and kindness
towards those he governed procured their esteem, and, in
many instances, their love. They soon reposed the greatest
confidence in his wisdom and integrity ; and that confidence
he did not betray. That power, which he might have im-
proved into tyranny, he used as means of promoting their
wealth and grandeur. He repaired their public edifices, and
even built some new ones. He was so attentive to the im-
provement of their finance, that, before his government ended,
the public revenues were greatly increased. These advan-
tages to the citizens of Athens were repaid by them in the
honours they conferred on their benefactor. They erected
no less than three hundred statues, as tokens of their grati-
tode, many of which were equestrian. He was respected and
honoured by all, but was not universally popular, having been
set over Athens by Cassander, who was looked upon as the
enemy of the civil liberty of Greece.

The losses and disgrace, which the arms of Polyperchon
'had lately met, cut ofi^ every hope of his gaining ground in
Greece, and determined him to content himself with the
direction of Macedon. Attica was now beyond the reach of
his power, and the success of the Megalopolitans had inspired
all Peloponnesus with contempt of his authority. In such a
predicament, ambition would have been ridiculous: but he
was doomed even to a harder lot.

Olympias had been recalled to take charge of the infant

OLYMPIAS ENTERS MAGBDON. 4S1

lung, Alexander, and to sanction the new adminutration of
Macedon by her presence. She was now preparing for her
return. Pteyiously to her quitting Epims, die wrote to Eu-
menes, informing him of her intention of revisiting Macedos.
Eumenes, who always had the welfare of the state near to hb
heart, advised her, in his answer, not to be too prfoipitate in
her return ; and, in case she did return, to endeavour to foiget
all the injuries she had formerly received, and to tej to behave
with gentleness and forbearance. The sequel of her story
will show how much stress she laid on the friendly admooition
of Enmenes. She arrived in Macedon in a very short time ;
and, on her presence being announced, gpreat consternation
pervaded the minds of the people: even her own friends
threaded the eifects of her resentment. Those who had been
devoted to the interests of Antipater had peculiar reason to
tremble; but, above all, Philip AridsBus and his queen.
Aridasus, the son of Philip by a concubine, had from his in-
fancy been subjected to that aversion and hatred from Olym-
pias, which the relation which subsisted between her and him
usually excites. The infirmity of his understanding was said
to have been the effect of a potion winch she gave him.
Cynane, the mother of Philip Aridasus's queen, had been mur-
dered by Perdiccas, at the instigation of Olympias. Amyntas,
her father, the son of Philip the First's elder brother, had also
been destroyed through her contrivance; so that neitfier
Philip, nor Eurydice his wife, could be supposed to look upon
her with complacence. Indeed, they had every reason to
apprehend bad consequences from her getting into power, and
they set themselves to provide 'for the worst Eurydice had
more discernment and activity than her husband. She began
to levy an army, calling upon all who either respected the
brother of Alexander, their late royal master, or his queen, or
who revered the virtues of Antipater, to unite in defending
the rights of their country. She wrote at the same time 'to
Cassander, pressing him to hasten to her assistance ; and she
gave command to Polyperchon, not to take any fllrtheroott-
cem in the administration, but to give it up to Caasaader,
whom the king thought proper to appoint The Maeedonians
readily armed at the request of Eurydice, and in a ^ahort time
she was prepared to do more than defend herself from violence.

432 HISTORY OP GRBBCK.

These hasty proceedings of Eurydice furnished her enemies
with sufficient plea for taking up arms. Olympias, ever jea-
lous and watchful, had marked them with attention, and rea-
dily discovered the necessity she was under of being apon her
guard. Her brother had sent a body of Epirots to e8c<^ her
to Macedon: to them she added some of her Macedonian
adherents, and strai^tway marched to join Polypercbon's
troops. Having formed a junction, the whole army moved
on to attack Eurydice, who, animated by the cruel treatment
her family had received, led out her forces to meet them. It
was her wish to have deferred fighting till she could have
been supported by Cassander; but her precipitate conduct
in taking up arms had roused the apprehensions of the oppos*
ing party, and, by quickening their motions, had rendered the
arrival of succour from Cassander impracticable. The armies
met, and were ready to close, when Olympias's appearance
at the head of her troops put an end to the dispute. The
soldiers of Eurydice, discavering in her mien all the dignity
and awful majesty of the royal relict of Philip, and of the
mother of Alexander the Great, were unable to strike a sii^e
blow : they quitted their ranks, and went over to the standard
of Olympias.

This event proved fatal to Eurydice and her consort. They
both fell into the hands of Olympias, who persecuted them
with all that unrelenting hatred which belonged to her temper.
They were confined in a prison, which was so small, that they
could scarcely turn themselves in it. Their wretched suste-
nance was thrown in at a little hole, through which passed
light and air, and all the other limited comforts they were
permitted to enjoy. Perceiving that this barbarous treatment
had no other efiect than to excite the compassion of the people,
and fearing that their commiseration would soon be converted
into indignation towards her, she resolved to put a period to
the miserable existence of her prisoners. She instructed some
Thracians to enter the prison, and dispatch AridsBUs ; and they
did so without remorse. He had reigned six years and four
months.

This inhuman action being perpetrated, Olympias sent
messengers to the queen, furnished with a poniard, a rope,
and a cup of poison, desiring her to choose which she

DEATH OP ARIDi£US AND BURYDICB. 4S8

pleased. They found her binding up the wounds of her
bleeding spouse with linen, which she had torn from her own
body, and paying all that decent and solemn respect to the
lifeless corpse which became her deplorable situation. She
received the message that was brought to her with the gpreatest
composnre, and, after entreating the gods, " that Olympias
might be rewarded with the like present,** she took the rope
and strangled herself. Thus were that hapless pair cut off«
Olympias had now gained a complete triumph over both. She
had seen a period to the life of Aridseus, whom she had long
since deprived of every rational enjoyment, by robbing hm
of his understanding; and she had completed the ruhi of
Eurydice and ^her family, by consigning her to an end similar
to that which her violent and vindictive passions had formerly
procured to her unfortunate parents.

Olympias's thirst of blood was not yet quenched. She
caused Nicanor, the brother of Cassander, to be put to death.
The body of Tolas, another brother 6f Cassander*s, which had
long rested in the tomb, she had brought forth, and exposed
on the highway ; and a hundred Macedonians, of noble birth,
were seized and executed, on suspicion of having been in the
interest of Cassander.

Cassander, having received Eurydice's letter, and, soon
after, the news of her imprisonment by Olympias, made all
possible haste to come to her relief. Upon reaching the straits
of Thermopylas, he found a body of ^tolians waiting to dis-
pute the passage : but expedition being his main object, he
studied only how to avoid delay. He had ordered his fleet
to follow him ; and finding that it was impossible to pass the
straits without coming to an engagement, he led his army
towards the sea, and put them on board of ships. They
reached Macedon before Polyperchon and Olympias had been
infonned of their approach. Cassander formed his army into
two divisions, giving the command of the one to Callas, while
he himself was to lead the other. Callas had orders to march
against Polyperchon, whose troops had been separated from
those of Olympias. He did so ; and engaged the protector's
attention so completely, that Olympias was left to provide for
her own safety. Cruel and inhuman as she had been, she
had still the vanity to think that the Macedonians would join

2p

434 HISTORY OF 6RBBCE.

in sopportiDg her measures. She had once triomphed by the
majesty of her appearance ; she could then, she thought, do
no less, after having shown what dangers she ^as willing to
meet in order to g^uard and strengthen the administration of
her country. She had many followers, but they rather com-
posed a court than an army. She used several of those arts
of which she was so fruitful, in order to gain the Macedonians
over to her cause. She carried through the chief cities,
Roxana her daughter, and Alexander her grandson, her neioe
Deidamia, Thessalonica the sister of Alexander, and many
other persons of high birth and interest. But, finding ber
affairs somewhat desperajte, she returned with then and her
army into the city of Pydna, which lay on the sea shore, and
was strongly fortified, and there shut herself up.

Cassander was at hand. He invested the city by land and
by sea. In a very short time the besieged began to be in
want of provisions ; and the soldiers would have refused to
defend the fort, had they not been encouraged by the pre-
sence of so many illustrious personages, and fed with the
hopes of receiving powerful succours firom iEacidas, king of
Epirus. That prince had really engaged to support the claims
of his sister Olympias, and his army was in motion, when Cas-
sander saw the expediency of stopping its progress. He
blocked up all the passes from Epirus, and reduced the army
of ^acidas to such difficulties, that, despairing of success io
their expedition, and even doubting of their own safety, they
conspired against their king, renounced his authority, and
submitted to Cassander.

Olympias had now no friend to whom she could look for
help but Polyperchon; and she little knew that Callas had
put it entirely out of his power to succour any ally. He had
been at pains to distribute a great number of manifestoes,
reflecting on the injustice and cruelties of the administratioD,
which was then headed by Olympias and Polyperchon; and
had thereby so effectually alienated the miuds of Polyperchoo's
soldiers from his government, that he was barely able to de-
fend himself.

The condition of Olympias and her garrison was now be-
come deplorable. The royal family and the rest of the couit
were compelled to feed on horse«flesh, the soldiers on their

DBATH OF 0LYMPIA8. 485

dead companions, and the elephants on saw-dust. In this
wretched state many deserted to Gassander, who treated a)l
with generosity and kindness, those only excepted who had
been sharers in the late murders. Olympias again turned
her eyes towards Poiyperchon : she wrote a letter, and dis-
patched a messenger with it in the night ; but it did not reach
him ; the messenger was seized, and the design cf his adven-
ture disappointed. Olympias, finding that the relief die
looked for from Poiyperchon did not arrive in due time,
gave up all hopes, and surrendered herself and army to Cas-
sander.

By this surrender was determined the fate of all Macedon,
Pella, the capital, immediately submitted to the victor ; and
Aristonus, who then command a detachment of men at
Amphipolis, at the request of Olympias, yielded up the city.

When Olympias submitted to Cassander, she stipulated
for her life; but the kindred of those whom she had mur-
dered insisting on her death, Cassander, pretending that his
stipulation related to military execution only, gave her up to
the civil laws of her country. The friends of those whom
she had slain assembled, and accused her before the people,
by whom she was condemned without being heard. On
this occasion, Cassander offered her a ship to convey her to
Athens; but she rejected the offer. She insisted upon being
heard before the Macedonians ; and said she was not afraid
to answer for all she had done. Cassander was unwilling
to abide the issue of such a trial as she demanded ; he there-
fore sent a band of two hundred soldiers to put her to death.
When the soldiers entered the prison, they were struck with
awe, and refused to obey their orders ; but the relatioils of
those who had fallen by her resentment rushed forward and
eut her throat. She is said to have behaved with much
fortitude on that trying occasion. Cassander suffered her
body to lie for some time unburied; to revenge, perhaps,
the insult which she had offered to the remains of lolas, his
brother. Roxana and her son Alexander were imprisoned
at Amphipolis ; and orders were given, that they should be
treated no otherwise than as private persons. Hercules, the
aon of Alexander by fiarsine, the only remaining branch of

2p2

486 HISTORY OP JGRBBGE.

thiB royal family, was murdered by PolypercboD, at the itisd'*
gatioD of Cassander, aboat two years after.

Not more than twenty-eight years had elapsed since the
death of Alexander, and not a single branch of his honse re-
mained to enjoy a portion of that empire which Philip and
his son had acquired, at the price of the gpreatest policy, dan-
gers, and bloodshed. Such, to the royal family of Macedoo,
were the effects of that ambition, which had lighted the torch
of war over Europe, Asia,' and Africa.

CHAPTER XVIII.

KBVOLUTIONS IN MACEDON AND 6RBEGB, PROM THB
OVERTHROW OP THB PAMILY OP PHILIP TO THB
CONPBDERAGY PORMED BY THE MACEDONIANS AND
ACHiEANS AGAINST THE JSTOLIANS.

Cassander DOW began to cultivate the aits of peace; but
other objects soon engaged his attention. In Greece, Poly-
perchon, and Alexander, his son, were intrig^uing with the
enemies of Antipater's family, and sowing the seeds of future
ctissension. It was incumbent on Cassander, as the protector
and lord of both countries, to consult their mutual interests.
He resolved to go into Greece ; and for that purpose levied
a powerful army. He began his march ; but, on reaching
Thessaly, he found the Pylae shut up by the JBtolians, his
determined and avowed enemies. The opposition, however,
which they made, did not retard his progress. He forced a
passage; and, coming down into Boeotia, advanced towards
the ruins of Thebes. The sight of these ruins, it is natural to
imagine, would fill his mind with a variety of reflections. It
would at once remind him of the ancient fame of the inha-
bitants ; the fallen splendour of the place ; and of the renown
of that man, whose fortune it was to exterminate such a peo-
ple, and to erase such a city. It is not easy to determine
what motives could have induced Cassander to project the
rebuilding of the city ; whether it was compassion for the
sufferings of the Thebans; or a desire to make friends of that
people when collected, and to procure from the world the
reputation of being humane; or the detestation in which he
held the memory of Alexander, whose acts he was anxious to
reverse. The last, in all probability, was the most powerful.
Be that as it might, he was resolved to raise a second Thebes:
and, for that purpose, he requested of the Boeotians to assist
faim in carrying on so generous a design. He also invited
the Thebans, who had been proscribed, to return to their

439 HISTORY UP 6RBBCK.

native country. All were willing to second his endeavours -
and, in a short time, the walls were completed and the princi-
pal streets rebuilt. The Thebans now sent into every country
to recal their friends ; and their city began to assume an ap-
pearance of prosperity and happiness. Upwards of twen^
years had elapsed since its destruction : it had the peculiar
fortune of being rebuilt by that very people who had over-
thrown it. The main object of Cassander's expedition, as has
ahready been said, was to check the dark proceedings of Poly*
perchon and his son. Having therefore remained m Bceotia
as long as he supposed his presence would be serviceable, he
set out for Peloponnesus. On his arrival at the istfamnSk he
found that Alexander had thrown a wall.across it, with a view
to interrupt his march. But that wall availed him little: Cas-
sander transported his army in flat-bottomed boats; and»
partly by force, partly by treaty, gained All the prindpal cities
over to his cause. Alexander fled to Asia; Cassander gave
his general Molycfaus a body of men sufficient to guard the
isthmus, and then shaped his course towards Macedon.

To enter more particularly into a view of the domestie state
of the Macedonian kingdom, belongs not properly to Ghrecini
history; we shall, therefore, hasten over this ground to those
events, which open some prospects of the declining states of
Greece. Cassander experienced, in his exalted station, the in-
quietudes of sovereign power; he was encompassed by artful
and powerful enemies, the ^tolians and the Epirots on the
one hand, and Antigonus and Demetrius on the other. Even
the death of the children of Alexander added to the im-
portance of his rivals in empire, who reaped, without partici-
pating in his guilt, the advantages of his crimes. He died,
however, in the peaceable possession of Macedon, and Greece
too, now subject to Macedon, a few cities only excepted. On
the death of Cassander, his two sons, Antipater and Alex-
ander, each of them laid claim to the kingdom. Alexander
had recourse to the assistance of Demetrius Poliorcetes, who,
having treacherously assassinated him at an entertainment,
contrived to gain a party over to his interests, and himself got
possession of the kingdom. Demetrius, instead of repairmg
the devastation which Macedon had suffered from constant
wars, immediately engages in new military enterprises on the

DBATH OF SBLBUCUB. 489

sides of CSreece, of JBtolia, of Epire, and of Thrace. He
abandoned himself, at the same time, to luxury, to vanity, and
to extreme haughtiness. His court was a continued scene of
dissipation and riot. Though of free access to the ministers of
his pleasures, he would scarcely suffer any others of his sub->
jects, or even the ministers of foreign states, to approach him.
The disaffected Macedonians were on the point of declaring
against him. In such circumstances, Ptolemy sailed against
his Grecian dominions with a powerful fleet, Lysimachus
entered Macedon on the side of Thrace, and Pyrrhus advanced
against him from Epirus. Demetrius, obliged to abandon his
dominions, made the most heroic efforts, but in vain, to reg^ain
them. Adversity restored him to his sober judgment, and was
the theatre on which he displayed the most exalted virtues.
After the expulsion of Demetrius from the throne of Macedon,
Pyrrhus and Lysimachus, who had acted in concert in this re-
volution, now set up opposite claims to the succession, and
prepared to support their respective pretensions by Qrms.
Lysimachus, by open force and secret artifices, soon stript the
king of Epire of all his Macedonian possessions. Dissensions
arise in the family of the victor, between his different queens
and their offspring, which terminate, as is usual in despotic
governments, in an act of assassination, which determined the
injured party to throw themselves on the protection of Seleu-
cus. This prince met Lysimachus on a plain on the Phrygian
borders, called the field of Cyrus. Seleucus was aged seventy-
seven years, and Lysimachus eighty. The only two surviving
generals of Alexander both acquitted themselves with all the
vigour and activity of youth. But Seleucus's fortune prevailed,
and Lysimachus fell. Seleucus now resigned his Asiatic do-
minions to his sou Antiochus, indulging the hope of spending
the remainder of his days in the peaceable enjoyment of his
native country. But he was treacherously slain about seven
months after the death of Lysimachus, by Ptolemy Cerannus,
brother of Lysander, in whose behalf he had appeared at the
head of an army. Ptolemy, now in the possession of the Ma*
cedonian crown, courts the widow of Lysimachus, who still re-
tained a portion of the upper or eastern part of Macedon;
and, by offering to settle the succession on her sons, prevailed
on her to marry him. But no sooner had this monster obtained

440 HISTORY OF GR&BGB.

possession of the persons of the yoang princes, than he mur-
dered them, and banished the princess their mother to Samo-
thracia.

Guilt so enormous was soon followed by the just vengeance
of Heaven. A body of three hundred thousand Gauls having
left their own country in quest of new settlements, after follow-
ing the course of the Danube for a considerable way, divided
themselves into three bodies, one of which made an irruption
into Macedon. Being refused a certain sum of gold, he was
' attacked, at the head of his tumultuary troops, by the barba-
rians, who cut off his head, and carried it through their ranks
on the top of a lance. This body of Grauls met with a vi-
gorous resistance from the collected remains of Macedoman
valour, under the conduct of Sosthenes. But a fresh swarm ^
barbarians, headed by the chieftain Brennus, cut Sosthenes,
with his gallant army, to pieces; and, having drained aQ the
wealth of Macedon, bent their course towards Greece, which
seemed utterly unable to sustain this inundation of barbarous
invaders.

But the Grecian states, animated by a sense of their extreme
danger, adopted that strict discipline, and those wise councils,
which adversity is v^ont to inspire iuto the rulers of nations.
They immediately brought together what remained of their
strength, aud secured the defiles of Therniopylse, that com-
manded the entrance into Greece. The Athenians, under the
command of Calippus, took the lead in this important service,
whilst their fleets sailed to the coasts of Thessaly, in order to
support. the operations of the army by land. Brennus was
astonished at the resistance he met with. Notwithstanding the
multitudes, the gigantic stature, and the ferocity of his troops,
he was obliged, after repeated losses in different attacks, to
desist from his attempt to force the pass. He then detached
a body of his troops to plunder JEtolia, which, on the south,
lay contiguous to Thessaly, hoping that this would occasion a
diversion in his favour. Still he was unable to force the pass;
and his detachment exciting, by their cruelties, a universal de-
testation, wore half of thera cut off. At Icng^ the Thessaliaas,
in whose country the Gauls were encamped, wishing to rid
themselves of such burlhensome strangers, directed them to
the path over Mount (Eta, by which the Medians had entered

BRENN4J8 INVADB8 ORBSCE. 441

Greece in the time of Xerxes* He directed his march to the
temple of Delphi, which he designed to plunder of all its accu-
mulated treasures. But the inhabitants of that sacred city, in-
spired by reli^ous enthusiasm, made a desperate sally against
the barbarians, who, struck with a panic, fled with precipita-
tion. The pursuit was continued for a whole day and night;
and, a violent storm and piercing cold co-operating with the
fury of the yictorious Greeks, most of the barbarians perished
by adreadful slaughter. Brennus, wounded, and distracted with
religious horror, killed himself. The few who survived, having
assembled together, endeavoured to effect a retreat from so
fatal a country. But the several nations rose against them as
they passed; and, of all those multitudes which had poured
out of Macedon into Greece, not one returned to his native land.
Justin says they were all cut off; other historians, that a rem-
nant of them made their escape into Thrace and Asia. On
this occasion, it is natural to compare the different success of
these from that of those irruptions of barbarians which after-
wards subverted the Roman empire. It might be no unpleasing
or unprofitable speculation to inquire into the causes of these
different effects; what were the comparative degprees of the
Grecian and Roman virtue, discipline, and military artifice.
This is a field which belongs to the philosophical politician, and
it well merits a very particular discussion. In this work, it is
only necessary to touch upon the means by which the barba-
rians were repelled by the states of Greece.

The Delphians, as we are informed by Justin, gave orders,
in the name of the oracle, that the inhabitants of the adjacent
villages should abandon their dwellings, leaving them all stored
with wines, and all kinds of provisions. The Gauls, indulging
their appetites, which were sharpened by want of sustenance,
lost, through excess, much of that vigour, by which their
operations had been generally distinguished. Mount Parnassus,
which stood fast by the sacred city of Delphos, famished an
opportunity of practising with success another stratagem. This
mount had many caves and hollow windings. In these, num*
bers of people were stationed, with instructions, on proper oc-
casions, to raise up loud shouts, or to make the mosl frightful
yellings and screams. These, issuing forth without any visible
cause, convinced the barbarians that they were produced by

448 HISTORY OP OR££CB.

beiugs more than human. The vicinity/ and the ateep heights
of the same mountain, also enabled the inhabitants to annoy
the enemy with stones and loosened rocks. This religious en-
thusiasm, guided and aided by the subtlety of the mlers, of
Delphos, frustrated the attempt of the barbarians against that
sacred city. Their repulse at Thermopylae must be ascribed
to superior military skill and discipline, and to a quick revival
of a spirit of liberty, as well as to an apprehension of some
dreadful and unknown danger among a people distinguished
by a lively sensibility of temper.

The Macedonian throne, after the death of Ptolemy Ceran-
nus*, was filled by Antigonus, the son of Demetnos PoUor-
cetes, who married the princess Phila, a daughter of Seleucus
by Stratonice. Antigonus carried gpreat riches into his new
dominions from Peloponnesus; the court was maintained in
great pomp and splendour, and the whole kingdom began to
recover from its late devastation. A body of barbarians, that
had taken up their abode on the northern boundaries of Ma-
cedon, when Brennus carried his ravages southward, unde^
standing these things, and allured by the prospect of plunder,
made a second inroad into Macedon. He suffered them at
first to carry on their depredations ; but he attacked them when
encumbered with booty, and forced them to retreat with great
slaughter.

The kingdom of Macedon had scarcely time to breathe afler
this invasion, when it felt the attacks of a new enemy*
Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, underwent, from his earliest infancy,
a continued series of the most surprising adventures; and, bj
the vicissitudes and the severities of fortune, was trained up in
the habits of versatility, of courage, and hardship. Restored
to his hereditary thfone, from which he had been driven when
an infant, he had nothing to divert his mind from the enjoy-
ment and prosperity of his kingdom. But his mind, incapable
of rest, knew no satisfaction but in new enterprises. After
various unsuccessful exploits in Sicily and Italy, he had re-
turned to Epire, inflamed with indignation against Antigonos,
to whom he had applied for succours without success. He
therefore made an irruption into the Macedonian territories;
and, being joined by great numbers of the Macedonians them-

• The Thunderer.

6BBBCB INVADBD BY PYRRHUS. 448

selvefl, be defeated Antigotius in a pitched battle. TbiB prince,
being stSrinaster of Thessalonica and the adjoining coasts,
made bead a second time against the enemy, but was defeated
by Ptolemy, whom Pyrrhus had left to gov^n his newly*
acquired dominions, while he himself pursued other enterprises.
Cleonymus, a prince of the royal line of Sparta, had applied
to Pyrrhus for the redress of certain grievances he had suffered
at the hand df his country, from which he was now an exile.
Pyrrhus listened with satisfaction to complaints which opened
new scenes to his ambition : and while Areas, who bad usurped
the dirone of Lacedsemon, was absent with the flower of the
Spartan army in Crete, at the head of twenty-five thousaoid
foot, two thousand horse, and twenty-four elephants, carried
consternation to the gates of Sparta. On this occasion the
Spartan women signalized their own heroism, and displayed^
in a very striking manner, the effects of the institutions at
Lycurgus. The council proposed, in so dangerous a juncture,
to send off the women to some place of safety ; but Archida-
mia, delegated by the Spartan ladies, entered the senate-house,
witib a sword in her hand, and delivered their sentiments and
her own, in these words : " Think not, O men of Sparta ! ao
meanly of your countrywomen, as to imagine that they will
survive the ruin of the state. Deliberate not then whither we
are to fly, but what we are to do." In consequence of this
animating address, it was resolved to employ the night in
sinking a trench opposite to the enemy, its extremities to be
gnarded by waggons fixed in the ground, in order to prevent
Ike passing of the elephants; one-third of this work to be
executed by the women, and all the rest of it by the old men,
that the youn^ men might be in spirits in the morning to sus-
tain die charge of the enemy. After the most incredible
exertions of courage on both sides, Pyrrhus was compelled by
the Spartans to seek his safety in retreat. This discomfiture
did not discourage him. "To-morrow," said he, "we will
resume the fight, when the Spartans, smarting nnd&r their
wounds, will be less able to resist us." But timely reinforce-
ments from Antigonus, and from Areas, obliged Pyrrhus to
raise the siege. As soon as he had beg^n his march. Areas
hung on his rear, and galled him exceedingly. Ptolemy, en-
deavouring to cover his fisither s retreat, was surrounded and

444 HISTORY OF 6RBBCB.

slain. Pyrrhus bent his course to Argos, whifher he had beeir
invited by a faction in opposition to Antigonus. But, on his
arrival at that city, he found his antagonist, who had his parti-
zans as well as himself, encamped near it with a considerable
force. Both parties among the Argives, trembling at the near
approach of war, gntreated these high-spirited princes to
decide their disputes without the gates of the city. They both
promised to comply with this request ; but Pyrrhus, in an at-
tempt to enter the city during the darkness of night, was slain.
Of the character of Pyrrhus, as a warrior, it will be sufficient
to say, that even Hannibal accounted him the greatest general
the world had ever beheld ; Scipio, according to die celebrated
Carthaginian, being only the second.

The army of Pyrrhus was repulsed with great slaughter ;
and such was the terror that his name had struck into Ae
Argives, that they considered the deliverance which they ob-
tained from his death as the effect of some supernatural inter-
position. Antigonus was now seated again on the throne of
Macedon. A Macedonian, king, master of extensive posses*
sions in the very heart of Peloponnesus, even to those who
had espoused ' his cause, became an object of jealousy. A
confederacy was formed against him between the Spartan and
Egyptian kings ; and, in the midst of their hostile preparations,
a fresh irruption of Gauls threatened his country with total
devastation. The Macedonians fled before them, and made
not any resistance. But Antigonus, the Fabius or Washing-
ton of his times, prudently permitted the invaders to exhaust
their fury in wild excursions. He hung upon them, and
harassed them in their marches, led them into disadvantageous
ground, and at last cut them off to a man. The ambition of
Antigonus being inflamed by success, he meditated nothing
less than a complete reduction of the Grecian states. He
commenced his operations with the siege of Athens. The
veneration in which that city was still held, united with the
idea of general danger, drew assistance from Sparta and from
Egypt. Antigonus, however, prevailed over all resistance,
and imposed on the Athenians a Macedonian garrison. In
the mean time Macedon was wrested from him by Alexander,
the son of Pyrrhus, but recovered to him by Demetrius, his
own son. Multiplied experience might have taught Antigonus

RI8B OP THB REPUBLIC OP ACHAIA. 445

the folly of conquest ; but, perseTering in the career of mad
ambition, he obtained possession, through artifice, of the city
of Corinth, and lost it about eight years afterwards. The
band of death put an end to his ambition, after a reign of
thirty-&ur years from his first acquisition of the throne of
^Macedon ; his son and successor, Demetrius, maintaining an
interest in the different states of Greece, not by holding the
sovereignty himself, but by supporting the tyrants that had
usurped it ; a species of dominion equally important, and less
liable to jealousy, than if he had held it in his own name.
Demetrius reigned only ten years, and was succeeded by his
kinsman, Antigonus, a man of justice and moderation, and
who avoided all interference in the affairs of foreign states,
and that at a time when the turbulent situation of Greece
afforded opportunities which tempted ambition.

The republic of Achaia, formerly but little known, began
now to make a conspicuous figure, and seemed to aim at
nothing less than the sovereignty of Greece. This republic
was of high antiquity : it consisted originally of twelve towns.
The first government known among these had been, as in other
parts of Greece, that of kings ; but, in process of time, roused
by the tyranny of their princes, they threw off the yoke of
kings, and united in one confederacy for their mutual defence
against monarchical oppression. It was agreed, that all should
have the same interests; the same friendships; the same
coins, weights, and measures; the same laws, and the same
magistrates. These magistrates were elected annually, by a
majority of voices throughout the whole community. Twice in
the year, or oftener if necessary, a general assembly, consisting
of deputies firom the different cities, was held, for the great
purposes of legislation and government. The magbtrates,
who were invested with the supreme executive power, were
styled Generals of the States of Achaia. They commanded
the military force of the republic, and possessed the right of
presiding in the national assembly. The generals were ori-
ginaOy two : but, from the inconveniences inseparable from a
divided government, were at last reduced to one. A council
of ten, called Demiurgi, assisted the general with their advice,
and stood as a barrier between the encroachments of power
and the people. It was their prerogative also to examine all

446 HISTORY OP 6RBB0E.

matters intended to be laid before the popniar astemhly, that
they might propose or reject, accordingly as they approved or
disapproved of them. Besides these superior magistrates,
every town had also its -municipal magistracy, oonsistiiig also,
as some with great probability have conjectured, like the na-
tional constitution, of a popular assembly, aconncO, and a pre-
siding magistrate. With regard to the laws of the Acheans,
the most material object in the history of any people, our
knowledge is exceedingly imperfect. Such of them, however,
as have been ^transmitted to us, are proofs of their political
wisdom.

It was enacted, that whatever individual or town, belongiag
to the Acha&an confederacy, should accept of any gratification
whatsoever, in its public or private capacity, from prince or
people, should be cut off from the commonwealth of Achaia.

That no member of the Achsean league should send any
embassy, or contract any alliance or friendship with any prince
or people, without the privity and approbation oi the whole
Achasan confederacy.

The unanimous consent of the whole confederacy was
necessary for the admission into it of any prince, state, or eity.

A convention of the national assembly was not to be granted
at the request of any foreign prince, unless the matters to be
offered to their consideration were first delivered in writing to
the General of Achaia and the Council of Ten, and pronounced
by them to be of sufficient importance.

The deliberations of every assembly were to be whdiy
contiued to the matter on account of which they had beeo
convened.

In all debates, those who spoke were to deliver a short
sketch of the arguments they employed, in order to be con-
sidered the ensuing day ; and within the third day, at farthest,
was the business before them to be finally determined.

The equity and humane spirit which breathed in the cifil
constitution of the Achaeans, supported by a great simplicity of
manners and good faith, recommended them so effectually to
the adjoining nations, that they became the arbiters of di£fer-
ences among their neighbours. But when the power of
Macedon controlled Greece, most of the members of the
Achaean league, at the instigation of Macedonian emissarios.

8UCCES8KS OF ARATUS. 447

deserted the national union, and fell ander the dominion of
various tyrants. The distracted state of Macedon, under Lysi-
machus and Ptolemy Ceraunus, enabled them to recover their
ancient government, slowly, however, and by degrees. Their
towns were small and ill-peopled, their territory narrow and
unfertile, and their coasts destitute of harbours, and full of
danger. In these circumstances, to enjoy a peaceable inde-
pendence was all their ambition ; when Aratus, a native of
Sicyon, a sworn foe to tyrants, having relieved his native city
from the slavery in which it was held by Nicocles, endeavoured
to strengthen himself, and the cause which he espoused, againat
the creatures of the late usurper. With this view he had re-
eonrse to the friendship of the Achaeans, who bordered on the
Sicyonian territory, and were the only people of Peloponnesoa
who were animated with the spirit of freedom. Five hundred
and eighty of the citizens of Sicyon had been driven into exile ;
and it now became a subject of consideration how to relieve
so numerous a body of claimants, a general resumption being
impracticable. Aratns, who had been employed by Ptolemy
Philadelphus, king of Egypt, to collect paintings for him^ ap-
plied, on this occasion, to that prince, who generously furnished
him with sums of money suBBcient for his purpose. In the
distribution of this sum he acquitted himself with such equity
and prudence, that both the old proprietors and new possessors
were equally satisfied with his conduct The fame of Aratus
drew on him the attention of all this part of Greece ; the
Aefaamn states, in particular, considered him as an important
acquisition, and advanced him to the dignity of General of
Achaia. The Macedonian king held, at this time, great pos-
sessions in Peloponnesus, and the petty sovereigns of the
aeveral cities were, in general, his vassals. It was easy to see
that Macedonian ambition would soon disturb the peace of the
Achsean republic : Aratus, therefore, determined to restrain
it« Corinth, the key to the whole peninsula, was held by An-
tigonus. The Achaean general attacked it in the night, scaled
the walls by ladders with only one hundred men, the rest being
ordered to follow another way. Having gained a footing in
the city, he disposed his different parties in so advantageous a
manner, and was so well supported by those who were to co-
operate from without, that the garrison were obliged to aban-

448 HISTORY OF 6RBBCB.

don the citadel, the keys of which he generposlj dditered to
the Corinthians, whom he incorporated among the Achaean
states.

The emancipation of Sicyon and of Corinth, by a powerful
contagion, excited a revolt in Megara, Troezene, Epidanrns,
and CieonsB. The spirit of liberty caught even Lysiades, the
tyrant of Megalopolis, who, of his own accord, abdicated the
sovereignty, and applied, that the city he had ruled might be
admitted into the Achaean league. Aratus, ever intent on the
truly heroic purpose of restoring the liberties of Ghreeoe, after
different unsuccessful attempts to give freedom to Athens, at
last discovered that the Macedonian governor of that venera-
ble city was not incorruptible, and offered him bin price. The
sum stipulated was about thirty thousand ponnds, whereof
Aratus (who had also expended vast sums in establishing a
necessary correspondence in Corinth) paid twenty himself.
The forts were accordingly surrendered into the hands of the
Athenians, and Athens was joined to the Achasan league.
Argos, too, by the efforts of this great and good man, was
delivered from the Macedonian yoke, and united with tins
confederacy. Scarcely one of the neighbouring states re-
mained inimical or independent ; all of them either entered
into alliance with the Achaeans, or fell under their sabjectioD.
The king of Egypt, the most powerful prince of his times, as
an enemy to the Macedonian kings, declared himself the Pro-
tector of the Liberties of Achaia, and promised his assistance
if ever it should be necessary. Such was the situation of the
Achaean republic, during the first years of the reign of the
second Antigonus. But this splendid face of things was
changed and ruined, by the selfish ambition and jealousies of
the very parties from whose spirit of freedom it originally
sprung.

CHAPTER XIX.

VROM TBB GONFBDERACY BBTWBRN TAB iBTOLIANS
AND SPARTANS AGAINST THB AGHAANS, TO THB
INVASION OP GRBBCB BY ANTIOGHUS, KING OF SYRIA.

Thb ^tolian state, like that of Achaia, consisted of a nmnber
of confederate towns, formerly independent of each other, but
indaced to nnite, from a dread of the Macedonian power, in
the days of Philip, father of Alexander. Their civil constitu-
tion, in mahy respects, resembled that of the Achseans. Their
mountainoRS country aflTording them but a scanty subsistence,
they made frequent inroads into the adjacent territories, whence
they rushed back, with their plunder, to their strong holds in
the mountains. Though at this time in alliance with Achaia,
they beheld with envy the superiority of that republic over the
other Grecian states, and laboured, with too great success, to
inspire similar ideas into the Spartans.

Lacedsemon had, by this time, exchanged poverty and hardy
discipline for opulence and voluptuous manners. The public
meals, that last pledge of Spartan frugality and temperance,
were discoantenanced by the rulers of the state, and fell into
disrepute and disuse. One or two princes, who endeavoured
to stem the torrent of corruption, suffered deposition, exile,
and even death. The laws of Lycurgus were totally disre-
garded. The lands were all in possession of a few families,
who lived in the greatest splendour, whilst the rest of the
Spartans, stripped of their patrimony, were doomed to the
greatest indigence, The efforts of Agis, the king, to enforce
the sumptuary laws, to cancel all debts, and to make a new
division of lands, were opposed by the rich, and at last pumshed
with death, on pretence of a design to alter the govemment.
In such a situation of affairs, Cleomenes ascended the Spartan
throne, a prince, who united integrity of heart with martial
spirit, and a love of glorv. He found, on his accession, both

2g

450 HISTORY OP ORBBOB.

the internal constitution and the pnblic affairs of Spaita in the
utmost confusion. Domestic distress, with its concomitant
despondency of spirit, had caused throughout Laconia an urn-
versal depopulation. Instead of natiTes sufficient to occupy
the thirty-nine thousand shares into which Lycorgus had
originally divided the land, only seven hundred families of the
Spartan race were now to be found ; and of these, about six
hundred, sunk into abject penury and wretchedness, were in-
capablo of exerting any degree of vigour in the public service.
The slaves, too, had many of them perished through want of
employment and subsistence, while others had been carried off,
in great numbers, by the enemies of Sparta. Sock was die
miserable dqcay of both public and private virtae ! Cleomenes,
actuated by his natural disposition to arms, as well as by the
representations already mentioned of the JEioStam, m order
to revive the martial spirit of the Spartans, attained Tqpea,
If antinea, and Orchomenos, cities of Arcadia. .Having re-
duced these under his obedience, he marched without dday
against a certain castle in the district of Megabpolis, whiek
commanded on that side the entrance into Laconia. Imme-
diately upon this act of hostility, the Achman states declared
war against the Spartans. The Spartan king forthwith took
the field, with what troops he could muster, and ravaged the
territories of the cities in alliance with Achaia. With five
thousand men he advanced against the AchsBan general Aratas,
who, perceiving the resolution of the Spartans, declined ao
engagement, thoagb at the head of twenty. The retreat ot'
Aratus determined the Eleans, who had never been steady ia
the interests of Achaia, openly to declare against her. The
Achasans attempted to chastise this defection ; but they were
routed by Cleomenes at Lyceum, near the Elean borders; and
totally overthrown by him in the ensuing campaign, near
Leuctra. Pursuing his good fortune, he reduced several of
the towns of Arcadia, which he garrisoned with his Lacede-
monian troops. He returned to Sparta with the mercenaries
only, and cut off the Ephori, whom he considered as trouble-
some to himself and oppressive to the Spartan subjects, by
assassination ; a conduct which he endeavoured to justify, by
arraigning the unconstitutional establishment of this order o(
magistrates, and a recital of several acts of iniquity. He now

AMBITION OF ARATUA. 461

seised on the adminiBtnition of justice, and re-estabUshed the
agrariao and sumptaary laws of Lycurgus, which he enforced
by his own example. Having thus made himself master of
Sparta, he diverted that energy to foreign enterprises, which
might otherwise have broken out in domestic sedition. He
plundered the territories of Megalopolis, forced the Achasan
lines at Hecatombeum, and obtained a complete victory. The
Achssan army, composed of the flower of their nation, wet«
almost all cut off. The M antineans, having slaughtered the
Achaean garrison stationed in their city, put themselves under
the protection of the Spartans. The same spirit of drfection
and revolt appeared in most of the other cities of Peloponnesus.
In this extremity, they sued for peace to Cleomenes ; but
Aratus, who had for some time declined to take the lead in
the public affairs of Achaia, now resumed his authority ; and,
by insisting on such terms as the high-spirited Cleomenes could
not accept, contrived to prevent that peace which his country-
men wished for.

Both Aratus and Cleomenes wished to unite all the nations
of Peloponnesus into one commonwealth, and by that means
to form such a bulwark for the liberties of Greece, as might
set all foreign power at defiance. But to what people tiie
supreme direction of the conmKm affauns should belong, was
the question. Even Aratus, so much above the love of money,
showed himself, on this occasion, the slave of ambition ; and,
rather than see a superior in power, determined to involve
every thing in confusion.

The interruption of the negociations for peace raised a
general ferment throughout Peloponnesus; the conduct of
Aratus fired the martial ardour of Cleomenes, ' and excited
jealousies in different states ; nor could the Achseans obtain
any assistance from the Athenians, the ^tolians, or the Argives.
Corinth was on the point of surrendering to the Spartan king ;
and even Sieyon must have been lost, had not a timely disco-
very prevented an intended conspiracy. Here we may remark
the extreme quickness with which the Grecian states entered
into any confederacy that was formed for humbling whaterer
power preponderated in Greece : a proof, that, howerer their
manners were corrupted, their sentiments of liberty and the
balance of power were not yet wholly subverted.

262

452 HISTORY OF GRBBCR.

I

Resentment against Cleomenes induced Aratos to entertain
the project of calling in, for the destruction of Sparta, the aid
of Antigonus of Macedon. But in Greece this attempt was
generally odious, and Antigonus was averse from all inter-
ference in Grecian affairs, not being easily dazzled by the
splendour of ambition. But the last and the greatest of these
difficulties he surmounted by various artifices, and entered
into a compact with Antigonus, the conditions whereof were,
that the citadel of Corinth shonld be delivered iato tiie hands
of the king ; that he should be at the head of the Achaean
confederacy, superintend their councils, and direct their ope-
rations; that his army should be supported at th^ expense;
that neither embassy nor letter should be sent to any power
without his approbation ; and that no city, state, or people,
should be from that time admitted into the Achssan league
without his consent From these articles it is evident that
the liberties of Achaia were now no more, and that the sove-
reign of this county was Antigonus.

This transaction roused the indignation of the Pdoponnesian
states: they looked to Cleomenes as the only proteetor of
their liberties. That hero, upon hearing that the Maoedookiis
were in motion, took possession of a pass on the Onean moun-
tains, which conunanded the Corinthian isthmus; but the
Achroans having surprised Argos, he was forced to abandon
it, and to lay it open for the Macedonians. The Achasaiis
now resumed their superiority in Peloponnesus, and most of
the cities in that peninsula were constrained to submit to their
power. The efforts of Cleomenes to restore the liberties of
Peloponnesus, and to protect, of course, those of the rest of
Greece, equal the most famed exploits of antiquity. But the
wary Antigonus, rich in treasure, artfully protracted the war,
and suffered his impetuous adversary to waste his force in vain.
Cleomenes was forced to retreat to Selasia,- in order to cover
Sparta. The disposition he made of his forces was consum-
mately skilful. The road leading to Sparta, near the town of
Selasia, was confined within very narrow bounds by the Essa
and the Olympus hills, of great height and difficult ascent
•On one of these hills the Spartan king placed his brother
Enclidas, with part of the army, whilst he himself took post
on the other. The glen that divided these hills was watered

DBPBAT AND DBATH OP GLB0MBNB8. 458

by the Oenus, along one of the banks of which the road ex-
tended. The lower parts of the hills, and the opening between
them, were secured by a ditch and a strong rampart. What*
ever coold render the appearance of an army formidable, or
add to the, natural strength of this important pass, had been
performed ; and no part was to be seen on which an attack
could be made with any probability of success. Antigonut,
therefore, encamped at a distance, on the plain below, in order,
to watch the motions of the enemy, and to act according to
circumstances. Cleomenes, reduced to the greatest distress
for want of proyisions, was forced to throw open his intrench-
ments, and, without farther delay, to come to an eng^ement.
All his skill and valour, which were eminently displayed on
this occasion, could not save him from a complete defeat^
He fled first to Sparta, and from thence to Egypt; where,
after various adventures, the loftiness of his spirit, which could
not brook the indignities offered to hii9 by the ministers of
Ptolemy Philopater, brought him to an honourable but un-
timely end.

During the absence of Antigonus, a multitude of Illyrians,
and other barbarians, made an irruption into Macedon, and
committed great devastation. This irruption hastened hb
return into his own dominions. In a decisive battle, the bar-
barians were defeated ; but the Macedonian king, by straining
his voice during the engagement, burst a blood-vessel. The.
consequent effusion of blood threw him into a languishing
state, and he died in the space of a few days, lamented by all
Greece.

Antigonus the Second was succeeded by Philip, the son of
Demetrius, the last of the Macedonian kings of that name ;
a prince only in the seventeenth year of his age, intelligent,,
affable, munificent, and attentive to all the duties of the royal
station. This excellent character was formed by a good natural
disposition, cultivated by the instructions and example of,
Antigonus, who appointed him his successor on the Macedo<^
nian throne.

The jealousy, which the ^tolians had long entertained of
the Acheean states, was . increased by the importance which
they had assumed from their alliance with Macedon. No
sooner were they relieved from the dread of Antigonus, than .

404 HISTORY OF ORBIOE«

they ravaged the Achaean coast, and oommitted depredaliois
OD all the oeighbonring countries. Aratos having opposed to
them the AohsDan forces in vain, invoked and obtained the aid
ef the king of Macedon. Philip promised, that, as soon as he
should have settled the affairs of his own kingdom, he would
repair to Corinth, in order to meet the convention of the states
in alliance with Achaia, that he might have an opportunity of
settling with them a plan of future operations. In the mean
time the ^tolians, making a fresh irruption into Peloponnesus,
sacked Cynsetha, a city of Arcadia, pot mostoftbeinfcahjtanfs
to the sword, and laid the place in ruins, l^he iohabitaQts of
Cynsstha had long been remarkable, it seems, for a ferocity
of manners. They were held in such abhorrence by the rest
of the Arcadians, that, in some cities, the admission of a
Cynnthoan was considered as pollution. It is remarkable,
that ancient writers ascribe this profligacy to a negleet of the
study of music. But, in whatever contempt the Cyssstheans
were held, the destruction of their city by the idoBans excited
a general indignation throughout Peloponnesus ; and &e con-
vention of the Aoheean confederates, now assembled at Coimdi,
unanimously agreed that the iEtoKans were guilty ; and that,
unless they should make reparation, war should be dechved
against them, and the direction of it conmiitted to the king of
Macedon. Hence the origin of the Social War, so catted from
the association entered into by the several states engaged
against ^tolia. It commenced the first year of the bandied
and fortieth Olympiad, being the same in which Hannibal laid
siege to Sagiintum, and continued for the space of three years
after.

Philip commenced his operations with the siege of Ambraeas,
a fortress which commanded an extensive territory, belonging,
of right, to Epire, but now in the hands of the ^tdians.
Having reduced thb fortress, he restored it to the Epirots,
and prepared to carry the war into ^tolia. The jiEtoUan
spirit was not daunted, either by the loss of Ambraeas, or the
threats of Philip. They invade Macedon, and make ineursioas
into Achaia, which they reduce to the greatest distress. The
mercenaries in the Achaean service had mutinied for want of
pay ; the Peloponnesian confederates became spiritless or dis-
afieeted ; even the Messenians, in whose cause chiety Achaia

roLiOY OP PHILIP; 4S5

bftd, at the beginningi taken up arms, were afraid to act ag^nst
tbe ^toliana: whilst the Spartans, notwithstanding their
engagements, at the late contention, to Adbaia, had now
massacred, or sent into exile, all snch of their own citissens as
wore in the interest of the Achssans, and openly declared
against them. For the Spartans, amidst their greatest hnmi*
liation, had ever been impatient of the domination of Achaia,
to which the haughtiness of that republic had, in all probability,
Tery much contributed.

A year had dapsed since tbe alliance had been formed
agamst Achaia, when Philip of Macedon, in the depth of
winter, set out with the utmost secresy to Corinth, wlwre a
part of hb forces were stationed. He surprised a party of
Eleans, who had gone forth to ravage the Sicyonian territories^
and reduced Psophis, a strong hold within the confines of
Arcadia, of which the Eleans had taken possession. He
plundered Elis, one of the finest regions in Greece, in respect
to cultivation, and rich in every kind of rural wealth. He
next subdued under his power Tryphalia, a district of Pelo*
ponnesns to the southward of Elis, and wrested the JStolian
yoke from the necks of the Messenians. Philip made a tem*
perate use of all his victories. He granted peace to all who
sued for it; and the whole of his conduct seemed to be directed
by the same generous motives which had formerly directed that
of AntigoDUs. But, in the midst of these fair appearances,
Philip began to manifest latent seeds of ambition. He re-
strained the pride and power of his ministers, who had been
appointed to their offices by his predecessor Antigonus; and
supported Eperatus in the election of general of Achaia, in
opposition to Aratus. In order to counterbalance this unpo-
pvlar measure, and to strengthen himself in the affections of
the Achaean people, he besieged Teichos, and, having taken
that fortress, restored it to the Achseans, to whom it belonged*
He also made an inroad into EHs, and presented the Dymeans/
and the cities in the neighbourhood, with all the plunder. EEo
now imagined that the wealth and vigour of the AchsBao
republic were at his disposal; but the new general had not
provided any magazines, and the treasury was exhausted.
Philip now affected to place great confidence in Aratus. By
the advice of this statesman, he made an attempt on the island
of Cephalenia, an island in die Ionian sea, near the coast of

45& HISTORY OF GRBBCB.

Peloponnesus, and the great resort of the iEtdian piralesi
His attempt, after it had been carried on aimoat to snccen,,
was baffled by the treachery of his ministers. He now, foUowing-
the advice of Aratns, invades and ravages .£(olia itself, returns-
into Peloponnesus, lays waste Laconia, and, flashed with
success, meditates the subjection of all Greece, and a junction
with Hannibal against the Romans. Axatns in vain attempted
to dissuade htm from this project. He sent ambassadors to
the Carthaginian general, but they were intercepted soon after
their landing in Italy; as they gave out, however, that they
were going to Rome, they, in a little time, obtained their
release, and made their way to Hannibal, with whom ttiey
coneladed a treaty. On their return they were again inter-
cepted, and sent with all their papers to Rome. But Philip
dispatched other ambassadors, and a ratification of the treaty
was obtained. It was stipulated, that Philip should famish a
fleet of two hundred ships, to be employed in harasnng the
Italian coasts; and that he should also assist Hannibal with
a considerable body of land forces. In return for this assist-
ance, when Rome and Italy should be finally reduced, which
were to remain in the possession of the Carthaginians, Han-
nibal was to pass into Eprre, at the head of a Carthaginian
army» to be employed as Philip should desire: and, having
made a conquest of the whole country, to give up to him such
parts of it as lay convenient for Macedon.

In consequence oif this agreement, the Macedonian king
entered the Ionian gulph, with a large fleet, fell down to the
coast of Epire, took Oricum, on the coast of Epire, a defence-
less sea-port, but from which there was a short passage to
Italy, and lay siege to Apollonia; but, surprised and defeated
by the Romans, secretly retreated homeward across the
mountains.

The Romans, humbled by the victorious arms of Hannibal,
were not in a condition in which they might prosecute a war
with Macedon ; they therefore determined, if possible, to raise
up enemies against Philip in Greece, that he might be em-
ployed at home in the defence of his own dominions. TTiey
accordingly made overtures for this purpose to the ^tolians,
who, confiding in the flattering declarations of the Roman
ambassador, fastened to conclude a treaty, of vhieh the fol-
lowing were the principal conditions: — That the iEtolians

THE ROMANS INVADB GftikcE. 457*

sbould immediately commence hostilities against Philip 'bj
land, which the Romans were to support by a fleet of twenty
gallies; that, whatever conquests might be made, from the
confine of ^tolia to Corcyra, the cities, buildings, and ter-
ritory, should belong to the j£tolians, but every other kind of
plunder to the Romans. The Spartans and Eleans, with
other states, were included in this alliance; and the war
commenced with the reduction of the island of Zacynthus,
which, as an earnest of Roman generosity and good faith,
Was immediately annexed to the dominions of i^tolia. These
transactions were dated about two hundred and eight years ^
before the birth of Christ.

The Romans, having thus obtained a footing in Greece,
soon eittended and established their power throughout the
whole of that renowned country. Agreeably to their usual
policy, they availed themselves of the credulity, the dissen-
rions, the ambition, and the avarice of the diflerent cUefs ;
ever vigilant to support the weaker against the stronger party,
that the diminished strength of each individual state might
lead the way to the conquest of the whole.

It has already been observed, that Philip aimed at the
subjection of all Greece. Aratus, who would have opposed
him in this design, he took off by poison. His interest in
Ghreece was now strengthened by the introduction of the Ro-
mans; he was regarded by the Greeks as the champion of
freedom, and as their defence against the Romans, whom they
still considered and denominated barbarians. Not only the
Greeks northward of the Corinthian isthmus, bat even the
Achasan league, prepared to take up arms in his support.
Encouraged by these allies, he acted with uncommon vigour;
he carried the war into lUyrium with success; marched to
the relief of the Acarnanians, who were threatened by the
jEtolians, and fortified himself in Thessaly. The Vidians,
notwithstanding these advantages gained over them by Philip,
and that they were afterwards defeated by him in two hot en-
gagements, remained undaunted, and prosecuted the war witii
an amazing obstinacy. The neighbouring states, now jealous
of the success of Philip, endeavoured to mediate a peace;
nor did the Macedonian show himself unwilling to treat for
that purpose. A peace was ready to bo concluded, when the
Romans, deeply interested in the prolongation of war, sent

458 41ISTORY OP 6RBKCB.

their fleet to support the iEtolians; who, encouraged abo bj
the prospect of acquiriog another ally. Attains* king of Per-
gamusy boldly set Philip M defiance, and talked of terms to
which they knew he would not submit. The moderation of
Philip strengthened the indignation of his Greek confederates
against the JBtolians; a disposition which he soon found an
importunity of calling forth into action. Intelligence being
brought to him, whilst he was assisting at the Nemean games,
that the Romans had landed, and were laying waste the
country from Corinth to Sicyon, he instantly set out, attacked
and repulsed the enemy, and, before the coDoioakm of the
games, returned again to Argos ; an achievement whick greatly
distinguished him in the eyes of all Greece, assembled at that
solemnity. After other vigorous though unsuccesnfui exer-
tions against the Romans, he was called back, by domestic
insurrections, to Macedon.

The Achasan states, though deprived of the powerful aid of
the Macedonian king, still carried on their military operatioBs
under the conduct of Philopoemen, of Megalopolis, in Arcadia,
an enthusiast in the cause of liberty from his earliest years,
and who had been active in bringing over several of the Arca-
dians to join the Achaean league. Soon after the death of
Aratus, to whom he was as much superior in military, as he
was inferior in political abilities, he attained the chief sway in
the Achasan councils. He saw with concern the humiliatiag
condition to which a foreign yoke had reduced his countiy-
men, and conceived the noble resolution of relieving them
from it In the character of general <^ Achaia, he improved
their discipline, inured them to hardship and toil, and gave
them weightier armour, and more powerful weapons. The
efiect of this discipline soon appeared: the armies of
^tolia and Elis, which attacked them in Philip's absence,
were totally defeated. In the mean time, the Romans, sup-
ported by Attains, attack Euboea, of all the provinces of
Greece, though an island, one of the. most considerable for
fertility of soil, extent of territory, and advantage of situation.
Philip, on his part, kept a watchful eye on his enemies : his
military preparations were vigorous, and not without success.
The war was prolonged, with various success, for six years,
when the Romans and Attalus retired from Greece. A peace
was now concluded between the ^tolians and Romans, of the

THB BOMANS OPP08B PHILIP. 429

o&e part, and Philip of the other* "wboae successful ambitioB
led him, by a natural progress, to attadL the dominioas of the
king of Egypt.

The Romans, whose policy it was never to baTO more ene-
mies on their hand than one at a time, bad consented to a
peace with Macedon, becanse they were imrolyed in a war
with Carthage; but that war being now at an end, they
eagerly embraced the first pretext they could find for a
rupture with a prince, whose successes had excited a jealoosy
of his growing power. Compiainits being brought b^ore that
poKtical and powerful people from Attains, from the Rho-
dians, firom the Athenians, and from Egypt, they readily de-
termined to improve so iavonrable a juncture. Ami, first,
they declared therasehres the guardians of the young king of
Egypt. Marcus iBmilius was dispatched firom Rome, to to-
nouttoe to Philip the intentions of the Roman senate. The
ambassador found the king befoi^e Abydos, at the head of an
army flushed with victory. Philip was not insensible of the
advantage of his situation : yet the Roman, ondaanted by the
deportment of the monarch, charged him, with dignity and
firmness, not to attack the possessions of the erown of Egypt;
to abstain from war with any of the Grecian states ; and to
submit the matters in dispute between him. Attains, and 'Ihe
Rbodians, to fair arbitration. *' The boastful inexperience of
youtb^^ said the king, " thy gracefuhiess of person, and, still
BMre, the name of Roman, inspire thee with this haughtiness.
It is my wish, that Rome may observe the faith of treaties ;
hot should she be inclined again to hasard an appeal to aram,
I trust that, with the protection of the gods, I shall render
llie Macedonian name as formidable as that of the Roman."
These things, with the cruel destruction of the eity and inha-
Mtants of Abydos, happened about a hundred and ninety*nine
years before the birth of Jesus Christ.

Philip, like other ambitious princes, was now on terms of
hostility with most of the neighbouring nations. Rome, on
the contrary, was in a situation the most favontable that cottU
be imagined to her ambition : Carthage was subdued ; in Italy
all remains of insurrection had subsided ; Sicily, in fertility and
opulence at that time the pride of the western woiU, with
nM>st of the adjacent islands, was annexed to her dominions ;
and even those nations which had not yet felt the force of her

AiS^ HISTORY OF GREBCB.

arms, heard, with terror, the fame of a people not to be sq^
dned even by a Hannibal. Aboot three. yean, tfaeiefore,
after peace had been made with Philip, the Romans dis-
patched a fleet, nnder the conduct of the consul Snlpitins, for
the relief of Athens, then besieged by the Macedonians. Phi-
lip is moved with resentment, and attempts to wreak his ven-
geance on Athens. Disappointed in his hope of sorpiisiag
that city, he laid waste the country around it, destroying even
the temples, which he had hitherto affected to venerate, and
mangling and defacing every work of art in such a manner,
that there scarcely remained, according to the Boman historian
livy, a vestige of symmetry or beauty. Here we have an
opportunity of remarkmg the contrast between the genius of
Athens, in the times of Philip, the father of Alexander, and
that Philip who now filled the throne of Hacedon. The
Athenians, harassed by the arms of this last-mentioned prince,
had recourse to the only weapons with which they were now
acquainted — the invectives of their orators, and the acrimony
of their popular decrees. It was resolved, that, '' Philip
should for ever be an object of execration to the Atheniaa
people : that whatever statues had been raised to him, or to
any of the Macedonian princes, should be thrown down ; thit
whatever had been enacted in their favour should be re-
scinded ; that every place in which any inscription or me-
morial had been set up in praise of Philip should be thence-
forth held profane and unclean ; that in all their solemn feasts,
when their priests implored a blessing on Athens and her
allies, they should pronounce curses on the Macedonian, hb
kindred, Us arms by sea and land, and the whole Macedonian
name and nation : in a word, that whatever had been decreed
in ancient times against the Pisistratidse, should operate in
full force against Philip ; and that whoever should propose
any mitigation of the resolutions now formed, should be ad-
judged a traitor to his country, and be punished with death."
The flatteries of the Athenians to their allies were in propor-
tion to their impotent execrations of the Macedonian monarch.
Such is the connection between meanness of spirit and the
loss of freedom !

A languid and indecisive war had been carried on for the
space of two years between the Macedonians and Romans,
during the consulship of Sulpitius, and that of his successor

PLAMINIUS DECLARES GREECE FREE. 161

Villius, not much to the honour of these commanders, when
the command of the Roman army devolved to the new consul,
Titus Quintius Flaminius, not indeed unacquainted, being a
Roman, with the science of war» but more remarkable for his
skill and address in negociation than for military genius. The
Roman consul, by the vigour of his arms, but still more by
the dexterity with which he carried into execution the pro-
found policy of his nation, brought Greece to the lowest state
of humiliation. By detaching the most considerable of the
Grecian states, particularly the JBtolians and the Achsdans,
from their connection with Macedon, by ingratiating himself
with the Grecian states, whom he managed, after they had
become his confederates, with infinite artifice ; by making a
pompons, but insidious proclamation of their fireedom, at the
Isthmian and Nemean games, he reduced the Macedonian
king to the necessity of first asking a truce, and afterwards of
accepting peace on these mortifying conditions, which were
entirely approved by the Roman senate:—

** That all the Greek cities, both in Asia and in Europe,
should be free, and restored to the enjoyment of their own laws.

** That Philip, before the next Isthmian games, should de-
liver up to the Romans all the Greeks he had in any part of
his dominions, and evacuate all the places he possessed
either in Greece or in Asia.

** That he should g^ve up all the prisoners and deserters.

** That he should surrender all his decked ships of every
kind ; five small vessels and his galley of sixteen banks of
oars excepted.

'' That he should pay the Romans a thousand talents, one
half down, the rest at ten equal annual payments.

''And that, as a security for the performance of these re-
gulations, he should g^ve hostages, his son Demetrius being
one." The date of this peace was a hundred and ninety-three
years before Christ.

Flaminius, having made various decrees in favour of the
several Grecian communities in confederacy with the Romans ;
having expelled Nabis, the tyrant of Sparta, from Argos ; and
having obtained the freedom of the Roman slaves in Greece,
returned to Rome, to the great satisfaction of all Greece,
mod withdrew, as he had promised, all the Roman garrisons.

CHAPTER XX.

FROM THE INVASiOIH OP 6RBEGB BY ANTIOOHUS, TO
THB CAPTIVITY OP THE ACHjEAN GHIEPS IM .ITALY.

Antioghus, king of Syria, was renowiied for the magnifi-
c^nce of bis court, great treasures, nomeroas amdes, military
talents, and political wisdom. He had Tisited the coasts of
the Hellespont, formerly subject to the kings of Syria; he
had even passed over into Thrace, where he bad Kkewise
claims ; and he was preparing to rebuild Lysimachia, in order
to make it again the seat of government in the countiies an-
ciently possessed by Ly simachus. The pretensions cyf so poweffld
and political a prince to countries, which die Romans had al-
ready mariced as their own, excited the jealousy of that ambi-
tious people. They gave him repeated notification, thst
** by die treaty with Macedon, the Grecian cities in Aiiia, m
well as Europe, had been declared free ; that Rome expected
he would conform to that declaration : " and farther, '* thst
henceforth Asia was to be the boundary of his dominions ;
and that any attempt to make a settlement in Earope, would
be considered by Rome as an act of hostility.'' Antiochm,
at first, manifested a disposition to peace, and, in order to
obtain it, would have made large concessions, could any thing
less than the humiliation of the crown of Syria have satisfied
Roman ambition. But Hannibal, the sworn enemy of Borne,
no sooner heard of his meditating a war against the Romans,
than he made his escape from Carthage to the Syrian court,
and urged him to arms. The ^Etolians, too, solicited him to
vindicate the cause of Greece, notwithstanding the deiosiTe
show of liberty granted by Rome, more enthralled in reality
than at any former period. Hannibal recommended an inva-
sion of Italy, where alone, in his judgment, Italy was vulne-
rable. With only eleven thousand land forces, and a suitable
naval armament, he offered to carry the war into the heart of
that country ; provided Autiochus would, at the same time,

WAR BITWEBN ROMS AND ATOLIA. 463

appear at the head of an army on the western coast of Greece,
that, by making a show of an intended invasion from that
qnarter, he might divert the attention and divide the strength
of the Romans. The ^tolians, on Ae other hand, told him,
that if Greece were made the seat of war, there would be,
thronghont all that country, a general insurrection against the
power of the Romans. Antiochus, having adopted the plan of
the iEtoUans in preference to that of Hannibal, enteri^d
Greece with a small force, and, being disappointed in his ex-
pectations of succour from the Grecian states, was defeated,
at the straits of Thermopylce, by Manius Acilius Glabrio, the
Roman consnl. He escaped, with only five hundred men, |to Z^/ ^
Chalcis ; ficom whence he retreated with precipitation to his
Asiatic dominions, a hundred and eighty-seven years before
the Christian ssra.

The j£tolians having rejected the terms of peace offered to
them by the Romans, the consul pressed forward tho siege of
Heraclea, which soon surrendered at discretion. He was pre-
paring to besiege Nanpactus, a sea-port on the Corinthian
gatph, of the greatest importance to tiie iEtoHan nation, who
BOW decreed to ** submit themselves to the faith of the Roman
people," and sent deputies to intimate this determination to
the Roman consul. Acilius, catching the words of the depu-
ties, said, " Is it then true, that the ^tdians submit them-
sehres to the faith of Rome ?" Phseneas, who was at the head
of the jEtolian deputation, replied, '*That they did.^
** Then," continued the consul, ** let no ^Etolian, fit)m hence^
forth, on any account, public or private, presume to pass over
into Asia; and let Dicssarchus*, with all who have had any
share in his revolt, be delivered into my hands." ''The
JEtoBans,'* interrupted Phaeneas, '' in submitting themselves
to the faith of the Romans, meant to rely upon their gene-
rosity, but not to yield themselves up to servitude : neither the
honour of JStolia, nor the customs and laws of Greece, will
allow Qs to comply with your requisition.'' *' It is insolent
prevarication," answered the consul, " to mention the honour
of JStolia, and the customs and laws of Greece ; you ought
even to be put in chains." The ^tolians, exasperated even

^ An ^.tolian chief, who had been active in promoting the treaty vvith
Sjria.

.464 HISTORY OF GRBBCK.

to madness at this imperious treatment of their deputies and
nation, were encouraged in their disposition to vindicate their
liberties by arms, by the expectation of succours from Asia and
from Macedon : but this expectation was disappointed* and
they were reduced to the necessity of sending ambassadon tp
Rome, to implore the clemency of the Roman senate. "Hie
only conditions they could obtain were, either to pay a thou-
sand talents, a sum which, they declared, far exceeded tbdr
abilities, and to have neither friend nor foe, bnt with the ap-
probation of Rome, or to submit to the pleasure of the senate.
The iEtolians desired to know what they were to nnderstend
by " submitting to the pleasure of the senate ; ** an explanation
being refused, they were obliged to return uncertain of their
fate. The war with Rome was renewed ; but the Roman
vigour and policy prevailed in the unequal contest, and the
JBtolians were agahi obliged to apply to the consul in the most
submissive manner for mercy. The conditions granted to diem
were extremely hard : they were heavily fined, obliged to give
up several of their cities and territories to the Romans, and to
deliver to the consul forty hostages, to be chosen by him, none
under twelve, or above forty years of age. But one eTpnu
condition comprehended every thing that imperious powtf
might think fit to impose : the iEtolians were to pay observance
to the empire and majesty of the Roman people.

The predominant power of the Achaeans in the Pelopon-
nesus now became the object of Roman jealousy and ambition.
Though confederated with Achaia, the Peloponnesian cities
retained each of them peculiar privileges, and a species of in-
dependent sovereignty. No sooner was peace concluded widi
^tolia, than Marcus Fulviiis Nobilior, to whom the conduct
of the ^tolian war had been committed on the expiratioo of
the consulship of Acilius, took up his residence in the island of
Cephalenia, that he might be ready, upon the first appearance
of any dispute in Achaia, to pass over into Peloponnesus, and
improve every dissension, for the aggrandisement of the Ro-
man republic. Such an opportunity soon presented itself: the
congress of the Achaean states had always been held at
^gium ; but Philopcemen, now the Achsean general, having
determined to divide among all the cities of the league the
advantages of a general convention, had named Argos for tlie

THE ROMANS INTRIGUE A6A1N8T PHILIP. 465

next diet This inoovatioii the iohabitants of ^Eg^am opposed,
and appealed to the Roman consul for his decision. Another
pretext for passing over ' into Greece was also soon ofiTered to
Fnlvios. The LacedsBmonian exiles, who had been banished
in the days of the tyrants, and never restored, residing in
towns along the coast of Laconia, protected by Ach»an garri-
sons, cut off the inhabitants of Lacedaemon from all intercourse
with the sea-coast. One of those maritime towns was attacked
by the Spartans in the night-time, but defended by the exiles,
with the assistance of the Achaean soldiery. Philopoemen re-
presented this attempt of the Spartans as an insult on the
whole Achaean body. He obtained a decree in favour of the
exiles, commanding the Lacedaemonians, on pain of being
treated as enemies, to deliver up the authors of that outrage.
This decree the Lacedaemonians refused to obey. They dis-
solved their alliance with Achaia, and offered their city to the
Romans. In revenge of this, Philopoemen, notwithstand«
iog the advanced season, laid waste the territories of La-
cedaemon.

The Romans, thus invited to act as umpires in Greece,
found means to break the strength of the commonwealth of
Achaia, by seducing its confederate states ; a conduct, which,
in the eyes of pure morality, must appear enormously
treacherous ; but which, if, in the ambitious designs of states
and princes, the certain attainment of the end be considered as
a sufficient justification of the means, must be deemed refined
policy. By the intrigues of Roman emissaries, too, a party of
Messenians took up arms against the Achaeans ; and Philopoe-
men, hastening to suppress the insurgents, fell into their hands,
asd was put to death.

During these transactions in Greece, the Romans, jealous
of the increasing power of their ally, Philip of Macedon,
•ought an occasion of quarrelling with him, and, agreeably to
their usual policy, encouraged every complaint, and supported
the pretensions of his enemiei^, prepared to plunder them, too,
in their turns, when the Macedonian power should no longer
be formidable. The small cantons, or communities of Thes-
aaly, in which he had re-established his authority, were now
encouraged to assert their independence ; and the Macedonian
king was called to account for those very outrages which he

2h

408 HISTORY OF GRBBGB.

had ooBuakted on tke side of the Rottonf. ComnuMioiien'
were appointed for the settlement of difiRMreaees. Phffipkre-
qaired by diem to evacuate .£nos and Maronea, wUdi weie
claimed by Snmeaes. These were cities on the Hellespont,
which, from their maritime situation, afforded many adraatagei.
The complexion and designs of the Roman comnusioneiB
were obvious ; and Plnlip, judging it vain to keep measaies
with men determined at any rate to take part with his adver-
saries, expostulated with them with great boldness, on the in-
justice, treachery, and ingratitude of their iiatkiB. In lUs
temper of mind he wreaked his revenge on the Maranites,
whose solicitations, he supposed, had been employed agsinsl
him. A body of his fiercest Thradan mercenaries being in-
troduced into Maronea, on the night before the Maoedoniai
garrison was to march out, on pretence of a sudden tamiA,
put to the sword all the inhabitants suspected of favooringthe
Roman interest, wiAout distinction of condition, age, <» sex,
and left the place drenched in the blood of its citizens. The
Romans threatened to revenge this massacre, and PUKp is
obliged to send his second son Demetrius to Rome to make
an apology. The Roman senate, with a view to debauch Ihs
filial afiection of Demetrius, and to draw him over to the inte-
rests of Rome, told him, that, on his account, whatever had
been improper in his father's conduct should be passed over;
and that, from the confidence they had in him, they were well
assured Philip would, for the future, perform every thing tbat
justice required : that ambassadors should be sent to see d
matters properly settled : and that, from the regard they bore
to the son, they were willing to excuse the father. Thb mes-
sage excited in the breast of Philip a suspicion of the connec-
tion formed between Rome and Demetrius ; which suspidon
was inflamed by the insinuations and dark artifices of his eldest
son Perseus, a prince, according to the Roman writers, of sn
intriguing and turbulent disposition, sordid, ungenerous, and
subtle. Perseus and Demetrius were both in the bloom of life;
the former aged about thirty years when Demetrius returned
from Rome, but bom of a mother of mean descent, a semp-
stress of Argos, and of so questionable a character, as to make
it doubtful whether he was really Philip'^ son. Demetrius was
five years younger, born of his queen, a lady of royal extrt^

DBATH OP PHILIP. 4W

tion. Hence Perseua had concetved such a jealousy of hb
brother, and was insidiously active to undemiDe him in the
royal fiiTonr. He accused Demetrius to the kbg of a desigt
to assHssinate him. Philip, fhmiliarised as he was to acts of
blood, was struck with horror at the relation of Peneus. Re*
tiring into the itoner apartment of his palace, with two of his'
nobles, he sat in solemn judgment on his two sons, being
nnder the agonising necessity, whether the charge should be
proTed or dispreved, offinding one of them guilty. Distracted
1>y his doubts, Philip sent Philocles and Apelles, two noble-
men, to proceed as his ambassadors to Rome, with instructions
to find out, if possible, with what persons Demetrius cor-
responded, and what were the ends he had in view.

Perseus, profoundly artful, and having the advantage of
being the heir apparent to the Macedonian crown, secretly
gained over to his interest his iather^s ambassadors, who re-
turned to the king with an account, that Demetrius was held in
the highest estimation at Rome, and that his views appeared
to have been of an unjustiBable kind ; delivering, at the same
time, a letter, which they pretended to have received from
Quintus Flaminius. The hand- writing of the Roman, and the
impression of bis signet, the king was well acquainted with ;
mid the exactness of the imitation induced him to give entire
credit to the contents, more especially as Flaminius had for-
tteriy written in commendation of Demetrius. The present
letter was written in a different strain. The author acknow-
ledged the criminality of Demetrius, who, indeed, he confessed,
«imed at the throne; but for whom, as he had not meditated
tkb death of any of his own blood, he interceded wilii tiie
monarch. The issue of this atrocious intrigue is truly tragioai.
Demetrius, found guilty of designs against the eroWn and the
life of his father, b put to death. Philip, when too late, dis^
covered that he had been imposed upon by a forgery, and died
of a broken heart

Perseus succeeded his father on the throne of Macedon, a y
InMicfred and seventy-five years before the birth of Christ.
The fitst measures of his government appeared equally graoions
iod political. He assumed an afar of benignity and gentlenea.
' He not only recalled all those whom fear or judicial condemn
Iwtion had, in the course of the late reigOi ithem ttm their
oomiry ; but he evett ordevedf the IneoMe of thoir estatoa^

2h2

406 U18TORY OP ORBICI.

during their exile, to be reimbursed. His deportment to all bu
subjects was happily composed of regal dignity aod parental
tenderness. The same temper which regulated bis bdianour
to his own subjects, he displayed in his conduct towards
foreign states. He courted the aflPections of the Grecian states ;
and dispatched ambassadors to request a confirmation of the
treaties subsisting between Rome and Macedon. The senate
acknowledged his title to the throne, and pronounced him the
fiiend and ally of the Roman people. His inainoations and
intrigues with his neighbours were the more effectual, as
most of them began to presage what they had to expect,
should the dominion of Rome be extended OTer all Greece,
and looked upon Macedon as the bulwark of their freedom
from the Roman yoke. The only states that stood firm to the
Roman cause were Athens and Achaia. But in this all of
them now agreed, that foreign aid was on all occasions neces-
sary to prop the tottering remains of fallen liberty, wUch, by
this time, was little else than a choice of masters. Besides all
those advantages, which Perseus might derire ftom the well-
grounded jealousy of Roman ambition, he succeeded to all
those mighty preparations which were made by his father. But
all this strength came to nothing ; it terminated in discomfi-
ture, and the utter extinction of the royal family of Macedon.
He lost all the advantages he enjoyed through avarice, mean-
ness of spirit, and want of real courage. The Romans, dis-
covering or suspecting his ambitious designs, sought and found
occasion of quarrelling with him. A Roman army passes into
Greece. This army, for the space of three years, does nothing
worthy of the Roman name ; but Perseus, infatuated, or
struck with a panic, neglects to improve the repeated oppor-
tunities which the incapacity or the corruption of the Roman
commanders presented to him. Lucius JBmilius Paulos,
elected consul, restores and improves the discipline of the Ro-
man army, which, under the preceding commanders, had been
greatly relaxed. He advances against Perseus, drives him
from his entrenchments on the banks of the river Enipeus, and
engages and defeats him under the walls of Pydna. On the
ruin of his army, Perseus fled to Pella. He gave vent to the
distraction and ferocity of his mind, by murdering with bis ovn
hand two of his principal officers, who had yentured to blame
some parts of his conduct* Alarmed at this act of baibaiitj,

DBPBAT AND DEATH OP PBRSBUS. 460

his other attendants refused to approach him ; so that, being at
a loss where to hide himself, or whom to trust, he returned
from Pella, which he had reached only about midnight, before
break of day. On the third day after the battle he fled to
Amphipolis. Being driven by the inhabitants from thence, he
hastened to the sea-side, in order to pass over into Samothrace,
hoping to find a secure asylum in the reputed holiness of that
place. Having arrived thither, he took shelter in the temple
of Castor and Pollux. Abandoned by all the world, his eldest
son Philip only excepted, without a probability of escape, and
even destitute of the means of subsistence, he surrendered to
Octavius, the roman praetor, who transported him to the Ro-
man camp. Perseus approached the consul with the most ab-
ject servility, bowing hb face to the earth, and endeavouring,
with his suppliant arms, to grasp his knees. ** Why, wretched
man," said the Roman, " why dost thou acquit Fortune of what
might seem her crime, by a behaviour which evinces that then
deservest not her indignation i Why dost thou disgrace my
laurels, by showing thyself an abject adversary, and unworthy
of having a Roman to contend with?'* He tempered, how-
ever, this humiliating address, by raising him from the ground,
and encouraging him to hope for every thing from the. cle-
mency of the Roman people. After being led m triiunph
through the streets of Rome, he was thrown into a dungeon,
where he starved himself to death. His eldest son, Philip, and
one of his younger sons, are supposed to have died before him.
Another of his sons, Alexander, was employed by the chief
magistrates of Rome in the office of a writing clerk.

Within the space of fifteen days after JSmilius had begun to
put his army in motion, all the armament was broken and dis-
persed ; and, within two days after the defeat at Pydna, the
whole counti^ had submitted to the consul. Ten commissioner!
were appointed to assist that magistrate in the arrangement of
Macedonian affairs. A new form of government was established
in Macedon, of which the outlines bad been drawn at Rome.
On this occasion the Romans exhibited a striking instance of
their policy in governing by the principle of division. The
whole kingdom of Macedon was divided into four distncts; the
inhabitants of each were to have no connection, intermanriageiy
or exchange of possessions, with those of the other distriets,
but every part to remain wholly distinct firom the rest And

470 HISTORY QP GRBJ&CR.

among other regulations tending to reduce them to a state of
the most abject slavery, they were inhibited from the use of
arms, unless in such places as were exposed to the incorsaons
of the barbarians. Triumphal games at Ampfaipolis, exceeding
in magnificence all that this part of the world had ever seoi,
and to which all the neighbouring nations, bodi European and
Asiatic, were invited, announced the extended dominion of
Rome, and the humiliation not only of Maoedom, but of
Greece; for now the sovereignty of Rome fimnd nothiag in
that part of the world that was able to oppose it The Grocim
states submitted to various and multiplied arts of oppression,
vnlhout a struggle. The government, which vetttaed the
longest a portion of the spirit of ancient times, was the AchsMui.
In their treatment of Achaia the Romans, although diey had
gained over to their interests several of the Aehssan ofaiefi,
Were obKged to proceed with great cironmspectioii, lest ^
destruction of their own creatures should defeat their designs.
They endeavoured to trace some vestiges of a correspondence
between the Achs&an body and the late king of Macedon; and
when no such vestiges could be found, they determined that
fiction^should supply the place of evidence. Cains Ckndiiis,
and Gneius Domitius ^nobarbus, were sent as commissioneri
from Rome, to complain that some of the first men of Achaia
had acted in concert with Macedon. At the same time the?

m

required, that all who were in such a predicament should be
sentenced to death : promising, that, after a decree for that
purpose should be enacted, they would produce the names of
the guilty. ** Where," exclaimed the assembly, ** would be
the justice of such a proceeding I First name the persons
you accuse, and make good your charge." ** I name, then,"
said the commissioner, '* all those who have borne the oiBce
of chief magistrate of Achaia, or been the leaders of yosr
armies." " In that case," answered Xeno, an Aohaean nohie-
man, '* I too shall be accounted guilty, for I hare conunaaded
the armies of Achaia, and yet I am ready to prove my inno-
oence, either here, or before the senate of Rome.'' " Yao say
well," replied one of the Roman commissioners, laying hold on
his last words, '' let the senate of Rome then be the tribunal
before which you shall answer." A decree was firamed for tUs
end, and above a thousand Achasan chiefs were transported
into Italy, a hundred atid sixty-three years before Christ.

CHAPTER XXI.

PROM THE CAPTIVITY OP THB AGHifiAN CHIBP8, TO TRB
SACKING OP CONSTANTINOPLB BY THB TURKS.

Thb trttuportatHMi of die leaden of Aelttia may justly be
eoDsMered as the captiTity of Greece. The only barrier that
lemamed against the tyranny of Rome was now lemoved.
The noblest leaders and ablest connseHom of the AclMsans
being taken away, the strength of that confederacy was hrokeii»
th«r councils being henceforth unstable and turbulent; smi,
lest it should ever be restored, the Romans were careful to
encourage fhction and dissensions among the difierrat states
tkat composed it: holding out, with all the success they couU
wisk for, in the name of the Roman senate, protection amfk
assistance to all who should consent to be dismembered firooi
tkat body. A general ferment prevailed throughout all Greeoa.
Thero was scarcely a single state or city that was not tainted
with corruption, or torn in pieces by discord. The Roman
policy and arms easily prevailed over the feeble resentment of
an effenunate, corrupt, and divided people. It was in vain
that the Achssans, who may be styled the last nation of the
€hreeks, provoked by the peifidy of Rome, made an attempi
to vindicate their liberty by arms. The Achssan constitutioB
w«s at leiq^ finally dissolved by a Roman decree, and the
several states and cities which composed the league declaied
distinct and independent. Popular assemblies were abolisbed
throughout the whole of Pdoponnesus, and what small skaiw
of achninistration the natives were permitted to letam, was
transferred from tho people to a few, whose estates the Romans
considered as a pledge of their obedience; and» lest any in-
dividual should acquire an influence that might be tioublesomie
to Rome, they not only took care to impoverish the more opo-
Ifant families by fines and severe taxations, bat also pieseabad
bounds, beyond which a Grecian should not inoreasa his pos-
aessions. Greece wos now reduced to a Roman proiinas»
known by the name of Aohaia in which www eomptieed Pialo^.

472 HI8T0RY OF GRBBCB.

poDDesus, Attica, Boeotia, Phocis, and all that part of Gfeece
lying to the soath of Epire and Thessaly. The countties t6
the north of that line, to the utmost limits of the Macedoman
monarchy, were the province of Macedon.

Greece, now sunk in that mass of nations which composed
the Roman empire, had lost every vestige of nattonal exist-
ence ; and while she was excluded from all participation in the
prosperity of her conquerors, she shared deeply in their mis-
fortunes. Mithridates, king of Pontns, the ablest and most
enterprising prince that ever took up arms against Rome, de-
feated the Roman generals, and excited a genend massacre
of the Romans and Italians throu^out Asia. The Ghrecians,
groaning under the Roman yoke, arranged themselves under
the banner^i of so formidable an enemy to their oppressors.
But the armies of Mithridates are at last defeated by the
vigour, the resources, and the ability of Sylla ; and the Gredan
states, above all Athens and Bceotia, satiate the vengeance of
the furious conqueror. The calamities of the Mithridatic war
were soon followed by the depredations of the Cilician corsairs^
who gradually rose to a degree of power that seemed to pro-
mise nothing less than the dominion of the Mediterranean.
They not only attacked ships, but also assailed towns and
islands. They were masters of a thousand galleys, completely
equipped; and the cities of which they were in possession
amounted to four hundred. For a period of near forty years
they had continued to ravage Greece, when they were at last
reduced to unconditional submission, and dispersed in different
inland countries, by Pompey. Greece was so depopulated, io
consequence of these calamities, that it was found expedient,
in order to re-people the country, to transport a considerable
body of these pirates into Peloponnesus. The civil wars of
Rome drenched Greece with blood; and when that war was
concluded, whoever had not appeared on the side of the victor
was considered as his enemy. Greece, in common with the
other Roman provinces, had suffered many oppressions nnd^
the emperors, and from the repeated invasions of barbarians,
when the accession of Constantino the Great to the imperial
throne seemed to promise to the Grecian annals a new aera of
glory. Having subdued or quieted all his enemies, he made
choice of the confines of Greece for bis place of residence; and

GRBECE INVOLVED IN THE RUIN OP ROME. 478

the shores of the Thraciaii Bosphorns, where the Grecian
colony of the Byzantines had been planted, now gave a new
capital to the world. The conversion of this monarch to the
Christian faith was followed by a rapid diffusion of the Gospel
throughont the empire. In Greece it served to prove that
the Grecian character had, in some respects, outlived those
moral causes, which undoubtedly had the principal share in
forming it. In their theological disputes they displayed all
that versatility of genius, that quickness of wit, that never-
ceasing curiosity and fondness for disputation, which distin-
guished the Greeks in the most flourishing period of their
history. Constantino, by dividing his dominions among his three
sons, involved the empire in the flames of civil war. The for-
tune of Constantius prevailed, and raised him to undivided
empire. Julian supplanted Constantius on the imperial throne,
by means of the favour of the soldiers. This was the famous
apostate from the Christian faith to Paganism, in which he '
either was, or pretended to be, as great a bigot as he had been
before zealous in the Christian cause. Philosophy still flourished
in Athens ; and here it was that the mind of Julian, who pur-
sued his studies there before he was raised to the empire with
infinite application, was alienated from the true religion, which
he overturned, and re-established Paganism in its stead. The
successors of Julian restored the religion of the Grospel, but
not the public prosperity, undermined by the despotism of a
military government, and a general pusillanimity and profligacy
of manners. These invited attacks on the empire on every
side. Jovian was forced to yield a considerable territory to
the Persian monarch. In Britain, the Roman ramparts were
opposed in vain to the hardy valour of the north : even the
legionary troops had been found unable to sustain the shocks
of the unconquered Caledonians. The German tribes renewed
their inroads into Gaul. Afirica rebelled ; and a spirit of dis-
content and insurrection began to appear among the barbarian
tribes on the Danube^ In the reign of the emperor Valens,
the Huns, a new tribe of barbarians, in manners and aspect
more horrid than any that had hitherto appeared on the Roman
frontiers, plundered and drove from their settlements the
Gothic tribes on the farther side of the Danube. Ghratiany
nephew and heir to Valens» shared the empire withTheododoa,
whom the calamities of the times raised to the posaenioD of

474 HISTORY OP GRBBCI.

the whole. The abilities and personal yalovr of dus pvioee
bestowed on the empire an appearance of vigour danng bis
reign : but his sons, Areadins and Honorinsy belveen wbon
be divided the empire^ brought up in the boson of a laxiurio«s
palace, and sunk in eflfeminacyy were unequal to the laak of
governing an empire weakened by division. The reign of
Honorius concluded the Roman onptre in the East Alario,
the Gothic chief, who, five and twenty years before, deemed it
an honour to bear arms on the side of the empire, was adorned
with the imperial purple. Augustulus, die last Roman who
was graced with the imperial dignity at Rome, weaeompeikd
to abdicate the Western Empire by Odonoer, kag of the
Heruli, about the year of Christ 475.

Amidst the calamities which attended and ibUowed after
this revolution, Greece saw her magnificent cities laid in ruins,
her numerous towns levelled with the ground, and those
monuments of her glory, which had hitherto escaped bariMfiaa
outrage, defaced and overthrow^ : while the wretched descend-
ants of men, who blessed the nation with science and art, wero
either enslaved by the invaders, or led into captivity, or
slaughtered by the swords of barbarians. Without inhahitanti
or cultivation, and buried as it were in ruins, Grreece was too-
insignificant to be an object of ambition, and left to the pos-
session of any of the rovers of those days, who chose to make
a temporary settlement in that desolated country. Constanti-
nople itself, during the greater part of this gloomy period, re-
tained little more than a shadow of greatness. The chief in-
habitants were those families, who, during the incursions of the
barbarians, had made their escape to the mountains. Such
was the state of Greece, with little variation, from die Grothic
invasion to the final overthrow of the Eastern empire by the
Ottoman arms, in the year of the Christian sera 1453.

But, in the midst of war, devastation, and slavery, Chreec#
continued long to be the seat of philosophy and the fine arts.
Whatever conjectures may be formed concerning the advance-
ment of science in India, and in Eg3rpt, it is certain that Greece
was the country, which enlightened, exalted, and adorned the
rest of Europe, and set an example of whatever is beautifid
and great to the nations. It was the genius of Greece that
formed those very politicians and heroes who first bent her
lofty spirit under the yoke of foreign dominion. It was in

RBVIBW OF THE GftKCIAN OHARACTBR. 4Sf&

TkebeSy under the tuitioQ of Epaminoodasy that Philip, the
SOD of Amyotas, was trained to a love of glory, and all those
arts and accomplishments of both peace and war, by which it
is best attained. It was a Grecian philosopher that tanght
Alexander how to manage the passions, and govern the minds
of men ; while the writings oS Homer, by a most powerful
contagion, inspired Us mind with a contempt of danger and
death in the pursuit of glory. His captains, who succeeded
him in the goTerament of his dismembered empire, were, aa
well as Umself, instructed in the literature and the philosophy
of Greece. The Macedonian vigour was fortified and di«
rected by Grecian mvention. As the light ot Greece illmni-
nated her Macedonian, so it spread over her Roman conquerors.
Philosophy, literature, and arts, began to follow glory and
empire to Rome in the times of Sylla and LucuUus ; and, in
their progress, drew to the different schools every man of rank,
and, as we would say, of fashion, in Italy. Wealth, luxury,
corruptioo, and at last tyranqr» banished it from Rome ; but
while it lasted, it made up, in some degree, for the want of
liberty ; and, if it was unable to resist oppressive power, it
sustflsned the mind in the midst of sufferings. The Stoic, with
an erect countenance, beheld the instruments of his death,
snbmitting to the will of fate, and acquiescing in the order of
the universe, of which, living or dead, he could not but form
a portion. Even in the worst of times, when the Roman
emphre was in the last period of its decline, amidst the ruins
of the ancient worid, distracted by internal divisions, and torn
to pieces by the incursions of barbarous nations from the east»
north, and south, a succession of ingenious, learned, and cooh
tamplative minds transmitted the sacred light of truth (whicbf
like the sun, though eclipsed or obscured, nei«r deserts th^
worid) from one age to another. After the invasion of Egypt
by the Saracens, and the destruction oi tbe library of Alexan^
dria, then the seat of literature and science, the only place
where philosophy remained was Constantinople. Here the
aaoient metaphysical disputes were revived, and passed into,
or rather formed, theological controversy. This divided and
distracted the capital of the Eastern empire, at the very time
when it was besieged by the Turks. Even under the domi-
nion of those bigotted and indocile barbarians, the Greek learn-
ing and philosophy was not wholly extinguished in Ghreeoe. In

476 HISTORY OF GRBBGB.

the patriarch*s university of Constantinople, the sciences are
taught in the ancient Greek language, and in the same language
the professors converse with their scholars.

The learned Greeks, who fled from Constantinoplet when it
was taken by the Turks, into Italy, found protection, not more
comfortable to themselves than auspicious to learning and
philosophy, in the Medici of Florence, and in Pope Leo the
Tenth of the same family. The Greek langufige became so
fashionable in Italy, that even the ladies understood it, and
spoke it. In general, the Greek philosophy was cultivated in
Italy about acentur; after the revival of literature, and taught,
particularly by the Jesuits, with great diligence and success.
From Italy the arts and sciences spread over France ; and so
late as the middle, or rather a more advanced period of the
last century.

The modem Greeks, without the least political importance,
and sunk in slavery to a military government, retain but little
of their original character. The^fradations by which that cha-
racter faded away are clearly discernible in their history, and
present to the attentive eye a speculation of great curiosity
and importance. The relaxation of manners gradually under-
mined the political institutions of the leading states of Greece,
and the complete subversion of these, re-acting on manners,
accelerated the declination of virtue. Simplicity, modesty,
temperance, sincerity, and good faith, fled first: the last of
the virtues that took its flight was military valour. Still, how-
ever, the ardent temper of the Greeks burst forth on various
occasions ; still they were distinguished by a quick sensibility
to benefits and to injuries, hasty resolutions and hasty repent-
ance. Tyranny too efiectually quieted this tumult of passion ;
the oppressed Greek, humbled to the dust, was forced to kiss
the hand that was lifted up for his destruction. A quickness
of invention, an acuteuess of judgment, a subtlety in argumen-
tation, have survived the extinction of virtue and a character-
istical hastiness of temper. These are still to be found in the
disputations of the schools, and the profound, though dis-
honourable, artifices of the Grecian merchants.

INDEX.

A.
jiBDOLONVMUS, a poor Sidonian, invested, to his eitreme sarprisef
with royalty, 336.

AhitartMj an Indian lung, pays homage, and sends presents to Aleiander,
370.

Aekam aims at the sovereignty of Greece, 445 ; an account of the coo-
stitotion and laws of that republic, 446.

Aek£an$y advance Aratus to the dignity of general of their republic, 447 ;
declare war against the Spartans, 460 ; attempt to chastise the Eleant , ibid.;
soe for peace to Cleomenes, 451 ; declare Antigonus head of their confede-
racy, 458 ; surprise Argos, and resume their superiority in Peloponnesnty
ibid. ; carry on their military operations under the conduct of Philopoemen,
458 ; totally defeat the armies of /Etolia and Elis, ibid. ; accused by the
Romans of having acted in concert with the Idng of Macedon, 470 ; above
a thousand of their chiefs transported into Italy, ibid. ; their confederacy
dissolved by a Roman decree, 471.

Acritku, king of Argos, unfortunately slain by his grandson Perseus, 3.

AdOf queen of Caria, restored to her kingdom by Alexander, 319.

Admetm, king of the Molossians, promises Themistocles to grant him hb
protection, 106.

JEgiaUut, first king of Sicyon, 3.

JEginetanMf refuse to deliver up those who had stirred them up to rerolt,
55 ; punished by Leotychides in having ten of their citiiens placed in the
hands of the Athenians, ibid. ; complain of the severity of their treatment,
ibid.; resolve to obtain justice by force, ibid. ; intercept an Athenian ship,
ibid. ; worsted in several engagements, ibid.

JEackmei, the orator, entirely devoted to Philip, harangues for him vrith
an impetuous elocution, 976 ; gains his point by his passionate warmth and
exquisite address, 877 ; draws up an accusation against Ctesiphon, 889 ;
opposes the decree framed by him in favour of Demosthenes, ibid. ; loses
his cause, and is sentenced to banishment for his rash accusation, ibid. ;
settles himself at Rhodes, and opens a school of eloquence there, ibid.; a
memorable saying of his, 890 ; his exclamation at the generous behaviour
of his rival, ibid.

JEtoUans, complain of the terms granted them by the governor of Mace-
don, 399 ; take the field, ibid. ; are routed by Antipater and Craterus, ibid. ;
conclude a peace with them, ibid. ; invade Macedon with a formidable ar-
mamenty 400 ; interrupted in their career by Poljcks, ibid. ; bring him to a

478 INDBX.

general action, in which he is routed and slain, ibid* ; retreat wicb
tion to ^tolia, upon advice that the AcanMoians had penetrated into dieir
country, ibid. ; their forces in Thesialj under Meson di8Coin6ted bj Pdj-
perchon, ibid. ; they lay down their arms and conclude a peaee, ibid- ; be-
hold with envy the superiority of the Actusaas, 449 ; inapire the Spartans
with similar ideas, ibid. ; ramge the Achttan ctMut, 454; make a fresh ir-
ruption into Peloponnesus, sack Cynaetha, and put most of the inhabitants
to the sword, ibid. ; invade Macedon, and make incursions into Achaia,
ibid. ; conclude a treaty with the Romans, 456 ; Zacyntkus annexed to their
dominions by them, 457 ; are defeated in two engagements by Philip, ibid.;
prosecute the war with amazing obstinacy, ibid. ; solicit ADtiochos to vin-
dicate the cause of Greece, 468 ; reject the terms of peaee bfiered then by
the Romans, 463; are forced to submit, ibid.; renew the wary464; ave
obliged to fliug themselves on their meroy, ibid.

AguUam^ king of Sparta, sent into Asia with an army, 8S4 ; gains a dg*
nal victoiy over Tissaphenies, near the river Padolns^ ibid. ; fonM the
enemy's camp, and finds considerable plunder, ibid« ; receives ordeva to r»>
tiMi from Persia, 825 ; instantly obeys the tnandate, ibid.; gains a consider-
•ble victory over the Athenians and their allies upon the plains of Coroana,
ibid.; pitched upon to command the army to humble the Grecian slates,
889; strikes a terror into the Thebans with his name, and increases tfasir
fttctt by the number of bis forces, ibid. ; detaches a party of light armed men
to provoke them to give him battle, ibid.; finding them prepHred to reottve
him itf a new naanner, withdraws his army, and ravages the country, ibid.;
on the defeat of the Laoedsmoiiians under Cleoiubrotus, he is invested with
considerable powers, 237 ; saves the citizens from infamy by a generous ex-
pedient, ibid. ; his exclamation when £paminondas was pointed out to him,
ibid. ; he leads the forces of Sparta against him, 240 ; being informed of
his design to seize the city of Sparta, he dispatches one of his horse to ac-
quaint it with its danger, ibid. ; makes head against the Theban getiersJ,
and defends himself with more valour than could be expected from his
years, ibid. ; makes an expedition into Egypt, 246 ; dies there, 247 ; his
eulogiom, ibid.

Agity king of Sparta, reverses what his predecessors had done in favoor
of th* peasants, and hnposes a tribute upon them, 8; punished and repri-
manded for eating with his queen in private, 14 ; closes with an offer fitw
th^ Arglves, 148 ; grants them a truce, ibid. ; advances with an army to
besiege Athens, 185.

Agii, king of Sparta, the son of Archidamus, his character, 387 ; his be-
liaviour on several important occasions, ibid. ; enlists the Greek mercenaries
that fled out of Persia, 368 ; holds a correspondence with the Persian king,
ibid. ; receives money from him, and forms a powerful Confederacy in Pelo-
ponnesus, ibid.; sails to Crete, and establishes the Spartan government
there, ibid. ; promotes disafTectioo among the Grecian states, ibid.; marches
against Megalopolis, 389 ; is defeated by Antipater, ibid. ; killed figbting on
his knees, ibid.

Agi$, king of Sparta, put to death for endeavouring to restore the ancient
smiplidty of manners, 449.

INDBX. 479

Al/Madetf a«f«l io ihm Inttle of Podckm by Hit tutor, Socrates, ISO ;
ditcovert kioHtlf an Memy to peace, 139; his remafkaMe inHfaaey with
Socrates, ihid. ; is disgasted with the Lacadcmoniaiis, 141 ; has a confer-
ence with the Lacedsmontan ambassadore, ibid. ; is declared general, 145t;
is afipointed to command the fleet, 144 ; is attacked by his enemies whOe
engaged in the Sicilian expedition, 147; is recalled, ibid. ; obeys the ordert
with saenttngsobmissioo, ibid.; gets on shore at Thorium, ibid.; disappears^
and eludes his pursuers, ibid. ; is condemned to death fbr his oontomacy,
ibid. ; Ids reply on hearing his condemnation, ibid. ; semb to Samos to col-
lect the sentiments of his countrymen concerning him, 179 ; offers to return
to Athens on particular conditions, 173 ; his return opposed by Phrynicus,
ibid.; recalled by the army, and created general with fbll power, 174;
shows himaelf to Tlssaphemes, ibid. ; sates the commonwealth, 175 ; re-
called by naanimoas consent, ibid. ; solicited to make haste to the assist-
aaoe of the dty, ibid.; deceives the Spartan admiral, and gains a consider-
able victory, ibid. ; pays a visit to Tbsapheraes, 176 ; is seized by him, ahd
sent prisoner to Sardis, ibid. ; makes his escape to Clazomene, ibid. ; bears
down upon the Pebponnesian fleet, ibid.; breaks through the enemy, and
oiakes gpeat shinghter, ibid. ; takes several cities which had revolted from
the Athenians, ibid. ; sets sail for Athens, ibid. ; his triumphant entry de-
ecribed, ibid. ; appointed generalissimo, 177; steers his course to the Island
of Androa, ibid. ; goes from thence to Samos, ibid. ; alarms the Lacedae-
monians by his success, ibid. ; leaves the command of his fleet to Antio-
chns, 178 ; accused by his countrymen of insufficiency, 179 ; hb represen-
tations to the Athenian generals, 189 ; offers to attack the enemy by land^
ibid. ; withdraws unsuccessful, 183 ; having taken refuge io the dominions
of Persia, he does all in his power to obstruct the treaty between Cyrus
and the Lacedemonians, 191 ; his patriotic designs frustrated by the thirty
tyrants, ibid. ; he is cruelly massacred in a small town in Phrygia, ibid. ;
Us edogiura, ibid.

AiemitomiUtf having been banished from Athens, endeavour to undermine
the interests of Hippies at Sparta, and meet with success, 39 ; obtain liberty
to rebuild the temple of Delphos, ibid.

jilejMmder, of Phene, having killed PoKphron, seises the government, 939;
meditates revenge, ibid. ; makes Pelopidas, in the character of an ambas-
andor, prisoner, contrary to the laws of nations and humanity, ibid. ; treats
Ms Tbeban prisoners with the utmost severity, 940 ; is defeated by Pelopi-
das, ibid.; is killed by his wife and brothers, ibid.

AlejMmder, son of Philip of Macedon, vested with sovereign authority at
die age of fifteen, 973 ; gives prooft of his courage, ibid. ; defeats some
tteighbouring states which had revolted, ibid. ; accompanies his fiuher in
fais Scythian expedition, 975 ; covers him with a shield when he was
wounded in a battle with the Triballi, ibid. ; puts to flight all who attacked
faim, 976; at the head of the Macedonian nobles, fall upon the sacred
band of Thebes, with all the fury of youthful courage, 983 ; remonstrates
with his father Philip on his resolving to divorce himself from Olyropias,
1^1 ; extremely dissatbfied vrith the solemnitieB which proclaim his mo-
6wr*s disgrace, ibid.; irritated by the behavioiir of Attains, die node of

480 INDEX.

the new queen, ibid. ; behaves himself with an impardonable iasdeoce^
ibid.; succeeds to the throne of Macedon, 296 ; his roiiDg paanoo, ibid. ;
a characteristic anealote relating to him, ibid. ; discovers great eatMin for
his master Aristotle, 898; grows fond of philosophy, ibid. ; applies himsstf
chiefly to morality, ibid. ; makes it his serious study, ibid. ; applies with nc-
cess to polite literature, 299; finds himself, on his succession, summnded
with capital dangers, 301 ; resolves to defeat the machinatioDs of his ene-
mies, 302 ; conciliates the affections of the Macedonians, by freeing them
from a vexatious slavery, ibid. ; determines to support his a£&drs by bold-
ness and magnanimity, ibid.; conquers the king of the Triballi in n great
battle, ibid.; makes the Getae fly at his approach, ibid. ; sobdues several
barbarous nations, ibid. ; makes the conquest of Persia the fiist object of
his attention, 303 ; is called to a new undertaking, ibid. ; is obliged to turn
his sword from the Persians against the Greeks, ibid. ; leads his.anny against
them with surprising celerity, 304 ; astonishes the Thebans by his appear-
ance in Boeotia, ibid.; publishes a general pardon to all who should coote
over to him, ibid. ; finds it impossible to get the better of the Thebans by
oflfers of peace, ibid. ; takes thecity of Thebes, and plunders it, ibid. ; is struck
with the answer of theTheban lady, brought before him for the murder of a
Thracian officer, 305 ; orders that she have leave to retire with her childiea,
ibid. ; debates in council how to act. with regard to Thebes, ibid. ; destroys
it, 306 ; sets at liberty the priests and descendants of Pindar, ibid. ;
throws the Athenians into the greatest consternation, by the destroctioo of
Thebes, ibid. ; receives a deputation from them, imploring his demencj,
ibid. ; requires them to give up the ten orators, wlio had formed the league
against his father, ibid. ; waves his demand with regard tu them, 307 ; es-
presses a particular respect for the Athenians, ibid. ; spreads terror through
all Greece, ibid.; summons the assembly of the states of Greece at Corinth, in
order to obtain from them the supreme command against the Persians, ibid.;
receives congratulation from a great number of cities and philosophers oa
his election, 308 ; makes a visit to Diogenes, 309 ; his interview with bio
described, ibid. ; determines to consult the oracle of Apollo before he sets
out for Asia, ibid. ; his rash behaviour to the priestess, ibid. ; makes prepa-
ration for his expedition, ibid. ; holds a council, ibid. ; ofiFers a splendid sa-
crifice to the gods, and causes scenical games to be celebrated, 310 ; settla
tlie affairs of Maccdon before his departure, ibid. ; appoints Antipater vice-
roy, ibid.; his memorable reply to Perdiccas, ibid. ; sets out for Asia with
a well disciplined army, ibid. ; begins his march along the lake Caercinum,
311; crosses the river Strymon and Hebrus, ibid.; commands Parmeoto
to cross from Sestos to Ab^dos, ibid. ; crosses the Hellespont, steering his
galley with his own hands, ibid. ; inspires his army with confidence
by his animated behaviour, ibid. ; determines to destroy the city of Lamp-
sacus, 312 ; receives a visit from Anaximenes, a native of the place, ibid.;
finds the Persians ready to dispute his passage over the Granicus, ibid. ;
nmrches on in military order, 313 ; advised by Parmenio to encamp in
battle array, ibid. ; is unaffected by his advice, 314 ; makes his military
arrangements with spirit, ibid. ; routs the Persians, passes the river with his
whole army, and attacks the enemy on all sides, 315 ; charges the thickest

INDEX. 481

part of the enett/s hone, ibid. ; is pwrtictthurljr distinguished bj his appear-
ances ihid.; engages in single combat with a son-in-law of Darius, ibid.;
lajs htm dead at his feet, ibid.; put the Persians to Bight, 316 > loses bb
horse by his impetuosity, ibid; orders Lyatppu3 to make commemofadog
statues in brass, ibid. ; takes the utmost care of the wounded, ibid. ; grants
the rights of sepulture to the principal Persians, 317 ; sends three hundred
shields to the Athenians, ibid. ; recovers Sardis, 318; takes the inhabitants
under his protection, ibid. ; assigns to the temple of Diana, at Ephesus, the
tributes which were paid to the kings of Persia, ibid.; receives deputies from
the cities of Trallis and Magnesia, with the keys of those places, ibid ; finds
the gates of Miletus shut against him, ibid. ; obliges the inhabitants, after a
long and obstinate siege, to capitulate, ibid. ; treats the Milesians with
humanity, but sells all the foreigners, ibid. ; marches into Caria, in order to
lay siege to Halicamassus, 319; meets with a vigorous resistance, ibid.;
demolishes the city to the foundations, ibid. ; restores Ada, queen of Caiia,
to her kingdom, ibid. ; receives submission from several kings of Asia Minor,
ibid. ; opens the campaign next year very early, 320 ; determines to attempt
the reduction of the maritime provinces, ibid. ; meets with a cheek in his
progress, ibid.; marches to Celaenae, a dty of Phrygia, ibid.; receives a
haughty answer from the garrison, ibid. ; compels them to surrender, ibid. ;
cuts the famous Gordian knot, 321 ; subdues Paphlagonia and Cappadocia,
ihid. ; proceeds towards the provinces of Upper Asia, ibid. ; advances into
Cilicia, ibid. ; arrives in the country called Cyrus*s camp, ibid. ; enters the
pass of Cilicia, ibid. ; his confession with regard to it, ibid.; marches his
anoy to Tarsus, ibid. ; plunges into the river Cydnus ; is seised with a shi-
vering, and carried to his tent, after fainting away, 382 ; is intreated by one
of his physicians to have three days allowed him for the preparation of a
particular dose, ibid. ; is only a£9icted becaase he shall be three days hin-
dered from appearing at the head of his army, ibid. ; receives a letter from
Ptemenio, whom he had left in Cappadocia, ibid. ; is requested by him to
beware of Philip, his physician, ibid. ; will not believe his physician goiltj
of the charge against him, ibid.; discovers a noble confidence in him in a
vary singular interview, 393 ; recovers, ibid. ; marches to Bactriana, 326 ;
. ofiers sacrifice to A^ulapins, at Sole, ibid. ; proceeils to Pyramus, to
Malles, and to Cartabala, ibid.; hears that Darius is encamped at Sochot,
In Assyria, ibid. ; resolves to meet him without delay, ibid. ; fortifies hit
camp, 327 ; his behaviour on the eve of the eipected engagement, ibid. ;
tbe drawing up of his army described, 328 ; animates his soldiers by spirited
ambortadon, 329; performs the duty of a private soldier and of a com*
wander, 330 ; receives a slight wound in his thigh, ibid. ; is victorious with
hit right wing, 331 ; puts the Persians to flight, ibid.) invites his officers to
m feast after the engagement, 332 ; is interrupted by the lamenutioas of tba
wife and mother of Darius, ibid. ; visits the wounded, and caoies the last
honours to be paid to the dead in the presence of the whole army, 333 ;
permits Darius*s mother to bury whatever persons she pleases according to
the Persian ceremonies, ibid. ; sends a message to the queans, ibid. ; visits
tbaoi in their tent, ibid. ; raises Sysigambis, who had falleD proettate before
lam, from tbe ground, ibid. ; comforts her and her attendants^ ibid.; takee

2 I

482 INDBX.

the son of Darius, a child, in his arms, ibid. ;. is afiEected by its bdianour,
ibid.; his own behaviour upon the occasion truly heraicy ibid. ; makes Par-
menio governor of Phcenicia, 334 ; becomes fiossessed of die treasures of
Darius, deposited in Damascus, by the treachery of the governor, ibid. ;
his reply to Darius*s imperious demands, 335 ; marches into Pboeniciay ibid. ;
finds the citizens of Byblos ready to open their gates to him, ibid. ; receives
submissions from the inhabitants of several places as he advances, ibid. ;
dethrones Strato, the Sidonian king, ibid. ; commands Abdolonymus, the
newly elected king of the Sidonians, to be sent for, 336 ; his address to him,
ibid. ; makes him considerable presents, and annexes one of the neighbour-
ing provinces to his dominions, ibid. ; thinks it necessary to take the dij
of Tyre, 337; is not driven from bis resolnrion by the obstacles he meets
with, 338 ; sends heralds with padBc proposals, ibid. ; is inflamed by their
throwing his heralds murdered into the sea, ibid.; determines to destroy
the city, ibid.; invests the Tyrians on all sides, both by sea and land, 340;
orders his galleys to approach the walls of the city at midnight, and atta^
it with resolution, 341 ; meets with a severe disappointment by a stem,
ibid. ; carries on the attack with more vigour than ever, d49 ; perfbras
wonders himself, ibid.; receives a second letter from Darius, with consider-
able oflfers for the ransom of his wife, and the offer of his daughter in mar-
riage, 344 ; debates upon the terms proposed in council, ibid; his reply to
Parroenio upon the occasion, ibid. ; treats the proposals of Uarius with ooa-
tempt, ibid.; marches from Tyre to Jerusalem, ibid.; resolves to punish diat
city, ibid. ; his resentment disarmed, by meeting a procession of the inha-
bitants of the city on his way, ibid. ; advances to the high priest at the hesd
of them, and salutes liim with religious veneration, ibid. ; receives wishes
from the Jews for his prosperity, ibid.; his remarkable speech to Parmenio
upon the uncommon occasion, ibid. ; is so pleased with his reception at
Jerusalem, that he bids the Jews ask for any favour they think, proper, 345;
gratifies their desires, but gives the Samaritans an evasive answer, ibid.;
goes to Gazn, and meets with an obstiuate resistance, ibid.; takes it bj
storm, ibid. ; orders the garrison to be cut to pieces, ibid.; punishes BcetOf
the governor, in a very cruel manner, ibid. ; turns his arms towards Sgjpt*
346 ; arrives before Pelusium, ibid. ; finds the gates of that city, aod of
Memphis, set open to receive him, ibid. ; possesses himself of all Bfjpt
without opposition, ibid. ; forms a design of visiting tlie temple of Jupiter,
ibid.; sets out along the river Memphis, ibid. ; lays the foundation of the
city of Alexandria, ibid. ; arrives at the temple of Jupiter, 347 ; is declared
by the high-priest to be the son of Jupiter, ibid.; is quite intoxicated with
the adulation administered to him, ibid. ; settles the government of Egjpt
upon the most solid foundation, ibid. ; sets out to march against Darius,
ibid.; honours the wife of Darius, who dies in child-bed, with a funeral due
to her exalted character, ibid.; continues his journey towards the Tigris,
349 ; points out, with his own hand, the passage over the river, ibid.; com-
mands them to save nothing but their arms, ibid. ; encamps on the opposite
side, ibid. ; revives the spirits of his soldiers, depressed by an eclipse of the
moon, ibid. ; prepares for an engagement with Darius, 350 ; receives new
overtures of peace from him, ibid. ; refuses his oBTers, ibid.; marches to-

iNOBX. 483

wards him in battle arrmyy ilnd. ; balts» and calls a coancil of war, ibid. ;
addresses Imnself to his general officers, and then orders them to take some
festy ibid.; his haughty but prudent reply to Parmenio, S51; reposes him-
self for the remainder of the night, ibid. ; is prevented, by the emotions of
his mind, from sleeping immediately, ibid. ; sleeps afterwards soundly, ibid.;
is awakened by Parmenio, ibid. ; makes an heroic reply to him, ibid. ; takes
up his arms and rides up and down the ranks, animating his troops by the
most powerful exhortations, ibid.; dispatches a body of horse to prevent the
consequences of a Persian movement, 352 ; reinforces them with a body of
PflBonmns, ibid. ; his cavalry is great annoyed, 353 ; he puts the enemy to
flight, ibid. ; employs a stratagem to encourage his soldiers, ibid. ; presses
to the place in which Darius is stationed, ibid.; wounds his equeny with a
javelin, ibid.; pursues Darius, 354 ; is obliged to desist from the pursuit,
ibid. ; cots a body of Persian horse to pieces, ibid. ; rides as far as Arbels
wAtT Darius, ibid. ; approaches Babylon, which surrenders to him on his
appearance before it, 355 ; his triumphant entry into that city described,
ibid.; takes a view of Darius's treasures, ibid. ; distributes them among his
soldiers, ibid. ; gives the government of the province to Maz«ns, and the
command of the forces he leaves there to Apollodorus, ibid.; marches to
Cyraceni, and afterwards to Sosa, ibid. ; finds treasures there to an infinite
• amount, ibid. ; rewards merit and courage in his. Ifoops with them, ibid. ;
leaves the mother and children of Darius there, ibid. ; arrives at the river
Pasitigris, 356 ; crosses into the country of Uxii, ibid. ; parvions Madathes,
governor of the prince, sets all the captives at liberty, and behaves to
tiiem in a generous manner, ibid.; proceeds to the pass of Sosa, ibid.;
stops awhile, ibid.; cuts the army that defended it in pieces, ibid.;
marches immediately towards Persia, ibid. ; receives letters from Tiridates,
fovemor of Persepolis, with regard to the treasures of Darius, which acce-
lerates his march to that city, ibid. ; marches the whole night at the head
of his cavalry, and passes tlie river Araxes, ibid.; perceives, as he draws
near the city, a body of men, memomble fur their misery, 357 ; rewards
them liberally, and commands the governor of the province to treat them
with kindness, ibid. ; enters Persepolis at the head of hb victorious soldiers,
ibid. ; puts a speedy end to the massacre begun by them, ibid. ; finds im-
meose riches there, ibid. ; seizes a torch, infiamed with wiue and the stinm-
latioos of an Athenian courtezan, and sets fire to the palace, 358; repents
of what he has done, and gives orders for extinguishing the fire, ibid. ; his
orders are issued too late, ibid. ; weeps bittcHy over the dead body of Da-
fiM, 360 ; pulls off his military cloak, and thrown it upon it, ibid. ; caasea
liM body to be embalmed, and his coffin to le adorned with royal magni-
fioence, ibid. ; sends it to Sysigamhis, to be interred with the customary
iMXioors, ibid. ; feels his spirit of ambition infiamed by the death of Darioty
ibid. ; attempts to pursue Bessos, ibid. ; desists, in order to cross into Far-
tiiia, ibid.; arrives on the frontiers of llyrcania, 361 ; finds the Hyrcamans
•nbmtssive, ibid. ; subdues the Mandii, and several other nations, ibid. ;
cooqiiers nations with a prodigious rapidity, ibid. ; receives a roesMge froas
Tbalestris, qoeen of the Amasons, ibid. ; sends back a favoorable answer,
ibid. ; is obliged, in consequence of her request, to make some stay whers

2 I 2

INDEX. 485

ibid. ; finds Portia detenmned to meet him, ibid. ; gives the signal of battle,
873; gains a complete victory, 374 ; sends. Taxilos to Poms in his retreat,
being desirous of saving so valiant a king, 375 ; is disappointed, ibid. ; sends
Meroe with other offers, ibid. ; advances to meet Porus, ibid. ; stops to take
a view of his stature and noble mien, ibid.; his interview with him described,
ibid.; he builds a city on the spot on which the battle had been fought,
376 ; botids another in the place where he had crossed the river, ibid.; pays
the last duties to those soldiers who had lost their lives in battle, ibid. ; so-
lemnises games, and offers up sacrifices of thanks, in the place where he had
passed the llydaspes, ibid. ; advances into India, and subdues it with asto-
nishing rapidity, ibid.; is desirous of conversing with some BrachmaDS,ibid.;
deputes Onesicritus the philosopher to them, ibid. ; receives Calanus with
great demonstrations of joy, 377 ; is desirous of invading the territories of
Agramenes, a prince beyond the Ganges, ibid. ; finds his soldiers not dif-
posed to accompany him, ibid. ; addresses them in the most persuasive
terms, ibid.; threatens them, 378; his persuasions and his menaces are
equally fruitless, ibid. ; he can only bring his soldiers to compliance by aui-
roaring then) to follow him towards the south, in order to discover the
nearest ocean, ibid. ; comes to the country of the Oxydraci and the Malli,
ibid. ; defeats (hem in several engagements, ibid. ; marches against their cih
pical, ibid. ; seizes a scaling ladder the first, and mounts the wall, ibid. ; is
left alone by the breaking of the ladder, ibid.; he leaps from the wall into
the city, ibid.; fights with the utmost fury, ibid.; is wounded 'by an Indian^
ibid.; drops hb arms firom loss of blood, and lies as dead, ibid.; plunget
his dagger io the Indian's side, ibid. ; is succoured by his attendants bunt-
log the gates, ibid. ; puts all the inhabitants to tlie swocd, ibid. ;. mounts his
horse, and shows himself to his anny, 379; approaches the ocean, ibid.;
hb soldiers are astonished and terrified at the ebbing and flowing of the ride,
tbid.; he offers sacrifices to Neptune on bis landing, ibid ;. weeps because
be has no more worlds to conquer, ibid. : sets out with his army for Baby.
Ion, ibid.; arrives in the province of Gedrosia, ibid.; passes through the
coontry in the licentious disguise of an enthusiast, 380 ; is ambitious of imi-
tating Bacchus, ibid. ; receives strange accounts from Nearchus, his admi-
nly returned from his eipedidon along the coast, ibid. ; commands bim to
■Mke fimher discoveries, and eater the mouth of the Euphrates, to meet him
at Babylon, ibid. ; puu a Persian prince to death, ibid. ; attempts to dis-
suade Calanus from the resolution he hud made to kill himself, 381 ; goes
Irom Pasargada to Susa, and marries the eldest daughter of Darius, ibid. ;
gives her youngest sister to Hephcstion, ibid. ; publishes a declaration which
produces sediuuus proceedings among his soldiers, 389; orders some of
them immediately to be punished, 383 ; threatens to take Persians for his
ggards, ibid. ; receives his Macedonians into favour, ibid. ; gives himself up
to banqueting and merriment, ibid. ; is plunged into eicessive sorrow by the
death of Uephaestion, ibid. ; puts to death the physician who attended him,
ibid;; discovers the greatness of his aflUction by the eitraordinaij funeral
boBOurs he pays to him, ibid.; makes a magnificent entry into Babylon,
ibid. ; writes a letter with regard to the dries of Greece, ibid. ; orders An*
tipater to employ an armed force against those which aredisobedient|384 ;

4P /ffDKX.

\ j0 ^^Hsbmeat of Babylon, ibid.; resolves to make

• tboi¥^^AiJ*i spends his time in internperance, ibid. ; falls on

**''^^0t^^^^!^i$iofo^'^f ^ ^^ appearance dcsd, ibid.; is carried io

'' 'T^ gt '"^doa to his palace, ibid. ; gives orders, during the inier-

r^ ik^^^ fyr the sailing of his fleet, and the marching of his land

^^^^'iiJiiiog himself past all hopes, he draws a ring from his fin^,

/bf^^-fff F'fdiccas, with directions ahont his corpse, ibid.; his dying

^^ W ' h^ <lc*^> ^^ 9 ^i' character, ibid.

^'''J^^^, son of Alexander the Great by Roxaoa, pat to death by order

^^^r, 416.

jg^09t father of Philip, addresses himself to the Olynthiaus on having

i^g ifispessessed of a great part of his kingdom by the lUyrians, 251 ; gives

^Lfoi B considerable tract of land, 252 ; being restored to the throne by the

^ssaJians, he is desiroos of recovering the lands he had sarrendered, ibid. ;
ffiges war against the Olynthians, ibid. ; is enabled to weaken tbem with
the assistance of the Greeks and the Athenians, ibid. ; dies, ibid.

AmphtctifOTiy third king of Athens, 3 ; procures a confederacy among the
twelve states uf Greece, ibid.

^;/}/;Aic/yons, a council instituted by Amphictyon, third king of Athens, 6;
appointed to bo held twice a year at Thermopylae, ibid. ; cite the Phodain
to appear before thom, 257 ; impose a heavy fine upon them, ibid.; fine the
Spartans, ibid. ; declare war against the Pliocians, ibid. ; decree that all
their cities shnll be denioh>he(l, 267 ; adjudge them to lose their ^at 10
their council, ibid. ; they send a deputation to Philip, by which he is invited
to assist them against the Amphissocans, declared a member uf their coud-
cil, and coiibtitutccl coiiiinnndor in chief uf their forces, 277.

Awphipoiuty declared a free city by Philip, 255.

AnarUaxy a prince ot' Sicily, receives the defeated Messeniaus, VJ4.

Anarufienesy a citizen uf l^ainpsacus, makes a visit to Altsxander, oiilii>
appearance before it in a huatilc manner, 312; saves his country by a witt*
evasion, ibid.

Anti^onv8jii\)[):iin\ei\ governor of Phrygia the Greater, Lycia, ami Pam-
phylia, 'lO'i ; reinuiibtrates with Perdiccas on the new arrangement in tbf
state, 106 ; prepares to act with vigour against Eumenes, 408 ; disconit.i?
him, ibid. ; detcrmine'l to make a decisive elfurt against him, he attacks hint
in his winter-quarters, 411 ; Pcuccstus deserts to him with the horse, ibid-.
his {ilmlanx routed by Kiimenes, ibid. ; falls upon the enemy's baggap:>
ibid. ; applied to by Kumenes* army to restore their wives, children, and
fortunes, ibid. ; consents to their request, on condition that Eumenes i>de>
livered into his hands, ibid. ; puts him to death, 412 ; those commandeer
who had lately opposed him, now make their submission, ibid. ; sacrifices
several inferior governors, ibid. ; jealous of Scleucus, iliid. ; inarches to Ba-
bylon a(;ainst hiro, and requires an exact statement of the revenues of his
province, 41.i; collects his forces to oppose the confederates, 414; C«lo-
syria and FMurnicia submit to him, ibid. ; puts to sea with five hunilred ships,
ibifl. ; Tyrc'surrendt r*^ to him, ihid. ; hastens to the reliefof the Lesser Asia.
invaded l>y ('assander, ibid ; niwulers C'kopatra, 410 ; issues orders ilml hf
and his son !;hould he prt»clainied kin«:s of Syria, ibid. ; invades Kc^vpt, *l*i;

INDEX. 487

obliged to make a hasty retreat, 417 ; bUiq at the battle of Ipsus, 419 ; his
character, ibid.

j4niigomUf the son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, succeeds Ptolemy Ceraunns
in the throne of Macedon, 442 ; marries Phila the dauf^ter of Seleucut ,
ibid.; carries great riches into his new dominions, ibid. ; a body of barba-
rians, allured by the prospect of plunder, make an inroad into Macedon,
ibid. ; attacks them when encumbered with booty, and forces them to re-
treat with great slaughter, ibid. ; defeated by Pyrrhus in a pitched battle*
443 ; defeated a second time by Ptolemy, ibid. ; restored to his throne, 444;
a confederacy formed against him by the Spartan and Egyptian kings, ibid.;
a fresh irruption of Gauls threaten his country with total devastation, ibid.;
his prudent conduct on that occasion, ibid. ; he at last cuts them off to a
man, ibid.; meditates the complete reduction of Greece, ibid.; besieges
Athens, and imposes on it a Macedonian garrison, ibid. ; Macedon wrested
from him by Alexander, the son of Pyrrhus, but recovered to him by Deme-
trius, his own son, ibid. ; obtains possession of Corinth throuf^ artifice, 445;
death puts an end to his ambition, ibid.

AntigoHMs succeeds Demetrius in the throne of Macedon, 445 ; his cha-
racter, ibid.; called into Greece by Aratus, and declared head of the Achsao
league, 452 ; defeats Cleomenes, 453 ; and the lUyrians, who had invaded
Macedon in his absence, ibid. ; bursts a blood-vessel by straining his voice
daring the action, and dies in a few days, ibid.

.^nliocAaj, left by Alclbiades ^ith the command of his fleet, but with
orders not to engage the enemy in his absence, 178 ; disobeys his orders,
and saib to Ephesus, ibid. ; uses every art to provoke the enemy to an en-
giagement, ibid. ; is slain in it, ibid.

AfUiochuif king of Syria, eidtes the jealousy of the Romans, 462 ; soli-
cited by Hannibal and the ^tolians to take up arms, ibid. ; enters Greece
with a small force, 463 ; defeated by the Roman consul at the straits ol
Thermopylae, ibid. ; retreats into Asia, ibid.

jifU^mter^ appointed viceroy of Macedon by Alexander, 310 ; ordered b\
faini to employ an armed force against those Grecian cities which proved dis-
obedient, 384 ; procures the banishment of Demosthenes from Athens,
991, 392 ; is defeated by Leosthenes, 395 ; re treau in good order, ibid. ;
fortifies Lamia, and prepares for a vigorous defence, ibid. ; nnakes a sally
apon the besiegers, 396 ; escapes from Lamia, ibid. ; receives a reinforce-
ment from Cilicia, under Craterus, and discomfits the enemy at Cranon, in
Tbessaly, 397 ; sued to for peace, ibid. ; granu to the difierent states and
citiet whatever they demand, except Athens, ibid. ; at the earnest request of
Pbocion, grants the Athenians peace upon ignominioos terms, ibid. ;
eiianges their form of government, and imposes on them a Macedonian gar-
jtiion, ibid. ; they honour him with the title of Father and Protector of
Oretce, 399 ; marches against the TEtolians, whom be routs, ibid.; pre-
pares to besiege their cities, ibid. ; is obliged to conclude a peace with them
on account of the afiairs of the East, ibid. ; puts Demades and his son to
death, 401 ; his death and character, 401, 402.

AomoSf rock of, the garrison, in a panic, delirer it to the amy of Alex-
p, 370.

4

488 INDEX.

AratuSf relieves bis nadve city of Sicyon fipom the tynumy of Kicocleir,
447 ; has recourse to the friendship of the Achsans, ilnd. ; reHeics five
handred and eighty citizens of Sicyoo (who had been driveii into eale)
through the bounty of Ptolemy Pbiladelpbus, ifoid. ; g;iTes nmYersal satisfiK>
tion in the distribution of the money entrusted to him, ilnd.; advanced to
the dignity of general of the Achaeans, ibid. ; surprises the ci^ of Corinth
in the night, ibid. ; delivers the keys to the Corinthians, and incorporates
them among the Achaean states, 448; bribes the Macedonian governor of
Athens to deliver up the city, ibid.; incorporates the Atbenians and Aigives
into the Achaean league, ibid.; declines engaging with Cleonencs, 450;
prevents a peace, by insisting on such terms as Cleomenes could not ac-
cept, 451; shows himself the slave of ambition, ibid.; caila Antigonos of
Macedon into Greece, 459; opposes the .Stolians in vain, 454; obtains
aid from Philip of Macedon, ibid. ; attempts to dissuade hias fran his alli-
ance with Hannibal, 456 ; is poisoned by Philip, 457.

jdnueiy river of, 356.

Arheloy battle of. See GeoigameU,

ArdndamuM^ dissuades his countrymen from entering into the war with the
Athenians, 190; his advice overruled by one of the Epbori, ISl ; hanognes
his army in a spirited speech, 199 ; lays siege to Platea, 197.

ArckUochui, the poet, obliged to quit Sparta for having asserted, in one of
his poems, that it was better for a man to loso his arms than his life, 19.

Areopagtu, established by Cecrops, d.

Arginutaf battle of, 179.

Argvoes, enter into an alliance with the Athenians for a hundred yean^
149 ; send two officers to Agis, ibid.; obtain a truce of him for four munthsy
ibid. ; incensed against their mediators, ibid.

Aretas, commands a body of PKonians nt the battle of Gangamela, 359.

Argauty killed in mi engagement with Philip king of Macedon, 955.

ArUtuSy flies with the left wing as soon as he hears of the death of Cyrus,
198; continues his retreat, ibid; discovers his intentions to return to
Greece, S^Ol ; decamps by break of day, ibid. ; hears that the kii^ of Pcrus
is in pursuit of him, ibid.

AriobarzaneSy planted with a body of Ave thousand men to defend the
pass of Susa, 356 ; his troops cut to pieces by Alexander, ibid.

Aristagoras (Histiaeus's deputy at Miletus), receives instructions to stir
II |i the Ionian cities to revolt, 49 ; makes a journey to Ionia, ibid.; throws
ofl" the mask, and bids defiance to the power of Persia, ibid. ; goes to La-
cedsmon, in order to engage that state in his interest, ibid.; applies to
Cleomenes, king of Sparta, for his assistance, 50; unable to bribe him, he
makes application to other cities ; finds a favqrable reception at Athens,
ibid.; supplied by the Athenians with ships, he collects his troops together,
and sets sail for Ephesus, 51 ; enters the Persian frontiers, and marches to
the capital of Lydia, ibid.; is successively defeated, ibid.; flies into 1 brace,
and is cut off by the inhabitants, with all his forces, ibid.

Ariitaiidcr, the soothsayer, redoubles the martial ardour of the Macedo-
nians, by playing oflan artful manccuvi-e, 353.

Aristidet, his character, 57 ; appointed one of the ten generals against the

INDEX. 480

Pertians, to ooamiaud in soccesaion, 5#; rcdgnt his comaumd to Miltiftdes^
no : he eodaaTOOTt, in a memorable speech, to avert the force of the king
of Macedon's proposals, 91 ; is chosen ananimoasly as the properest person
to weigh the justice and utility of the scheme formed by Themistocles for
the iecarity of the city, 101 ; bis information to the assembly in consequence
of his disapproving it, ibid. ; is distinguished by the surname of Just, ibid.;
procares a decree favourable to his fellow-citizens, dreading the conse-
qaences of a democratic government, lOS ; conducts the fleets of Athens,
with Cimon, the son of Miltiades, ibid. ; is entrusted with the care of the
treasure for carrying on th^ expenses of the war in the island of Deloa,
106 ; confirms, by his conduct, the high opinion formed of his integrity,
ibid. ; a striking instance of his contempt of riches, 109 ; some account of
liis way of living and of his family, ibid.

Arittodemuiy the Messeniao, offers his daughter to be sacrificed, 99;
murders her with hb own hand, ibid.; slays himself upon her grave, ibid.

AfiUodtmUy the Persian admiral, is overcome at sea, 334.

ArUiomeneiy the Messenian, heads his countrymen against the LacedsBmo-
nians, 98; defeats them, ibid.; loses his shield in the pursuit, ibid.; is
taken prisoner in a skirmish, ibid. ; carried to Sparta and thrown intp a
dungeon, ibid. ; escapes in a very extraordinaiy manner, 94 ; repairs to his
troops, and makes a successfol attack by night against the Corinthian forces,
ibid. ; is taken by the Cretans, ibid. ; stabs his keepers, and returns to his
forces, ibid. ; earns the hecatomphonia three times, ibid.

AriUotU^ appointed by Philip, king of Macedonia, preceptor to hit son
Alexander, 997 ; is much esteemed by his pupil, 998 ; endeavours to im-
prove his judgment, ibid. ; tries to make him sensible of the advantages to
be derived from eloquence, ibid.

Aniiciy a Phiygian satrap, opposes Memnon's prudent advice, SIS; flies
to Phrygia, after the victory gained by Alexander, and is said to have laid
violent hands upon himself, 316.

j^rtabagui, flies with a body of Persians towards the Hellespont, 96.

j&tageneif killed by Cyrus, 197.

Ariaphemes, governor of Sardis, enters into a correspondence with Hip>
pias, 38 ; secures himself in the citadel at Sardis, 51 ; causes Histicus to
be crucified, and his head to be sent to Darius, 59 ; leads hb numerous
forces towards Europe, 58 ; makes himself master of the islands in the
iEgean sea, ibid. ; turns hb course towards Eretria, ibid. ; attempts to
•tonn the city, ibid. ; is repulsed with loss, ibid. ; gains it by treachery,
plunders and bums it, ibid. ; loads the inhabitants with chains, and sends
tbem to Darius, ibid.

jdrtaxtritiy pardons hb brother Cyrus, in consequence of the entreaties
of bib mother Parysatb, 195 ; removes him into Asia to his government,
ibid. ; orders an entrenchment to be thrown up in the plains of Babylon, to
•top the progress of hb enemies, 196 ; suffers hb brother to continue hb
inarch towards Babylon, by neglecting to dbpute a pass with him, ibid. ;
advances in good order towards the enemy, 197 ; wheeU hb right to attack
Cyrus in flank, ibid. ; is joined by him, ibid. ; poshes with impetuosity
against Cyrus, and wounds him with a javelin, 198; causes hb head and

492 INDEX.

passionately devoted to theatrical eihibitions, ibid.; are attacked by most
of the states which had been in alliance with them, 249 ; reduce them by
the valor and activity of their generals, ibid. ; conclude a peace with their
militant allies, ibid. ; defeated by Philip, 954; conclude a peace with him,
255 ; lose the city of Amphipolis by their remissness, ibid.; overreached
by Philip, 2-')6 ; court the assistance of the Olynthians, ibid. ; baste to
Thermopylae, on hearing of Philip's march towards it, and possess themselves
of that important pass, 260 ; roused by the oration of Demosthenes to make
use of this precaution, ibid. ; solicited by the Olynthians to send them re-
lief against Philip, 263; resolve to unite against Philip, ibid.; embarrassed
about the raising of supplies, ibid. ; send a reinforcement to Oiynthus, 264;
weary of the Sacred War, they commission Ctesiphon and Phrynon to sound
the intentions of Philip, 265 ; resolve to send a solemn embassy to him,
ibid. ; order their ambassadors to return and conclude a peace, 266 ; ani-
mated by Demosthenes to guard themselves against the artful attempt of
Philip to prevent their union with the Spartans, 270; solicited tu deliver
the Eubceans from the yoke intended for them by Philip, 1271; dispatch
troops under the command of Phocion, ibid. ; receive a reproaching letter
from Philip, 273 ; consider the siege of Byzantium as an open declaratioo
of war, 276; receive ambassadors from Philip, 281 ; are too much alarmed
and exasperated to listen to any accommodation, ibid. ; make preparations
for war, ibid. ; are animated by the oratory of Demosthenes, ibid. ; order
their troops to set out immediately, and they agreeably surprise the Thebaos
by their diligence, ibid.; totally defeated, with their allies, at the battle of
Chseronea, 285 ; submit to the councils of Demosthenes, 288 ; appoint hioi
purveyor of the city, and repairer of its walls, ibid. ; receive the news of
Philip's death with the greatest demonstrations of joy, 295 ; decorate them-
selves with garlands, and decree a crown to Pausaiiias, ibid.; sacrifice to
the gods for their deliverance, and sing songs of triumph, ibid. ; suspend the
festival of the Great Mysteries, on receiving the account of the plunder of
Thebes, 306 ; receive those who fly to them for an asylum with the greatest
humanity, ibid.; are thrown into the utmost consternation by the ruin of
Thebes, ibid. ; have recourse to entreaties, ibid. ; send a deputation to
Alexander tu implore his clemency, ibid. ; required by him to give up ten
orators, ibid. ; cannot prevail with themselves tn comply witli his demand,
ibid. ; receive an offer from Deniades to undertake an intercession for them
with Alexander, 307.

AttaUiSy very much disposed to listen to the proposals of Demosthenes,
303; sends nil the letters he receives from Demosthenes to Alexander,
ibid.; his artifices are seen through by Alexander, and he is by his orders
assassinated, ibid.

Attica^ division of that country by Cecrops, 3.

AxerteSy king of Sacs, receives Alexander in his palace, adorntd with
rude magnificence, 368.

B.
Babylon, the triumphant entry of Alexander into that city described, "655.
BaccfUs, assumes the reins of power at Corinth, 5.
BagophaneSf a governor of the fortress at Babylon, strews the streets with

INDBX. 496

flowers, on the entry of Alexander, and raises silver altars on both sides of
the way, 355.

Bestuiy commands a body of Bactrian horse, 358; joins with Nabarzanes
in the commission of the blackest of all crimes, ibid. ; assumes the name
of king, 360 ; pursued by Alexander, ibid. ; is seized, chained, and deli-
vered up in the most ignominious condition to Alexander, 365 ; is sent, with
his nose and ears cut off, to Echatana, ibid. ; dismembered by four trees,
and quartered, ibid.

Bias, his opinion of the most perfect form of popular government, 27.

BctotiajUf show signs of discontent, 139.

BcstiSf punished in a very cruel manner, 345.

^<%f^ governor of Bion for the king of Persia, his intrepid behaviour, 110.

Bruckmans, a remarkable sect among the Indians, 376.

Branchidaf die, masacred by Alexander in cold blood, 365.

Braudoi^ killed at Pylus, while he was conducting a sally, 135 ; his cha-
racter, ibid.

Brennus, at the head of a body of Gauls, makes an irruption into Mace-
don, 440 ; cuts Sosthenes and his gallant army to pieces, ibid. ; after drain-
ing Macedon of its wealth,beuds his course towards Greece, ibid.; stopped
at the straits of Thermopyle by Calippus, at the head of the Athenians,
ibid. ; detaches a body of his troops to plunder ^tolia, ibid. ; is shown the
passage over mount CEta, by the Tliessalians, ibid. ; directs his march to
the temple of Delphi, with a design to plunder it, 441; meets with an un-
expected resistance, ibid. ; his army defeated, and pursued for a whole day
and night, ibid.; meets with a violent storm, by which most of the barba-
rians perish, ibid.; being wounded, and distracted with rtligious horror, he
kiUs himself, ibi<].

ByUo$f the citizens of it open their gates to Alexander, 335.

Byumtium, besieged by Philip, 273.

Bucephalus^ Alexander's horse, dies of old age, 376.

C.

Cadnnu, the founder of Thebes, 4.

CrtppadociOf subdued by Alexander, 391.

Calanusy an Indian priest, addressed by Onesicritus, 376 ; follows him to
Alexander's court, 377 ; is received with great demonstrations of joy, ibid.;
resolves to put himself to death, 380 ; is not at all influenced by Alex-
ander's dissuasive arguments, 381 ; his behaviour at the funeral pile, erected
for him by Alexander's orders, and in his last moments, described, ibid.

CaUa* marches against Polyperchon, 433; puu it out of his power to
succour Olympias, 434 ; disDibutes manifestoes against their administratioo,
ibid.

CallUnuSf appointed by Lysander commander of the guard for the pro-
tection of the Thirty TyranU, 190.

CaUicraiidas, appointed to succeed Lysander, 179 ; his character, ibid. ;
his first attempt against Methymna, ibid. ; takes it by storm, ibid.; threatens
Conon, ibid. ; pursues him into the port of Mytilene, ibid. ; takes thirty of

^4 tNDBX;

Ids ships, and besieges him in the town, ibid.'; worstMl io a nmnl
ment with the Athenians, ibid.

Calisthgnes, institutes the manner of giving votes by ostradmi, 46 ; ba-
nished from Athens, 47 ; returns and restores the government as settled bj
Solon, ibid.

CaUUtheneSf the philosopher, disdains to acknowledge Aleiander as the
son of Jopiter, 369 ; is put to death for his integrity, ibid.

CarunuSf first governor of the kingdom of Macedonia, 5.

Caridemuif a native of Oraea, his banishment frnm Athens roqoired by
Alexander, 307; takes refuge with the king of Persia, ibid.

Cartabala, Alexander's progress to that place, 326.

CatsandeTf the son of Antipater, commands a coDsiderable army, with
orders to watch the conduct of Antigonus, 406 ; makes himsstf roaster of
several provinces of the Lesser Asia, 414; stopped in his progress by And-
gonus, ibid.; usurps the government of Macedon, 416 ; dissatis6ed with the
disposition of afiairs in Macedon, 421; his intrigues to supplant Polyper-
chon, ibid. ; flies to Amigonus, 426 ; receives succour from him, and sails
for Athens, ibid. ; treats Nicanor with the greatest respect, 429 ; believes a
report that he intended to make himself sovereign of Attica, ibid. ; invites
him to consult on affairs of importance, ibid.; posts men in an empty house,
who murder him, ibid.; reconciles the Athenians to his government, by his
engaging manners, ibid. ; appoints Demetrius Pfaalereus governor of Athens,
430; makes all possible haste to the assistance of Enrydiee, apoo receipt of
her letter, 433 ; his passage disputed at the straits of Tbannopyla by the
^tolians, ibid. ; avoids an engagement by embarking his army on board of
ships, ibid. ; reaches Macedon before Polypercbon and Olympias had been
informed uf his approach, ibid. ; invests her and her army in the city of
Pydna, 434 ; blocks up the passes from Epirus, and reduces the army of
.£acidas to such difficulties, that they renounce his authority, and submit
to him, ibid.; reduces Pydna to great extremities, ibid.; treats the deserters
from thence with great kindness, ibid. ; surrendered to him by Olympias,
435 ; offers her a ship to convey her to Athens, ibid.; sends a band of sol-
diers to put her to death, ibid.; suffers her body to lie some time unburied,
ibid.; imprisons Iloxana and her son Alexander at Amphipolis, ibid.;
marches towards Greece with a powerful army, 437; the ^tolians oppose
his passage, ibid. ; forces a passage, and advances towards the ruins of
Thebes, ibid. ; determines upon rebuilding that city, ibid. ; invites the
Thebans to second his endeavours, ibid. ; sets out for Pelopofinesus, 438 ;
on his arrival at the isthmus, he finds a wall ihrowti across it by Alexander
the son of Polyperchon, ibid. ; transports his army in flat-bottomed boats,
ibid. ; gains over the principal cities to his cause, ibid. ; commits the guard
of the isthmus to Molychus, and shapes his course cowards Macedon, ibid. ;
encompassed by artful and powerful enemies, he experiences the inquietudes
of sovereign power, ibid. ; his death, ibid.

CecropXf the founder of Athens, 3; settles in Attica, divides the whole
country subject to him into twelve districts, and establishes the Areopagus,
ibid.

INDBX. 485

Chabrioi^ comnwinier of the mercenaries on the part of the Thebaos,
obliges Agesilaus to withdraw his army by a singolar stratagem, 9S9; pro-
cures his statue to be erected, ibid.

Chderonea, battle of, 883, 285.

ChareM, his character, 387.

Chilo, his opinion of the most perfect form of popular government, 28.

Chittimy third sou of Javan, rules in Macedonia, 2.

CiiiciOf pass of, entered by Alexander, 321.

Cimon, the son of Miltiades, signalizes his piety on the death of his fa-
ther, 65; strains all his riedit to pay the fine imposed upon his father, and
procures his body honourable internment, ibid. ; carries part of bis horse fur-
niture to the temple of Minerva, 82 ; goes cheerfully on board the fleet,
ibid.; conducts the fleets of Athens, 102 ; a sketch of his character, ibid.;
is advanced to the highest employments both at home and abroad, ibid. ;
is ill received by the people on his first offering to gain public favour, 110 ;
is animated by Aristides to renew the onset, ibid. ; entirely changes bis
conduct, and becomes a considerable character, ibid. ; is af>pointed to the
command of a fleet destined to scour the Asiatic seas, ibid.; makes the
whole country, from Ionia to Pamphylia, declare against the power of Per-
sia, ibid.; offers the governor of Eion very advantageous terms, ibid.; en-
deavours to prevent the junction of the Persian and Phosnidan fleets. 111 ;
gains a considerable victory by sea and land, ibid.; is furnished with foreign
employment by Pericles, that he may be kept at a distance, 114; espooses
the cause of Sparta, and marches against the rebellious Helotes, who are
quelled at his approach, 115; flies to the assistance of his countrymen,
fbrgetdng the injury he had sustained from them, 116; his conduct restoies
him to their favour, ibid. ; he is recalled from banishment, ibid. ; endea-
vours, at his return, to reconcile the rival states, ibid ; sails to the island of
Cyprus, ibid. ; overruns it, and lays siege to Citium, ibid.; wounded by the
defendants, and wasting by sickness, he perceives his approaching dissolu-
tion, ibid. ; dies in the arms of conquest, ibid.

Citium, besieged by Cimon, 116.

ClazomenCy AJcibiades makes his escape to that place, 176.

CUandeTf begins the execution of Parmenio, 364 ; eiecuted himtalf for
having been concerned in it, 380.

Clearchus^ a banished Spartan, u of great service to Cyrus in his Asian
government, 195; does all in his power with tbe Peloponnesian troops
under his command, to secure their affecdons, ibid.; finds all his address
necessary to stifle a commotion among his troops in its birth, 196 ; appeases
the tumult by an artful evasion, ibid.; is chosen ooeof their deputies, ibid. ;
commands the right Grecian wing in Cyrus*s army, 197 ; advances to sup-
port the camp on his return from pursuing the Persians, 199 ; prepares for
an engagement, 20t ; his behaviour to the heralds sent by Artaxeraes, ibid.;
he has a conference with Tissapheroes, ibid.

Cieomlnvtutf brother of Leonidas, appointed to command tbe operations
by land against Xerxes, 84.

CUombrohUf the Spartan general, marches towards the frootiflrs of Bosotiay
secure of victory, 233 ; sends demands to the Tbebauf, ibid. ; receifW an

496 INDBX.

answer replete with opposition, ibid. ; prepares for an engBgemeDt with the
Thebans, ibid. ; is thrown into disorder, 235 ; falU dead with his wounds,
ibid.

CieomeneSt king of Sparta, applied to by Isagoras, 46; undertakes to
espouse his'quarrel, ibid. ; availing himself of the divided state of Athens,
he procures the banishment of Calisthenes, with seven hundred fi^miliftt, 47;
endeavours to new model the state, ibid. ; is strongly opposed by the senate,
ibid. ; seizes upon the citadel, ibid. ; is obliged to retire, ibid. ; his assist-
ance solicited by Aristagoras, 50; rejects his bribes with indignation, ibid.;
b sent to /Ef^ioa to apprehend those who had prevailed on the people to ac-
knowledge Darius for their master, 55; his demand rejected, ibid.; letums
to Sparta, in ordeiUo be revenged on Demaratus, his colleague, ihid. ; en-
deavours to get him deposed, ibid. ; is detected in having subomed the Py-
thian priestess, ibid. ; slays himself iu a fit of despair, ibid.

Cleomenes ascends the Spartan throne, 449 ; his character, ibid. ; finds his
country in the most deplorable condition, ibid. ; endeavours to revive the
martial spirit of liis countrymen, 450 ; reduces several towns in Arcadia,
ibid.; ravages the cities in alliance with Achaia, ibid.; marches egainst
Aratus, ibid. ; routs the Achsans at Lyceum and Leuctra^ ibid. ; retuns to
Sparta, cuts off the Ephori, Und re-establLshes the laws of Lycurgus, ilnd.;
plunders the territories ,of Megalopolis, forces the Achean lines at Heca-
tombeum, and obtains a complete victory, 451 ; the Mantineans pot them-
selves under his protection, ibid. ; the Achasans sue to him for peace, ibid.;
takes possession of an advantageous pass on the Onean mountains, which
he is obliged to abandon, 452 ; retreats to Selasia, in order to cover Sparta,
ibid.; makes a masterly disposition of his forces, ibid.; reduced to the
greatest distress for want of provisions, he is obliged to throw open his
trenchefc, and come to an engagement with Antigonus, 453 ; is defeated,
ibid. ; flees to Sparta, and from thence to Egypt, where he comes to an ho-
nourable but untiniely end, ibid.

Cleoiif opposes the Lacedaemonian overtures for peace, 133 ; lands on the
island of Pylus, to dispossess the Lacedsmonians who remained there,
ibid.

ClUus, appointed by Alexander governor of the province of Maracandn
366 ; some account of him, ibid. ; he is murdered by Alexander at an enter-
tainment, 368.

Cnidut, sea-Bght near it, 225.

Codrm, king of Athens, devotes himself to death for the safety of his
people, 4.

CalaruBf a city of Phrygia, obliged to surrender to Alexander, 320.
ConoUf the Athenian general, commands the Persian fleet against the
Spartans, 225 ; takes fifty of their ships, and pursues the rest into port,
ibid.

Corinth, revolutions in its government described, 5 ; an assembly of the
several states of Greece summoned to meet there by Alexander, 307.

Cor irit Mans f show signs of discontent, 139 ; obliged to withdraw the gar-
rison from Argos, 226.
Cororutaf battle of, 225.

iNO£X. 487.

CnttnUf marries Philla, daug^iter of Aatipaler, 999; marchM witli hiiB
aipuost the Atolianty ibid.;, made governor of Macedon and all Greece,
405 ; appointed to make bead ogiunst Eumenes, 407 ; bis army routed and
himself slain, ibid.

CriUtts^ one of the thirty tyrants, removes Tberamenes from his employ-
ment, 199 ; killed in an engagement with Thrasybulus, 193.

CypaeluSf usurps die supreme authority at Corinth, and transmits it to bis
son, 5.

CyropoUi^ besieged by Alexander, 366.

Cyru^t Cumpf a country so called, Alexander's arrival in it, 391.

Cyrus, arrives at Sardis, 178; comes into the views of Lysander, ibid.!
rejects overtures from the Athenians, ibid.; resolves to dethrone his brother
Artaxerxes, and enters into a treaty with the Lacedemonians, 195 ; con-
ciliates the affections of the soldiery by bis generous behaviour, 196; comes
to an engpigement with Artaxerxes at Cunara, 197 ; kills Aitagerses, who
commands the king's guard, ibid. ; his speech at the sight of lib brother,
ibid. ; kills his horse, 198 ; attacks him again, ibid. ; throws himself into
the midst of a flight of darts, ibid.; receives a wound from the king*s
javelin, ibid. ; falls dead, ibid.

CyMkuif taken by the Athenians, 176.

D.

Dahgf subdued by Alexander, 366.

Daritu HyMtaspetf makes an expedition into Scythia, 48 ; lays a bridge
over the Ister for that purpose, ibid. ; returns with his army into Europe,
and adds Thrace and Macedonia to the number of his conquests, ibid. ;
takes Uistisus with him to Susa, ibid. ; receives his head with disgust, 59 •
weeps over it, and orders it an honourable interment, ibid. ; sends Mar-
donius to command in the maritime parts of Asia, 53 ; a memorable in-
stance of his hostility to the Athenians, ibid. ; displaces Mardonius, and
appoints Datis and Artaphemes in his stead, 54 ; determines to atuck
Greece with all his forces, ibid. ; sends heralds to the states of Greece to
denounce his resentment, and to learu how they stand affected towards him,
ibid.; receives Demaratus with great friendship, 55; treats the Ere-
trian prisoners with great lenity, 58; gives them a village for their
residence, ibid. ; roused by the defeats of hb genenls, he resolves to try
the war in person, 66 ; makes new preparations, ibid. ; dies in the midst of
them, ibid.

Dariui, on hearing of Alexander's landing in Asia, testifies the utmost

contempt for the Macedonian army, 319; hati^pwwl by liis numbers,

ibid. ; disputes Alexauder's passage over the Gra^icM, 314 ; uses all his
art to raise an army and encourage his forces, 391 ; sends Mewnon into
Greece to invade Macedon, ibid. ; his hopes vaaiih ftom that quarter by
the death of his general, ibid. ; his military progress, 393 ; orders Caride-
mus, an Athenian, to be executed for the fineedom of his speech, 394 ; his
pompous cavalcade described, 394 — 396 ; be leads his immense army into
the plains of Assyria, 396 ; is advised bv the Grecian commanficrs to halt,

2 K

496 iNDBX.

ibid. ; rejects their advke, ibid. ; sends hit trtumns to Damasois, ibid.^
marches towards Cilicia, ibid.; turns short towards IssoSy ibid.; pots to
death most of the Greeks who were in that city, ibid.; the ord^ in which
his army was drawn up described, 828 ; takes his post in the ctintre^ 9t9 ;
is in danger of being thrown out of hb chariot, 390 ; is the fine who fiies
on seeing his left wing brolLe, 331 ; writes a second letter to Aleiander,
offering him a considerable sum for the ransom of Us motbori and hb
daughter in marriage, 344 ; finds his proposals treated with contempt, iknd. ;
prepares himself again for battle, S4T ; receires the news of the deadi of
Statira, 348 ; his discourse with Tlrctis on that OTebt, ibid. ; assembles a
very large army in Baboon, and marches towards Ninerieby 349 ; enilea-
vours to prevent Alexander from crossing the ii?er Tigris, iUd. ; sends new
overtures of peace to Alexander, 350 ; his overtoies rejected^ ibtd. ; he pre-
pares for battle, ibid. ; pitches his camp near Gangpunela, ibid. ; a^^preben*
sive of being attacked unawares, he commands Ins soldiers to continiie the
whole night under arms, 351 ; his prodigious army described, S5S ; he sets
it in motion in order to charge Alexander, 353 ; is supposed to be killed,
ibid. ; b in great danger by the flight of his relations, ibid.; draws his sd-
metar, and is on the point of dispatching himself, 354 ; is ashamed to for-
sake his soldiers, ibid.; flies with the rest, and is parsaed by Alexander,
ibid. ; rides towards the river Lycus with a few attendants, ibid. ; arrives
at midnight at Arbela, 355 ; flies from thence towards Media, ibid. ; arrivti
at Ecbatana, 358 ; conceives hopes, with his small forces, of oppusiag hb
rival, ibid. ; is seized by Nabarzanes and Bassos, bound by tfaem in goUeo
chains, enclosed in a covered chariot, and carried towards Bactria, ibid.;
is restored by them to hberty, but, on refusing to follow, is left to lioger by
them in a miserable manner, 359 ; is found in a solitary place lying in hs
chariot, and drawing near his end, ibid. ; calls for drink, ibid. ; recdves it
from Polystratus, a Macedonian, ibid. ; turns to him, and charges him to
carry his last words to Alexander, 360 ; dies, ibid.

Daiis, a Mede, appointed by Darius, with Artaphemes, to succeed Mar-
donius, 54; prepares to come to an engagement with the Greeks, 60; is
defeated, 62.

Delliotiy the Athenians defeated by the Lacedsmonians there, 135.

Defnadesf ventures, though a prisoner, to reprove Philip for his insolent
behaviour, 285; is restored to freedom, and distinguished with honoarty
286 ; undertakes an embassy to Antipater, to precure the recal of the
Macedonian garrison from Athens, 401 ; forms a correspondence with Per-
diccas, and invites him to assume the government of Macedoo, ibid.;
detected by Antipater, who orders him and his son to be slain, ibid.

DemaratuSy furnishes the people of VEgiua with an excuse for not comply^
ing with the demands of his colleague Cleomencs, 55 ; banishes hionelf
from his countiy, ibid.; retires to Darius, and receives from him a consi-
derable settlement in Persia, ibid. ; attends Xerxes in his Grecian expe-
dition, 72 ; his speech to him, 73.

Demetrius, the sou of Antigonus, defeated at Gaza by Ptolemy, 414;
defeau Cilles, Ptolemy's general, and recovers Ccploeyria and Phoenicia,

INOHX. 4f|0

; rtdvcM tkt itkod of C^pruBy 416 ; tofetUj delttls the £gjptMui Ami,
ihid. ; pracMiBei Ichik of SjFna, ibid. ; appointed adainl of the fleet
•gailist Egjpt, ibid. ; meeu with a ttom at sea, ibid. ; obliged to retreat
into Syria, 41f ; iatades HhodaSy ibid. ; besegee the capital, ibid. ; is
obliged l» raiee the siege, ibid. ; solicited bj the Athenians to come to their
feKef, ibid. ; forces Cassander to raise the siege of their city, ibid ; pursoee
him, throws his army into disorder, and obligee him to flee to Macedoa,
abid. ; the greater part of Greece sttbeBits to bim, ibid. ; declared geae-
raliamnio of all Greece, 418 ; marclies into Pbcygia, to the asastanoe of his
fitfher, 419 ; defeated at the battle of Ipeos, ibtd.

l)fmetrka PoUorceiei, treacbeioasly assasstnales Alexander, the son of
Cassander, who bad applied to his for asiistanoe in the recdrery of his
lather's kingdom, 438 ; gains a party to his interest, and posseseea biinself
of Macedon, ibid. ; engages in new military enterprises, ibid. ; ^h^^Mfnt
himself to vice, 430 ; Ptolemy sails against his Grecian dominioiia with a
powerfol fleet, ibid.; Lysimachus eaters Macedon on the side of Thrace,
and Pyrrhus advances against him from Epinis, ibid. ; is obliged to abandon
bis dominions, ibid.; adversity restores him to his sober jn(%ment, ibsd.

Demetrhu Phalereuiy made governor of Athens by Cassander, 430 ; bit
ohamcter, ibid.; his wise, disinterested, and munificent administration,
gains him the esteem of the Athenians, ibid. ; they erect diree hcuMfaed
statues of him, ibid.

Demotthenes, lands on the bland of Pylos, to dispossess the LacedMsonians
who remained there, 133 ; arrives with a fleet to the support of Nicias in
bis Syracusan expedition, 156 ; the pompous appearance of his fleet do-
scribed, ibid. ; he strikes a terror into the enemy by it, ibid. ; akums Nicias
with his precipitate resolution, 157 ; brings Nicias and all the generals over
to his opinion, ibid. ; confines himself to the attack of Epipobe, ibid. ; his
progress and military operations described, ibid. ; his eulogium, 170.

Demoithenet the orator, rouses the Athenions by his animated persuasiooi,
S60 ; his character, ibid.; is earnest in sending suocoors to the dyntiiians,
^63; opposed by Demades and Ilyperides, ibid.; his opinion prevails,
ibid. ; is appointed one of the ten ambassadors to Philip, 366 ; the only
<ine not corrupted by him, ibid. ; undertakes the defience of Diopithee,
969; rouses the Athenians to guard themselves against the artificee of
Philip, 270 ; harangues the people of Athens in consequence of a reproach-
ing letter received frdm Philip, 974 ; reproves them lor their sloth, ibsd. ;
dissuades the Athenians from accepting overtures of peace from Philip, 976 ;
finds his zeal in favour of bis countrymen ineflfectual by the powerful eflbrts
of his opponents, 977 ; harangues the Atfaeoiaae with great energy upon the
consternation which the seizure of Elatea by Philip had occasioned, 9T9 ;
is instantly chosen to head the embassy which he had proposed, 980 ; seti
out for Thebes, ibid. ; his masculine eloquence irresistible, 981 ; it inspires
the Thebans with the same spirit of patriotism, ibid.; exerts himself to
render the eflVirts of those, who wanted to extinguish the flagse which he
had kindled in his countrymen, fruitless, and is successful, ibid. ; throws
away his shield at the battle of Chseroaea, 984 ; finds submissioii to his
counsels, though generally looked upon as the came of the shock his ooon-

2k 2

500 INDBX.

trymeo had received by ihe^victorj of Philips S88; it Uppoinlad to tapply
the city with provinons, and to repair the wails, ibid.; has mora hoooura
conferred upon him than he enjoyed before, 989; is lyppointed to compose
the eulogium of those brave men who fell in the battle of ClUBroiiea, ibad.;
is engaged in an oratorical contest with iBschioes, ibid. ; piovea victorioos,
ibid. ; makes a good use of his victory, 890; follows AschineSy on his leaving
Athens, and forces him to accept of a purse of money, ibid. ; goes into the
assembly, on the first intelligence of Philip's death,: with a chaplet en fail
head, and in a rich dress, though it was but the seventh day after tfaa death
of his daughter, 895; animates the Grecian states against Alexander, SOS;
writes letters to Attains, one of Philip's lieutenants in Asia Minor, exciting
him to rebely-dOS ; makes use of a device to prevail on the Greeks to unite
against Alexander, ibid. ; is -appointed one of the deputatioa to him upon
his taking of Thebes, to implore his clemency, 906; dreads his anger, quits
his employment, and returns home, ibid. ; relates -the fiible of the wolves
and the dogs, upon Alexander demanding the-teaoratora, who hadbeca
instrumental in forming the league against his fiither, ibid. ; inveig^is agsioit
Harpalos, 891 ; is corrupted by liim, ibid. ; declines pleading against hia
on pretence of a cold, ibid. ; is prosecuted in the court of Areopagus, aad
fined fifty talents, 398; being unable to pay the fine, is forced to go into ba-
nishment, ibid. ; testimonies in his favour, that the story of his corraplioB
by Harpalus was a calumny of his enemies, ibid. ; is recalled ftom banisb-
ment, 894 ; received by his fellow-citizens in the most honourable manner,
395 ; appointed to superintend the temple of Jupiter Conservator, with ss
appoiDtment of fifty talents, to enable him to pay his fine, ibid.; haraogues
afresh in favour of Athenian liberty, ibid. ; agreed to be delivered to Aiiti-
pater, 397 ; flees to Calauria, 398 ; takes refuge in the tenaple of Neptune,
ibid.; Archias, a player, sent to find hiro out, ibid.; tries to persuade biiD
to return home, but in vain, ibid. ; poisons himself by means of a quiU,
ibid.

DieneceSf a remarkable answer of his, 78.

Diodes, his proposal, 167.

Diogenes, the Cynic, visits the Macedonian camp on the eve of the dsj
memorable for the battle of Chsronea, 888; his behaviour to Phi]if»
ibid.

Diomedon, his address to his accusers, 181.
DiopUhes, his defence undertaken by Demosthenes, 869.
Dodaninif fourth son of Javan, settles in Thessaly and in Epirus, 3.
Dog, the remarkable iaitljfulness of one described, 83.
Draco, chosen by the Athenians their legislator, 85 ; his severe laws de-
scribed, S6.

Dymnta, forms a conspiracy against Alexander, 368.

E.

Ecbatana, the excessive luxury of that city prejudicial to the MaoedoniiD
soldiers, 368.

IJgj^, the conquest of it by Alexander, 346.
Eleclfyon, king of Mycenae, 8.

INDBX. fiOl

Eiuk^ •Idett too of Javaoy pvM the naina by which the Greeks were
geneimlly kiiowo, S.

Epammondas, hit chencter, 931 ; appointed to command the Thebaa
army, and to act in conjunction with Pelopidas, S3S; begins hb march
against Cleombrottts, ibid. ; his reply to the bad omens uiged to preYeot his
setting out, ibid. ; secures a pass through which Cleombrotus would have
marched, ibid. ; gains a victory over the Lacedsemonians, 935 ; enters La-
oooia with an army, 937 ; enters Arcadia, and reinstates it in all iu former
privileges and liberties, ibid. ; returns home with Pelopidas to answer accu.
aations laid against them, 938; his spirited behaviour when called upon to
answer the chaige against him, ibid.; is honourably acquitted, ibid.; ac-
cepts of a very mean place conferred on him by his enemies to affiont him,
ibid.; enters Thessalia with a powerful army, 940; receives terms of sub-
mission from Alexander, ibid.; delivers Pelopidas from prison, ibid.;
marches to Sparta by night, with a design to take the dty by surprise, ibid.;
attacks the dty in several quarters, 941 ; on the fiulure of hu designs, re-
solves to give the Lacedsmooians and Athenians battle, 949 ; makes a veiy
estraordinary effort without regard to the danger of his own life, 944;
receives a mortal wound in his heart, 945; his dying words, ibid.; receives
Philip, son of Amyntas, into his house as a pupil, 959.

EphatHf Alexander assigns to the temple of Diana there the tiibutes
which are paid to the king^ of Persia, 318.

EpkmUei^ declares against giving assistance to the Lacedmnonians at war
with their rebellious slaves, 114.

Ephorij court of, its erection and power, 19.

EpiUheneSf a Grecian commander against the Persians, 108.

EtetriOf Phodon drives Plutarch, after having discovered hb traacherous
behaviour, out of tliat dty, 973.

EubtBOf revolts to the Peloponneeiaas, 175.

EmdemidtUf ascends the throne of Sparta on the death of Agis, his father,
300 ; his character, ibid. ; opposes the oontinoaDce of the war agpinst Ma-
cedon, ibid. ; remarkable sayings of his, ibid.

Emmeneif appointed governor of Paphlagonia and Cappadoda, 405; be-
trayed by one of his officers, and completely discomfited by Antigooos, 406;
rallies his men, and escapes his pursuers, ibid.; returns to the fidd of battle^
and burns the bodies of the slai^ ibid.; retreats lo the castle of Nora, wkh
m select body of soldiers, ibid. ; bdds out against the whole strength of An-
tigonus for a year, and forces him to quit the siege, 409 ; appointed by
Olympias to the chief command in Asia, 410; his great address in the dit-
cbaige of the duties of bis office, ibid.; attacked by Antigoous in his winter
quarters, 411 ; hb infantry rout the phalanx of Antigoous, ibid.; hb army
wcensed against him on the loss of their baggage, ibid.; b seised by tfaa
soldiers, 419 ; hb speech to theai on that occasion, ibid. ; oooduetedbomid
into Antigonus's camp, and executed, ibid.

E»q>htmu, a Lacedcmooian, hb quarrel with Polychares, a Masee
aian, 99.

Emrybiade^ commander of the Spartan fleet against Xenas, proposes its
advandng to co-operate with the army, 84; imagines himself glanoed at in

50S inDEX.

a reply made by Themistocles, and ofiers to sCifte himf iW«; necms a
memorable answer, ibid.

Emydke, mother of PhUip, requests Pelopidasy wiio cttnes faim to
ThebeSy with other hostages, to procwre him an edocaliMi woitliy of fait
birth, 252.

Evrydice, grand-daughter of Philip of Macedon, manied to PhiKp
Aridaeus, 404 ; levies an anny against Oiympias, 4S1 ; writes ptcwiiigl^ t»
Cassander for assistance, ibid. ; dismisses Poiypeidian from tka adninisum-
tio% ibid.; wishes to defer fighting till reinforced by Caasaadflr, '488; de*
sorted by her troops, ibid.; falls into the hands of OSyttpias, ibid.; oaa-
fined in prison, ibid. ; reoeiTes a message from Olympiaa, to make lier'cbaBoe
of a poniard, a cup of pnifion, ora rope, as thefMans of deatfc, iind.; is
found by the messenger binding up the wounds of bar nwrdeied Jmsbandy
with linen torn from her own 4>ody, 433; ^eceiTOS 'die mesMigs withllie
greatest composure, ibid. ; tier petition to the.godi^ ibid.;
with the rope, il»d.

Eurysik9ne$, joint king iof Sparta with Bioclea^ 8.

F.
Father^ the remarkable Speech of a Symcaaan ona^ ld7.

G.

Gabana, Aleiander marches to ffaat country, to 'dbm
with which he is oppressed on the death of Clitas, 888.

Gangamela, memorable battle of, between Darius «nd Alemander, 89S—
354.

GauUy make an irruption into Macedon, 440 ; being refbsed a ceitan lom
of gold, they attack Ptolemy Ceraunus, cut off his head, and carry it throng
their ranks on the top of a lance, ibid. ; meet with a vigorous lesistaDce
under the conduct of Sosthenes, ibid. ; a fresh swarm, beaded by Bramuis,
enter Macedon, and cut Sostheoes and his gallant army to pieces, iM.;
after draining the country of all its wealth, they bend their courae towaidi
Greece, ibid. ; the Grecian states, animated by their extreme danger, adopt
a strict discipline and wise counsels ; secure the straits of Thennopyls ; wbA
send a fleet to the coasts of Thessaly, to support the operations of the snsy
on land, -ibid. ; after repeated losses, firennus is obliged ^ desist fcom km
attempt to force the pass, ibid. ; detaches a body of he troops €d pUndff
JEtolia, ibid. ; half of them cut in pieces, ibid.; the Tbeasaliaos direct fain
to the passage over Mount (Eta, ibid. ; marches to the temple of Delphi,
with a design to plunder it, 441 ; the Delphians, animated by religious so-
thusiasm^make a desperate sally on the barbarians, who, struck with apwic,
flee with precipitation, ibid.; are pursued for a day and night, ibid.; aiost
of them perish, ibid.; Brennus kills himsetf, Ibid.; "the few who soffireeD.
deavour to escape, but are destroyed by the several nations through which
they pass, ibid. ; make a fresh irruption into Macedon, 442 ; the Macedo-
nians flee before them, ibid. ; are harassed in their marches, and led Bto
disadvantageous ground, by Antigonus, who at last cuts tham to pieces,
ibid.

i>ioBX. ^ 508

GoMOy Alexander meets with more reaitunce there than he expect8^346;
the town is stormed by him, mod the ganisoD ordered to he cut io pieces^
ihid.

GanUan knot, the celebrated one, cat by Alexander;, 3S0.
Oramaoy the memorable passage of Alexander over that river described;
314.

Greece, earlieet state of it, 1 ; of the government of Sparta, and the laws
of Lycufgus, 8 ; of the government of Athens, the laws of Solon, and the
history of the republic from the time of Solon to the. commencement of the
Persian war, 95; a short survey of the state of Greece previous to the Per-
sian war, 40; from the expulsion of Hippies to the death of Darius, 46;
from the death of Miltiades to the retreat of Xerxes out of Greece, 66 ;
from the retreat of Xerxes to the peace concluded between the Greeks and
Peisiaas, 89 ; from the victory of Mycale to the beginning of the Pelopon-
nesian war, 08 ; from the peace of Persia to the peace of Nidas, 118 ; from
the peace of Nidas to the end of the Peloponnesian war, 139; from the
demolition of the Athenian power to the death of Socrates, 190; from the
death of Socrates to the death of Bpaminondas, 234 ; from the birth to the
death of Philip king of Macedon, 851 ; from the birth of Alexander to hie
setting out for Asia, and to his death, 296; from the destroction of Thebes
to the death of Antipater, 386; from the death of Alexander to the death of
▲ntigonus, 403 ; from the death of Antipater to the final overthrow of the
fiunily of Philip, 421 ; from the overthrow of the family of Philip to the con-
federacy formed by the Macedonians and Achcans against the .£tolians, 437 ;
from the confrdoracy between the ^tolians and Spartans agiinst the
Achaans to the invasion of Greece by Antiochus, king of Syria, 448 ; from
the invasion of Greece by Antiochus to the captivity of the AchsBaa duefii
in Italy, 462 ; from the captivity of the Achasan chiefr to the sacking of
Constantinople by the Turks, 471; the miserable state of Greece doriug
that period, 472—474.

OreckM states, their confederacy weakened by Persian bribes, 224.
Gttesi, a remarkable story of an ungrateful one, 267.
OyUpfnu, the Lacedemonian general, approaches to the relief of the Sy-
racusans, 150 ; storms the fort of Labdalla, 151 ; defeats the Athenians,
ibid. ; prevails on the Syracnsans to fit out the stvongsst flettin their power,
and to hazard a battle at sea, 153 ; lends out all his forces in the night-tiuie,
eo attack the forts of Plemmyrium, ibid.; carries the greatest of them bjr
•totm, ibid. ; marches ont of the entrenchments at £|iipolc, 158 1 deprives
Niciae of all hopes of success, 159 ; repulsed by the Tyrriienians, 160;
completely successful over the Athenians, 166 ; usee his utmost endeavoon,
knt in vain, to have Nidas and Demosthenes g^ven np to him, 169.

H.

Bagom^ dty of, besieged by Alexander, 370; sumoden at discratios,
ibid.

HtUkamamuy besieged by Alexander, 319 » the dtj makes a vigoraot fe-
sistance, ibid. ; is taken and demolished to its fouQdalioQa^ iWL

504 Ik INDBX.

I

BKrpaguSf a Persian general, d^foats Hisdaetts, taket him prisoner, and
sends liiiii to Artaphenies, 51.

HarpaluSf governor of Babylon, by Alexander** appoiiitnieDty disgpiiled
with his master s cruelty, and ambitious of power himself, goes into Greece,
§89 ; assembles a body of six thousand soldiers, and lands at Athem, ibid.;
lavishes immense sums among the mercenary orators there, ibid. ; attempts
to corrupt Phodon, but finds it impossible to shake his iotegritj, ibid, i is
ordered by the assembly to leave the city, ibid. ; loses all hopes of aspiring
successfully to command, ibid.

Hege$andrideSf a Spartan commander, gains an advantage over the Athe-
nians, 175.

Helena, queen of Sparta, famous for her beaoty and infidelity^ 4.

Heloiet, rise in rebellion to vindicate their rights, 8 ; subdued by the citi-
zens, and made prisoners of war, 9 ; condemned to p«irpetfial slavery , ibid.;
take arms against their masters, and threaten the destructioii of the Spartan
state, 114 ; are quelled at the approach of Cimon, 115| make a firesh in-
surrection, ibid. ; possess themselves of a strong fortress, ibsd. ; hold oat t
siege of ten years, ibid. ; the besieged have then their lives spared by the
Lacedsemonians, on condition of leaving Peloponnesos for ever, ibid.

Hellespont, Phocion drives Philip out of it, £75.

Hephattum, Alexander's favourite, accompanies him to the tent of Sy»-
gambis, SS3 ; his discreet behaviour upon the occasion, ibid. ; is mistaken
for the king, ibid. ; receives a high compliment from him, ibid. ; is pemitttd
to give a king to the Sidonians, SS5 ; offers the crown to the two brotfasfs,
at whose house he is quartered, ibid. ; his speech to them on their revising
the acceptance of it, ibid. ; gets every thing ready for Alexander's passage
over the river Indus, 370 ; he marries the youngest daughter of Darios, 381;
loses his life by intemperate drinking, 383 ; his death throws Alexander into
excessive sorrow, ibid.

Hercules, the son of Alexander the Great, by Barsine, widow of Memoon,
set aside from the succession to the throne of Macedon, 40i ; murdered by
Polyperchon, at the instigation of Cassander, 435.

Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus, debauches the sister of Harmodius, 37 ; is
dispatched by the daggers of Harmodius and his friends, 38.

Hippias, son of Pisistratus, meditates revenge for the murder of his brother^
38 ) is inflamed by the intrepid behaviour of a courtezan, ibid. ; sets no
bounds to his indignation, ihid. ; gives his daughter in marriage to the soo
of the tyrant of lAmpsachus, ibid. ; cultivates a correspondence with Arta-
phanes, governor of Sardis, ibid.; is supplanted in the alliances from which
he expected the greatest assistance, 39; his interests at Sparta undermined
by the Alcmsonidae, ibid. ; he comes to an accommodation with the Spar-
tans, in order to redeem his children from slavery, ibid.; gives up his pre-
tensions to the sovereign power, ibid. ; accompanies the Persian army, 58;
leads them by the safest marches into the heart of Greece, ibid.

Histueus, the tyrant of Miletus, opposes the advice of Mildades, 49 ; is
taken by Darius to Susa, ibid. ; looks upon liis detention there as a species
of imprisonment, ibid. ; finding himself suspected at the Persian court, be

INDfiX. ^ 506

Im? « ity 61 1 It accoMd by ArUplMroes of trMohtry, ibid. ; it rejec^, m
their master, bj his own Biilestans, ibid. ; picks up a few scattered remains
of the rooted armies, ibid.; fiiUls in with HarpaguSy one of the Pernau
generalsy ibid.; is routed bj him, and made a prisoner, 59 ; is sent to Artar
phemesy and by bis orders crucified, ibid.

Hydatpeiy Alexander is greatly perplexed with the difficulties which
attend his passage o? er that river, 317.

I.

JanNRs, the son of Japheth, the father of all the nations generally deno-
minated Greeks, S.

Jaxartke$9 Alexander finds the crossing that river a difficult task, 906,

HfyHtmtf make an irruption into Macedon, and commit great devasta- ^
tionsy 453 ; defeated by Antigonus in a pitched battle, ibid.

ifM^io, some account of it, 369.

Imwckm, the first king of Argos, 3.

Jadiat, Alexander arrives at the banks of that river, and finds eveiy thing
got ready for bis passage over it, 370.

JoaMMt, advised by Miltiades to break down the bridge thrown over the
Ister by Darius, aud cut off the Persian retrsat, 48; reject his counsel,
49; are driven back under the command of Aristagoras, by the Persians,
with great slaughter, 51 ; their affiurs becoora desperate, 59 ; they foitify
Miletus, ibid. ; exert all their effinla by sea, which are rendered fruitless
by the operations of Penuns gpld, ibid.

ImJn, » yooag Spartan, fab beautiful person and uncommon military
appearaaee described, 941 ; rewarded and fined, ibid.

Isagormf supported by the rich, contends for that power at Athens, which
be bad before joined in depressing, 46.

hocraUif the celebrated rhetorician, unable to survive the ignominy with
wUch his country was covered by the battle of Charonea, hastens his death
by abataining from food, 986.

htkMiian games, the rewards to the victors at them lessened by Solon, 39.

L.
Laeed^monianif send to Athens to implore succours, on the insurrection
of the Uelotes, 114; are powerfully assisted by Cimon, 115 ; agpun request
assistance, but are denied it, ibid. ; finish the war with their insurgents by
themselves, ibid. ; are jealous of the Athenians, 1 19 ; feel their uneasiness
increased by the successful operarions of Pericles in Tbraoe, ibid.; send
uabassadors to the Athenians, in consequence of the war rssolved agjunst
tbem, 191; their requiBitions, ibid.; renew their hostilities, 193; invade
the territories of AtheM, 195 ; send ambassadors to Athens, 141 ; give as-
sistance to the Syracosans, 150; defeat the Athenians in a battle by land,
151 ; gsin a naval victory over tbem, 155 ; avail tbsmselves of the ditturb-
ances at'Athens, 175 ; are worsted by the Athenians in a naval angs^ement,
ibid. ; are alarmed by the sucosss of Alcibiades, 177 ; ^ upon Lysander
for their general, ibid. ; oblige the Athenians to demolish tbair democracy.

fi06 INDBX.

190 ;« enter into a treaty with Cynis, 191 ; write to Pfaamabaatt in a wtry
ebject style to deliver them firom their formidable mttrnj, Alrihtadri, ihiiL ;.
endeavoor to deprive the Athenian fugptives of their last reeooioe, 19S; pn>-
hibit the cities of Greece, by an edict, from giving them refuge, ibid.

Lamachus, his reason for making directly to Syracuse, ovemiled, 147 ;-
abandoned by his men, 149.

LeUxOf supposed to be the first institutor of Sparta and T^a^r^fttnna^ 4.

LeonidaSf appointed to the command of the important pass of Thermo-
pyls, with six thousand men, 77 ; finding his post untenable, he advises
the troops of the allies to retire, 79 ; dismisses all but h» three hundred
Spartans, ibid. ; his remarkable address to them, ibid. ; is the fint who
falls, 80.

LeohidoM, one of Alexander's preceptors, a paitioidar iastiMMe of the
severity of bis morals, £97.

Leosihenes, marches against Antipater with a powefful aimy, S9&; routs
Antipater, whose forces had deserted to him, ibid. ; attacks iim aiU of
Lamia, whither Antipater had retired, 396; is killed by a stone, ibid.

Leotychide$y succeeds Demaratus as colleague to Cleotuencs, 55; ooooob
with his views, ibid. ; punishes tlie iEginetans, ibid.; puts to sea» 96 ; lands
his forces at Mycale, 97 ; draws up his army in two bodies, ibid. ; gsios a
complete victory, ibid.

LycurgiUy his character, 9 ; he sacrifices his ambition to his du^, 19;
his traveb described, ibid. ; finds it necessary, on his rettirp to Spnrts, to
change the whole form of government, ibid. ; commonicalea his riffwagym to
bb particular friends ; and, having gained over the leading men, curies !»
reforming design into execudon, 1 j ; his regulations described, and his lavs
enumerated, 11 — 20.

Lfycurgusy an Athenian orator, procures the death of LysidfS, one of the
generals, for his ill conduct at the battle of Chsronea, 287; makes a re-
proachful speech to liim, ibid.; hb character and employments de$cribed,ibid.

Lt^sandcTy chosen b^ the Lacedaemonians for their general, in order to c^ipose
Alcibiades, 177 ; his character, ibid. ; he brings hb army to Epheaus, ibid. ;
receives advice of the arrival of Cyrus at Sardis, 178 ; sets out from Ephesus
to make him a visit, ibid. ; complains of the dupUcity of Tissapheraes,
ibid. ; n^ans a few ships to repel the insults of Antiochus, ibid. ; b ricto-
rious, ibid. ; b succeeded by Callicratidas, 179; b sohcited to return, 181 ;
is invested with the power of an admiral, ibid. ; sails towards the Helles-
pont, ibid. ; lays siege to Lampsacus, carries it by storm, and abandons it
to the mercy of his soldiers, ibid. ; hb cautious behaviour, 182 ; he makes
preparations for an engagement, ibid. ; gains a victory, 183 ; bb behaviottr
to Philocles, one of the Athenian generals, 184 ; prepares for the siege of
Athens by land, ibid. ; arrives in the port, 185 ; demolishes the waUs of
Athens with great solemnity and insolence, 186 ; procures a guard for the
thirty tyrants, liis own creatures, 190 ; is willing to grant the iyiants of
Athens assistance, 194.

Lyiiades, the tyrant of Megalopolb, abdicates the sovereignty, and makes
application that the city may be admitted into the Achaean laa^e, 448.

WDBX* 107

' Lytlmh wa mHot €i &jncn9€, raiMi five bandeidaoldien at Ma iuvq^i-
petiBe, and sends them to tbe aid of the Athenian fugitsves, 10ft.

J^iklm,^bit of the Athenian generals^ his presimptnous eiclamatim at
the battle of Cheronea, 284 ; senteuced to deatli for his ill coodact in that
battle^ 99T.

ZjftWM cHtti» appointed governor of Thrace and tbe Chartooese, 405;
$JL9m oideff to be sahited king, 416 ; iawades Maoedoa, 489 ; sets up a
eiaiiito that kingdom, ibid. ; oTercomes Pjrrhas, his oompetitor, ibkL;
dimensions arise between his diSsfent queens and their oflbpring, which ter-
■ttnate in acts of cruelty, ibid. ; the injured party throw themselaes on tbe
protection of Seleucus, ibid. ; meets Seieucus on the field of CyroSy ibid. ;
acqnits himself with all the ?igoiir and activity of youth, notwithetanding
his advanced age, ibid. ; is slain, ibid.

M.

Macedonia, kingdom of, first governed ^y Caianns, descended firon Her-
oi|les»6.

Maeedamans, terrified at the appearance of the elephants of PoraSy planted
tp dispute their passage over the river Hydaspes, S71.

MadatheSf commander of the province of Uxii, 366 ; resolves to bold out
to the last extremity, ibid. ; withdraws into his own city, ibid. ; forced Irom
thence, he retires into the citadel, ibid. ; sends deputies to Alexandor to Me
ior garter, ibid. ; obtains it by the interposition of 8ysigpimbis, ibid.

MegacUty the Athenian, leader of the inhabitants upon the sea-ooast, 84 ;
drivea Pisistratus oat of the city, 36 ; recals him, and gives him biidangbter
ia BMMniage, ibid.

Mandamuy a Brachmaa, his iatervtew with Oneiicritas, 87f ; aasumee a
baaghty philosophic tone, ibid.

JUaa^taeo, battle of, 249.

Mamtmeaitt, compelled by the Spartans to throw down their waUa, S96.

Maraihim, the memorable battle of, desciibed, 60-^68.

Mardffuus, sent by Daiios to coiamaad in tbe maritime parts of Asia,
68 ; ordered to revenge the buraiog of Sardis, ibid.; paasca into Tbraoe at
the bead of a large array, ibid. ; terrifies tbe inhabitants into aa irapUdt
obedieace to his power, ibid. ; sets sail for Maeedoma, ibid. ; is distresied
by tea aad land, ibid. ; is attacked by the Tbradana in tbe aigjbt, ibid.; is
woaaded, ibid. ; retmrns to the Persian court eovered with grief and eoo-
iuiion, ibid. ; is displaced, 54; gives advioa to Xeraes, wfaieh it Tory wall
noaivad, 87 ; passes the winter in Thessaly, 90; leads fab aia^ into tbe
pronaoe of Brnotia, ibid. ; sends Akamnder, kiag of liaoedooia, with a
spleodid retinae to Athens, ibid. ; leaves Attaea, aad retmas tm the tontrj
of Besocia, 98 ; resolves to wait the approach of tba eaflmy,ibid.; aoeamps
by the river Asopus, ibid. ; Is impatient to come to an aagpgament, 94 ; is
dissuaded from the hazard of a battle, ibid. ; raiolvca to engage, ibid. ;
makes an altaratioo in his army, 95 ; supposing tbe Orastt ifiagf ba pur-
sues them, ibid. ; attempts to restore tbe order of battle, 80 ; is Jbittad» ibid.

AiaaagBUif subdued by Aleiander, $M,

ilfostfas, governor of Babylon, surrenders it to Alexander, on his

flOB INDBX.

-ance before it after the battle of Arbela, 355 ; honoarad by Aleaaoder witb
the govemoient of the province of Cbaldea, ibid.

Medon, son of Cadmiis, let at the head of the commonwealth of Atbeos,
with the title of Archoh, 4.

MegalopoUtani, resist Poljperclion's decree for altering their fbraa of ge-
▼emraent, 497 ; are threatened by him, 428 ; prepare for a viforoos de-
fence, ibid. ; repobe the assailants, ibid. ; the noble behavioor of the Mega-
lopolitan wives and youths on this occasion, ibid. ; the aseaolt renewed, and
the elephants led against the city, ibid.; discomfited and orerthrown by
the stratagem of Damides,ibid.; Polyperchon turns the siege into a block-
ade, 489.

Megara^ dty of, rejects with disdain the Lacedaemonian edict against the
Athenian fugitives, 198.

Memnonj a Rhodiaa, one of Daiios*s commanders, advises their generals
not to venture a battle, SIS ; his opinion overruled, iUd. ; sent into Greece
by Darius to invade Macedoo, d£l ; dies in the eipedition, ibid.

Memphu^ the Persian governor of that dty, opens the gates of it to Alei-
ander, S46.

Men (eminent), that flourished in Greece, some account of, 186 — 189.

Menonf commands the left wing of Cyrus's army, 197.

MeroCf one of Porus's most intimate friends, sent by Alexander to
him, S75.

MeiahaUi, the eunuch, cuts off the head and right hand of Cyras, at die
command of Artazerxes, 198.

MeuemanSf accused, in a temple dedicated to Diana, of attempting die
chastity of some Spartan virgins, and of killing Teleclus, one of the Spartan
kings, 89 ; they deny the charge, ibid. ; send to consult the orade of Del-
phos, ibid. ; are required to sacrifice a viigin of the family of .^pytus, ibid.;
make a vigorous struggle for freedom, ibid. ; are obliged to take refiige with
Anaxilas, prince of Sicily, 84.

Afilesians, assisted by the Athenians in an expedition against Samos, 119.

Miletus, besieged by the Persians, and taken, 58.

MUtiades advises the lonians to break down Darius's bridge over the
Ister, 48 ; his advice rejected, 49 ; resolves to return once more to Athens,
57 ; returns with five ships, ibid. ; appointed chief commander over the ten
thousand men destined to oppose the Persian army, 60 ; prepares for the
great encounter, ibid. ; is victorious, 68 ; receives from his countrymen
many striking marks of their gratitude, 6S ; finds it of a short continuance,
64 ; is accused of having taken a Persian bribe, ibid. ; condemned to lose
his life, ibid. ; his punishment changed to a penalty, which he is unable to
pay, 65 ; is thrown into prison, and there dies, ibid.

MingimUf the Lacedaemonian general, killed in a naval engagement with
the Athenians, 176.

MUyUne, port of, 179.

Mother, remarkable advice of a Spartan mother to her son, 18.

Mycale, battle of, 97.

Mycerut, kingdom of, seat of government transferred thither from Ar-

INDftX. 500

N.

NabtwMQnet, conspires with Besstts, gaocnd of the Bftctriaos, to seita
upoo the penoo of Darius, end to lay bim in chainty S56; they seiie tiieir
monarchy bind him in chains of gold, enclose him in a covered chariot, and
set oat with him towards Bactriana, 359 ; finding it impossible either to
conciliate the friendship of Alexander, or to secure the throne for themselvety
they give their royal prisoner his liberty, ibid. ; fall upon him with the ut-
most fury for refusing to follow them, and, leaving him to linger in a miser-
able manner, make their escape several ways, ibid.

ATeardbif, appointed by Alexander admiral of his fleet, 379.

Nkanor, governor of Athens, sets the power of the court of Macedon at
defiance, 489; strengthens the garrison at Munichia, ibid.; makes hiiBself
master of the Piraeus, ibid. ; commands tfie fleet of Cassander, 487 ; is
defeated by Clitus, and obliged to betake hin^self to flight, ibid. ; refits his
ships, puts to sea, and obtains a complete victoiy over Clitus at Byzantium,
ibid.; resumes his government, laden with honours, 489 ; suspected by Cas-
sander of a design to render himself sovereign of Attica, ibid.; is invited by
him, under pretence of matters of moment, to an empty house, where he is
basely slain, ibid.

NkkUf chiefly instrumental in procuring a peace between the Athenians
and Lacedemonians, 137; confounded and disgraced, 148; is sent to
Sparta, ibid. ; is unable to gain the terms demanded, ibid. ; appointed to a
naval command, 144; appointed one of the generals, to his great regret,
ibid.; endeavours to oppose Aldbiades indirectly, ibid.; starts numerous
difficulties, ibid. ; is disappointed, 145; roused by an insult from the Syra-
cosaos, he makes the best of bis way to Syracuse, 148 ; succeecb by a
stratagem, ibid.; lands at Syracuse, ibid,; gains an advantage, but, not being
able to attack the city, takes up his quarters at Catana and Naxus, ibid. ;
leti tail for Syracuse to block it up by sea and land, ibid. ; makes himself
master of £pipolB, 149; conceives great hopes from a successful stratagem,
ibid.; £sdains to answer a proposal made by Gyiippus, the Lacedamonian
general, 151; prepares for battle, ibid.; marches against the Syracusans,
ifasd.; possesses himself of Plemmyrium, 158; writes a melancholy account
ofhisaffiurs to Athens, ibid.; proposes to be recalled, ibid.; having met
with a considerable check, he does not care to venture a second battle, 154;
is forced to give the Syracusans battle by the impetuosity of his colleagues,
155 ; is thrown into the utmost consternation by it, 156 ; is terrified by the
bold and precipitate resolution of Demosthenes, 157; his remonstrances con-
aidared as resulting from timidity, ibid.; he is oblig^ to subscribe to theopi-
■ion of Demosthenes, ibid.; is deprived of all hopes of success, 159; pre-
pares to sail from Syracuse, ibid. ; is alarmed by an eclipse of the moon,
ibid.; scrupulously adheres to the declarations of the soothsayers, ibid.; makes
piepaiations for a naval engagement, 161 ; is put to flight, 168 ; is deceived
by fidse intelligence, 163 ; an affecting description of his distressed sttuation,
164 ; he deems it prudent to retire, 165; arrives at the river Eiineus, 166 ;
is summoned by the enemy to surrender, ibid. ; his proposal rejected, ihsd. ;
be marches towards the river Asinarus,ibid.; surrenders at discretJoOf ibid.;
is put to death, 169 ; eulogium on him, ibid.

Nym, city of, taken by Alexander, 370.

&10 IHDBX.

0

a

Qmorardktis, gaidt a cxiMidemble advantBge over Fhaifs ttV; ■ cbt
lifdy deftatefl, ibi^. ; Iffled fat ttm pmsidc, ihidf. ; Inuig upon a galkms,
ibid.

(Mympiat, ^Hft of Phflip, provokes him so fkr by her vindictive and pas-
tf Ofiate dIspbBitiott, as to make hitn wish for death, 890 ; is divorced ftom
Idm, S91 ; contrives at the escape of Pausanias after the assassinatioo of
tiie lung, 394 ; expresses her implacable resentment, by ordering a golden
crown to be put on his head npon the gibbet, ibid.; pays the same funeral
honours to him as those prepared for Philip, ibid. ; is said X6 have pre-
vailed on the Macedonians to pay annual honours to Pausanias, ibid. ; con-
secrates the dagger with which the king had been murdered, to ApaQo,
ibid. ; recalled by Polyperchon from her banishment in Epints, 409 ; ap-
points Eumenes to the chief command in Asia, 410; Cynane, the mother
of Eurydice, and Aroyntas, her father, murdered through her contiivances,
431 ; joins Pdyperchon's troops, and marches against Eoiydice, 4S2 ; the
soldiers of Eorydice, struck with her noble mien, go over to her standard,
ibid. ; Eoiydice and her consort fall into her hands, ibid. ; she sliots them
up in a prison, ibid.; fearing the resentment of the people, she orders diem
to be put to death, ibid. ; causes Nicanor to be pot to death, 433 ; oiden
a hundred noble Macedonians to be executed, on suspicion of being in tlie
interest of Cassander, ibid. ; left to provide for her own safety, ibid. ; shuts
herself up in the city of Pydna^ which she strongly fortifies, 434 ; invested
by land and sea by Cassander, ibid. ; disappointed in her expectation of
success from iEacidas, king of Epirus, her brother, ibid. ; deplorable situa-
tion of her and the garrison, ibid ; surrenders to Cassander, 435 ; stipulates
for her life, ibid. ; is delivered up to the civil power, ibid. ; oficred a ship
to convey her to Athens, which she refuses, ibid.; insists upon being beard
before the Macedonians, and justifying her conduct, ibid.; a band of two
hundred soldiers sent by Cassander to put her to death, which they refuse,
ibid. ; the relations of those she had murdered cut herthroat, ibid. ; is said
to have behaved with much fortitude, ibid. ; her body suflfered to remain
some time unburied, ibid.

Olympic Games, the rewards of the victors at them lessened by Solon, 32.

Olynthians, courted by the Athenians, 256 ; send to Athens for relief
against Philip, 263.

Omphisy a king of India, meets Alexander, 370 ; does homage to him,
ibid. ; is sent with the name of Taxilus, by Alexander, to Porus after his
defeat, 375 ; is reproached by him for his treachery to hii country, ibid. ;
retreats immediately to escape the dart levelled at him, ibid.

Onesicriiufy the philosopher, deputed by Alexander to the Indian priests,
376 ; meets a body of Brachmans, ibid. ; addresses himself to Calanus,
ibid. ; his interview with Mandauis, 377 ; persuades them both very uigeotly
to quit their austere way of life, and follow the fortune of Alexander, ibid.

Osfracimy its institution, 10.

P.

Pactolus, a signal victory gained over Tissnphemes by Agesilaus,
that river, 224.

INDBX. * 51t

Ptkii9$f branded* with infuay on fais return to fi^rta, after the battle off
^nievmopjlity 80*

Pormenifl^ mftde goremor of Phoenicia^ 334; adviees Aletaader to attack • ,
die Pernaos In the night, 851 ; his reasons for such adnee, ibid. ; receivee
a haoi^ity aositer from the king, ibid. ; is surprised to find him in a ealm^
sweet sU^y just as be b to fight a battle in Which his whole fortune lies at
stake, ibid. ; is barbarously murdered, 364.

Parikenutf why so called, S3; join in aa insufrectioa with the Heloles,
ibid. ; settle at Tarentum in Italy, ibid.

Poryfofif, prenale on her eldest son, Artaterses, to pardon her yofoa^t
SCO, Cyrus, 105.

JRoMonftft, king of Sparta, gains a complete victory over the Pertian amy
under the command of Mardonius at Platsa, 94 ; commands the Spartan
fteet, 109 ; is infected with the wealth acquired in an expedition against the
Penians, 103 ; is mortified by the desertion of the confederates to AristMes
and Cimon, ibid. ; resolves to sacrifice hie country to his ambition^ ibid. ;
mtikm overtures for gaining the favour of Xer«es, ibid. ; is deprived of his
command, and retires, meditating revenge, 104 ; receives a second snm-
nons to appear before the Ephori for firesh crimes, ibid. ; comes off by the
tnildness of the Spartan laws, and the authority of his regal office, ibid. ;
nets with less reserve, ibid.; is seized by the Ephori in consequence of the
detection of new misdemeanors, 105 ; takes sanctuary in the temple of
Minerva, ibid.; is starved to death, ibid.

FauianiaSf the Lacedemonian, usurps the throne of Macedon, S5S ; h
expelled, ibid.

Pavseniaf, the Macedonian, affronted by Attains, the new queen's uncle,
breathes revenge, 292 ; implores the king's justice, ibid. ; is made one
of the chief officers of his lifi»-guard, 293 ; not satisfied with that maik of
the king's confidence, meditates his death, ibid. ; b instigated to the con*
mission of the intended assassination by Hermocrates, the professor of phi*
loeophy, ibid. ; chooses the day of Cleopatra's marriage for the execntioa
of his horrid design, ibid.; slips throu|^ the crowd while the king is mardn
ing on in all his pomp, and plunges a dagger into his heart, 294 ; flies to-
wards the gates of the dty, in order to make his escape, ibid. ; is paraned,
dispatched, and hung upon a gibbet, ibid.

Peasant, Athenian, his reply to Aristides, not knowing him, T5.

Pedarthitf converts a disappointment into joy, 18.

Pctopidat, slays the Spartan commander at the battle of Tanagm wilbbli
own hand, 229; at the battle of Tegyra he puts a large body of the enemy '
to the rout with very unequal forces, ibid. ; commands a battalion of the
Tbeban army, 234 ; behaves with timidity when lonmiooed to defend him-*
eelf against the accusation pointed at Mm, 238 ; acquitted, ibid. ; indocet
the king of Persia, who had been solicited to join the confederates against
Tbebes, to stand neuter, 239 ; is sent against Polydorus and Poliphron of
Phene inThessaly, ibid. ; compels Alexander, who had seised the government,
to make submission to him, ibid. ; attempts to chai%e the natural bratality
of Alexander's disposition, ibhi. ; is appointed ambassador to him, ibid. ;
is sdzed upon and made prisoner, ibid. ; b ddivered by Bpnminoudni 84<X;

A

612. ' • INDBX.

* •

lieed from hit confinement, he resolves to (Hinish Alexfeoder for his pMdjr^

ibid. ; leads a body of troops against him, ibid.; is victoiions over him at

HI Cjnocepbaius, but is unfortunately slain, ibid-; having made a dedaioa in

favour of Perdiccas, king of Macedon, he carries his brother Philip with

him to Thebes as one of the liostages, 352 ; places him with Epanunondas,

ibid.

Peloponnetian war, 119.

Peludumf the Egyptians in that city own Aleiander for their sovereign,

PenUecoi, son of Amyntas, king of Macedon, opposed by Pansanias, 252 ;
confirmed on the throne by the assistance of Iphicrates, the Athenian geo^
ral, ibid. ; his title is again disputed, ibid.; refers the contest to the deci-
sion of Pelopidas, who gives it in his favour, ibid.

PerdicaUf one of Alexander's captains, receives his royal master's dying
directions, and a ring from his finger, 384 ; ingratiates himself with Arideus
and Roxana, 404 ; possesses himself of all that he desired but the empty
name of royal^, ibid. ; procures the death of the most active of Aridaeus's
friends, ibid. ; persuades him to marry Eurydice, ibid. ; conspires, in con-
junction with Roxana, the death of Statira, who was great with child bj
Alexander, and that of Parysatis her sister, the widow of Hephsstion, 405;
possessed of the sovereign power of Macedon in the name of the two kingi,
ibid. ; determines to perpetuate his power, by removing his rivals to dittant
provinces, ibid. ; made captain of the household troops, ibid.^ marches into
Egypt against Ptolemy, 406; his soldiers, disgusted by his behaviour,
mutiny and slay him, 407.

Periander, kiog of Corinth, ranked among the seven wise men of
Greece, 5.

PencleSf his character, IIS; his artful behaviour in order to secure bis

popularity, 114; provides Cimon with a sufficiency of foreign employment

to keep him sit a distance, ibid. ; refuses to comply with the demands of

the Lacedsmonians, embarrassed by the insurrection of their slaves, 115 ;

first proposes the decree to recal his rival from banishment, 116 ; sets him-

self to complete the work uf ambidon which he had begun by various acts

of popularity, 117; opposed by Thucydides, brother-in-law of Cimon, 118;

rises superior to all opposition, ibid. ; becomes the principal ruler at Athens,

ibid. ; protects the allies of Greece, and grants their cities all they think fit

to abk of him, 119; encourages an expedition against Samos, to please a

famous courtezan, ibid. ; invests the capital of Samos, and obliges it to

surrender, ibid. ; returns to Athens flushed with success, ibid.; seeing a

war with the Lacedaemonians inevitable, he advises that aid should be giveu

to the people of Corcyra, ibid. ; thinks it incumbent on him to inspire his

countrymen with courage to prosecute the war against the Lacedsmonians,

121 ; brings the people over to his opinion, ibid. ; his motives explained,

ibid. ; he animates the Athenians to let the enemy consume themselves

with delay, 123 ; is generally supposed to have occasioned the plague at

Athens, 126 ; is restored to the command of the army in a short time after

he had been deposed from it, ibid. ; is seized with the plague, ibid. ; his

dying words, 127 ; his character, ibid.

INDBX. f 513

Penem^ »tber having unfortBoatelj slain his gnindfether Actnjos, the last
\aag oi Af^My translataB the goremment from thence to Myceme, S.

/Vrsfiffy SOD of Philip of Macedon, plots the desrnictioii of his brother
Demelriuey 466; his character, ibid.; gains over the ambassadors his
father had sent to Rome, who foi^e the hand-writing and signet of Fhuni-
nius, 467 ; succeeds his father in the throne, ibid. ; liis popalar behavioor,
ibid. ; intrigues with his neighboors, 468 ; looked upon as the bulwark of
Grecian freedom, ibid. ; suspected b j the Romans, ibid. ; is defeated bj
the Roman consul under the wails of Pjdna, ibid. ; flees to PeUa, ibid. ;
murders two of his officers, ibid.; deserted bj his attendants, he retires to
Araphfpolis, from whence he is driven by the inhabitants, 469 ; takes refuge
in the temple of Castor and Pollux in Samothrace, ibid. ; surrenders to
Octavius the Roman prastor, ibid. ; bis abject behaviour, ibid. ; is led in
triumph through the streets of Rome, and thrown into a dungeon, where he
starves himsdf to death, ibid.

Periim, king of, weakens the Grecian confederacy by bribes, S24 ; gains
over the Spartans, ibid.; becomes arbitrator of Greece, 990; gains many
favonimhle stipolations at a pea^ between the rival states, ibid.

Pa'SUuUf drive back the lonians under the command of Aristtgoias, with
great slaughter, 51.

Pkmmabama^ complies with the wishes of the Lacedemonians, by giving
orders for the assassination of Aldbiades, 191.

PkUtmhUf conducts the Partheniie to Tarentum, $3.

Pkii^f son of Amyntas, king of Macedon, carried by Pelopidas to Thebes,
959 ; placed with Epaminondas, ibid.; improves greatly by the instructions
of his preceptor, a celebrated Pythagorean philosopher, ibid. ; still more by
those of Epaminondas, ibid.; leaves Thebes clandestinely, on the news of a
revehition at Macedon, 933 ; finds the Macedonians distressed at the loss
fif their king Perdiccas, ibid.; governs the kingdom for some time as guar-
to young Amyntas, ibid. ; mounts the throne, ibid.; makes it his first
to gain the afiections of his own people, and to raise their spirits, 254;
his subjects to arms, and reforms their discipline, ibid. ; institutes the
lamous Macedonian phalanx, ibid. ; makes up matters with his enemies
nearest to him, ibid. ; turns his forces against the Athenians, ibid. ; gives
them battle, and defeats them, ibid. ; gains upon them by his moderation,
and concludes a peace with them, 255; subdues the Psonians, ibid.;
obliges the lUyrians to restore all their conquests in Macedonia, ibid. ; de-
clares Amphipolis a free city, ibid. ; makes a conquest of it by the remiss-
ness of the Athenians, ibid. ; seizes Pydna and Potidea, ibid. ; seixes the
dty of Crenides, and calls it Phiiippi, 256; discovers a very valuable gold
mine there, ibid. ; consults the Delphic oracle, and takes the advice of it,
ikad. ; is pleased to see the states of Greece weakening each other by mu-
tual hostilities, 258; makes himself master of Methone, and raxes it, 259;
loses one of his eyes by a very singular accident, ibid. ; hangs up the archer
of Amphipolis, by whose arrow he lost it, ibid. ; marches to lliessaly, and
frees the Thessalians firom their tyrants, ibid.; marches towards Thermo-
pylffi, 260 ; turns hb arms against the Olynthians, 263 ; having corrupted
the principal men in Olynthus, he enters it, plunders it, and sells the inha-

1 V

514 » INDBX.

bitants, S64; is addrened by the Tbebans, ibid.; declares in their hnmr,
ibid. ; his artful bebavioar upon the occasion, Sd5 ; pursues his march into
Phocis, 366 ; gains the straits of Thermopjlc, ibid. ; strikes a terror among
the Phodans, ibid. ; allows Phalicus to retire, ibid. ; refers the disposal of
the inhabitants of Phocis to the Amphictyous, ibid. ; returns in a triook-
phant manner to his ow(ja dominions, 267; marches into Thessalj, ibid.;
confirms the Thessalians in his interest, and gains oyer many of th^ neigb-
hours, ibid. ; a singular act of private justice bj him, ibid. ; forms a design
against the Chersonese, 268; writes to Athens a letter of complaint, 269;
avails himself of the divisions in Peloponnesus, to intermeddle in the a£Eurs
of the Greek confederacy, 270 ; takes the Argives, Messenians, and TUe-
bans, under his protection, ibid. ; does all in his power to prevent a onion
between Athens and Sparta, ibid. ; b disappointed by the prevailing elo-
quence of Demosthenes, ibid.; turns his views towards the island of Eoboea,
ibid. ; sends some troops privately thither at the request of ceitatn of the
inhabitants, 271 ; possesses himself of several strong places, ibid. ; dis-
mantles Porthmos, ibid. ; establishes three kings over the cooiitiy, ibid.;
marches towards Thrace in order to distress the Athenians, S7S; leaves bk
son Alerander in Macedon with sovereign authority, ibid. ; is pleased with
his military successes ; but, fearful of his being too inconsiderate, sends for
him, in order to be his master in the art of war, ibid. ; opens the canpaigs
with the siege of Perinthus, ibid. ; resolves to besiege Byzantium, ibid. ;
amuses the Athenians, ibid.; writes a reproaching letter to them, ibid.;
is obliged by Phocion, to abandon his design upon Perinthus and Byan-
tium, 275 ; is beat out of the Hellespont, ibid. ; marches against Atheti,
king of Scythia, wliom he defeats, ibid. ; finds bis passage disputed oo Kb
return by theTriballi, ibid.; is forced to come to a battle, ibid.; is wounded
ia the thigh, ibid. ; is protected by his son, ibid. ; apprehensive of the coo-
sequences of an open war with the Athenians, he makes overtures (rf
peace, 276 ; finding they will not treat with him, he forms new alliances
against them, ibid.; raises divisions between the Locriuns of Amphissa,
and their capital city, ibid. ; employs iEschines, the orator, to hanmgue for
him at the assembly of the Amphictyons, ibid.; receives the most welcome
invitation and commission from the Amphictyons, 277; declares his readi-
ness to execute their orders, ibid. ; begins his march apparently to chastise
the irreverent Locrians, 278 ; makes a sudden turn, and seizes upon the
city of Elatea, ibid. ; sends ambassadoi-s to Thebes, to oppose the eloquence
of Demosthenes, 280; sends ambassadors to the Athenians, 281* deter-
mines to bring on a general engagement, 282 ; leads his army to the plain
of Chaeronea, ibid. ; his military force described, ibid. ; his interview widi
Diogenes, ibid. ; commands himself in the right wing, and gives proof of
skill as well as valour, 283 ; gains a complete victory over the confederates,
285 ; concludes his important victory by an act of seeming clemency, ibid.;
is transported with success, ibid.; drinks himself into a state of intoxication,
ibid.; struck with a reproof from Demades, one of his prisoners, he gives
him his liberty, and distinguishes him with marks of honour and friendship,
ibid.; releases all the Athenian captives without ransom, ibid.; is created
generalissimo of the Greek forces against the Persians, 290; makes prepa-

INDBX. 515

Ritions for the Persian invasion, ihid. ; in the midst of his successes he finds
his happiness embittered by domestic divisions, ibid. ; is provoked by the ill
behaviour of his wite Olympias to wish for death, ibid. ; falls in love with
Cleopatra, niece of Attains, his general, ibid.; resolves to separate himself
from the princess, ibid. ; his speech to Alexander on his making remon-
strances against a second marriage, 291 ; declares his marriage with Cleo-
patra in form, and celebrates it with grandeur and solemnity, ibid.; enraged
by the behaviour of his son at the celebration of his nuptials, he snatches a
sword, and flies towards him with it, ibid. ; is preventeil from executing his
rash design by stumbling, intoxicated, upon the floor, ibid.; b unpardonably
insulted by his son in that situation, ibid.; consults the oracle about his
project for the conquest of Asia, ibid. ; interprets the oracle in his own
favour, 292 ; prepares to celebrate the nuptials of Cleopatra his daughter,
ibid.; assures himself, from a number of happy presages, of conquest, ibid.;
makes Pausanias one of the chief officers of his life guard, 293 ; is murdered
by him, 294 ; his character, ibid.

• Philip j4rid4ttUf brother of Alexander the Great, appointed king of Ma-
cedon, in conjunction with Alexander's issue by Roxana, if it should prove
8 son, 404 ; his election secretly opposed by Perdiccas, but in vain, ibid. ;
marries Euridyce, ibid.; falb into the hands of Olympias, 432; thrown into
prison, and is murdered by some Thracians, ibid.

Philipf son of Demetrius, succeeds Antigonus the Second as kicg of
Macedon, 453 ; his character, ibid. ; the direction of the war against tb«
^olians committed to him, 454; reduces Ambrecas, and restores it to the
£pirots,ibid.; prepares to carry the war into TEtolia, ibid.; sets oat from
Macedon in the depth of winter, for Corinth, 455 ; surprises a party of
£leans, ibid. ; reduces Psophis and plunders £lis, ibid. ; subdues Tiyphaliay
and delivers the Messenians from the /iltoiian yoke, ibid.; makes a tem-
perate use of his successes, ibid. ; grants peace to all who sue for it, ibid. ;
supports Eperatus in the election of general of Achaia, ibid. : takes Teichos
and restores it to the Acharans, ibid. ; makes an inroad into Elis, and pre-
sents the Uymeans and the cities in the neighbourhood with the plunder,
ibid.; affects to place great confidence in Aratus, ibid. ; fails in an attempt
<in the island of Cephalenia, ibid ; invades and ravages .fltolia, 456 ; lays
waste Laconia, ibid. ; meditates the subjection of all Greece, and a juno-
tioii with Hannibal against the Romans, ibid. ; his ambassadors to the Car-
thaginian general intercepted, ibid.; obtain their release, and conclude a
treaty with Hannibal, ibid.; intercepted a second time on their return, ibid. ;
dispatches other ambassadors, who obtain a ratification of the treaty, ibid.;
dg^gcs to assist Hannibal with two hundred bhips, and a considerable body
of land forces, ibid.; enters the Ionian gulph, takes Oricruro, and lays siege
to Apoiionia, ibid. ; surprised and defeated by the Romans, he retreats se-
cretly homewards across the mountains, ibid.; takes oflf Aratus by poisoo,
467; looked upon by the Greeks iis the champion of their freedom against
Rome, ibid. ; carries the war into Illyrium, relieves the Acamanians, and
fortifies himself in Thessaly, ibid.; defeats the ^£tolians in two engagements,
ibid. ; repulses the Romans, who were laying waste the country, 458; called
back by domestic insurrections to Macedon, ibid. ; attacks the dominions

2 \.1

516 INDBX.

of the king of £gypt» 459 ; hu r^ply to Marcu9 ^miliua^ the B4)iiiaa
baasador, ibid.; destroys Abydos, ibid.; besieges Atbensy 460;
pointed, in his hope of surprising the city, by the Roman fleet, he
the country in the most cruel manner, ibid. ; is obliged to sue for a trace to
the Roman consul, and afterwards accept a peace upon ignomiDioos leiaiSt
461; called to account by them for supposed outrages, 465 ; ezpoatulatiis
with them on their injustice, 466 ; surprises Maronea, and pats the inba>
bitants to the sword, ibid. ; obliged to send his son Demetrius to RaoB% Is
make an apology, ibid. ; suspicions of the connection between
and the Romans, ibid.; his suspicions inflamed by Peraeua, ibid.;
ambassadors to Rome to silt the affair, 467 ; is imposed upon by then
ness, ibid. ; puts Demetrius to death, ibid. ; discovers the forgery too ktCb
and dies of a broken heart, ibid.

PkUodei^ his spirited speech before his execution, 184.

Philomehuy the Phocian, chiefly instrumental in spiriting op Ins feBov>
citizens to arms, 857 ; is appointed their general, ibid.; applies himself le
the Spartans, ibid.; is supplied by them clandestinely witU money, iM;
gets possession of the temple of Apollo at Delphos, ibid. ; defeats the !«(►
crians, ibid. ; erases the decree of the Amphictyons, ibid. ; coasalci die
oracle, ibid. ; is satisfied with the answer of the priestess, ibid. ; avsils kisi-
self of the riches of the temple (or the payment of his soldiers, ibid. ; tbio«s
himself headlong from a rock to prevent his being taken prisoner, 258.

PkUoias, one of Alexander's favourites, is informed of a conspiracy agsietf
him, 363 ; neglects the disclosure of it to his master, ibid, ; is suspedii
himself, and doomed to destruction, ibid. ; is put to the rack, ibid. ; coi-
fesses his guilt, accuses his father, and is stoned to death, ibid.

Phrygia, Alexander marches into that country, and cuts the ceiebisMl
Gordian knot, 320.

PhrynkuSy opposes the return of Alcibiades to Athens, 173; his uuio
able practices detected, ibid. ; he is stabbed in the market place, ibid.

Phocians, cited to appear before the council of Amphictyons, 257; CMt
and heavily fined, ibid. ; quote a precedent from Homer to vindicate their
refusal, ibid. ; appoint Philomel us their general, ibid. ; terrified at the s^
proach of Philip, 266 ; decline giving him battle, ibid. ; make submisiiooi
to him, ibid.

Phodon, appointed by the Athenians to command a body of forces sest
to the assistance of Plutarch in the island of Euboea, 271 ; his character,
ibid.; finds Plutarch traitorously ready to repulse the very army he had re-
quested, 272 ; drives him out of Eretria, 373 ; appointed general of tbs
army Bgaiust Philip, he leads his troops to the succour of the Byzantianiy
275 ; is received by them with joy, ibid. ; forces PhiUp to abandon his de-
sign upon Byzantium and Perinthus, ibid. ; drives him out of the Hellee-
pont, ibid. ; takes some of his ships, ibid. ; plunders all the open cooatry,
ibid. ; is obliged to retire, ibid. ; advises the Athenians to accept Philip's
pacific proposals, 276 ; nobly rejects all the offers made him by Haipalos
for the corruption of his integrity, 382 ; anecdotes concerning him gready
to his honour, ibid.; he uses all his influence to prevent the success of Har-
palus, ibid. ; his behaviour and discourse upon the success of his countrymea

114 DBX. 517

9pitiMt the Maoedonmnsy 396 ; delegated hj the Athenians to sue for peace
to Aotipater, 897 ; iutercedes for the restoration of the Athenian exiles,
and get> them restored to their attdent privileges, 401 ; is proscribed, 493 ;
throws himself opoo Alexander, the son of Polyperchon, ibid. ; chat^ged by
the Athenians with liigh treason, ibid. ; sent back chained to Athens, ibid. ;
his behanour, ibid. ; is put to death, 424; his bodj banished the Athenian
territories, ibid. ; conveyed by Conopion a little beyond Eleusina, ibid. ;
burned by a Megariao woman, and his ashes buried under her hearth , ibid. ;
die Athenians repent his death, and raise a statue to his memory, 4S5; they
pot to death his accusers, ibid. ; his eulogy, ibid.

PlaUtOf battle of, 95 ; smprised by three hundred Thebans, 12S ; be-
sieged by the Lacedemonians, 187-^131; surrenders, 131; the soldiers
Iratchered, and their wives sold for slaves, 13C ; the city demolished, ibid.

PlaUtcoMj apply to the Athenians for their protection and alliance, 831.

Plutarchy solicits the assistance of the Athenians in the island of Euboea,
fi71 ; endeavours to repulse the army be had requested, 878 ; is driven out
of Eretria by Phocion, 873.

PoUphnm^ of Phene, in Thessaly, kills his brother Polydoms, in order to
reign alone, 839 ; is killed by Alexander, ibid.

Polycharftf a Messenian,his qnarrel with Euphaenus, a Lacedasmonian, 88.

Pofydamus, a Macedonian lord, appointed to see the execution of Par-
■Mnio performed, 363; sees the king's commission effectually executed, 364.

PofydomSf of Phers, in Thessaly, murdered by his brother Poliphron, 889.

Polypaxhorif succeeds Antipater, as governor-general of Macedon, and
protector of the king, 409; his character, ibid. ; recals Olympias, the mother
of Alexander the Great, ibid. ; new models the government of Greece, 482 ;
displaces the governors nominated by Antipater, ibid. ; marches into Attica,
with a powerful army, 487 ; commences hb operations in the Peloponnesus,
Md. ; acts like a tyrant, ibid. ; the Megalopolitans resist the execution of
kit decree to alter the form of their government, ibid. ; besieges their city,
4t8; is repulsed, ibid.; renews the attack with his elephants, ibid.; they
9tt fendered useless by the contrivance of Damides, ibid. ; his army, flung
into oonfbsioo, refuse to storm the city, 489; appoints a considerable force
to blockade the city, and hastens with the remainder of his araiy to Mace-
dbo, ibid.

PoiyttraiMM^ gives Darius drink, finding him near his end, 359.

Porikmo$p a fortress in the island of Eobosa, <fismantied by Philip, 871.

PonUj a king of India, b required by Alexander to make submissions to
him, 370; provokes Alexander to resolve upon compulsive measures, 371;
encampa on the borders of the Hydaspes, in order to dbpute the passage
with him, ibid. ; is mounted upon a much larger elephant than any of the
rest, ibid. ; exceeds the usual stature of men, ibid. ; on hearing that Alex-
ander had passed the Hydaspes, he sends a detachment against liim, com-
maaded by xme of his sods, who is defeated, and killed upon the spot, 378;
rasohres to face Alexander, ibid. ; sets out with a considerable force, ibid.;
draws up his army in batde array, ibid. ; u totally defeated, after having
fought with incredible bravery, 374 ; retires upon his "elephant, having
caived a wound in the shoulder, 375 ; b called upon by Taiilos, to^hear

518 INDBX*

message from Alexander, ibid. ; reproaches him for bavii^ prowed a tnillar
to his country, ibid.; aims a dart at him, ibid. ; strooglj entreated bjlferoe
to wait upon the conqueror, he consents, and sets forward, ibid. ; aodejeCteA
at his misfortune, he comes up to Alexander with a resolute couDtenance,
ibid. ; his interview with him described, ibid.

Potidaa, battle of, 120; besieged, ibid. *

Proxenes, invites Xenophon into Asia, 202.

Prytanisy the name of the chief magistrate at Corinth, 5.

Ptolemy y appointed govenior of Egypt, 405 ; prepares to l>ecome an in-
dependent sovereign, 406 ; resists the power of Perdiccas and the two
Macedonian kings, 407 ; leagues liimself with Lysiraachus and Cassanderto
overthrow the power of Antigonus, 413; defeats Demdbius at Gaza, 414;
supports Seleucus in his claims on Babylon, ibid. ; defeats Antigonus and
Demetrius, 416 ; assumes the title of king, 417 ; sails against the Grecian
dominions of Demetrius Poliorcetes with a powerful fleet, 439.

Ptolemy CeraunnSy brother of Lysander, treacherously morders Seleucus,
who had appeared at the head of an army in his behalf, 439.; possesses
himself of the Macedonian crown, ibid. ; prevails on the widow of Lysi-
machus to marry him, on a promise of settling the succession oo ber 9009,
ibid.; puts the young princes to death, and banishes their mother to Sa-
mothracia, 440; the Gauls invade his dominions, ibid.; being refused a
certain sum of gold, they defeat him at the head of his tumultuaiy tnwps,
cut off his head, and carry it through their ranks on the top of a laooe, ibid.

Pylus, taken by the Athenians, 133.

Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, advances^ against Demetrius Poliorcetes, 439;
sets up a claim to the kingdom of Macedon, ibid.; is stripped of his Mace-
donian possessions by Lysimachus, ibid. ; invades Sicily and Italy, 442; io-
flamed with indignation against Antigonus, for refusing him succours, he
invades Macedon, ibid. ; being joined by great numbers of Macedonians, ^
defeats Antigonus in a pitched battle, ibid.; applied to by Cleonymos, t
prince of Sparta, 443 ; engages in his cause, and while Areus, wha had
usurped the throne, was absent with the flower of the Spartan army in Crete,
carries desolation to the gates of Sparta, ibid.; comi)elled by the Spartain
to seek his safety in retreat, ibid.; is galled by Areus, ibid.; his son Ptoleiaj
slain in endeavouring to cover his retreat, ibid. ; is invited to Aigos bj &
faction in opposition to Antigonus, 444 ; desired by the Aigives to decide
the dispute with his antagonist without the city, ibid. ; attempting to enter
it during the night, he is slain, ibid. ; his eulogy, ibid. ; the Argives consider
his death as the eflect of supernatural interposition, ibid.

Pytfion, the Macedonian ambassador, dbtinguishes himself by the liveli-
ness of his orations, 281 ; his powers inferior to those of Demosthenes, 232.

R.

RomanSy intercept the ambassadors sent by Philip of Macedon to Hanni-
bal, 456 ; defeat him nt Apollonia, ibid. ; raise up enemies against him in
Greece, ibid.; conclude a treaty with the ^tolians, ibid. ; extend and es-
tablish their power throughout Greece, 457; prevent a peace between
Philip and the /lltolians, ibid. ; send a fleet to the support of the latter.

INDBX. 519

ibid. ; land in Greece, and laj waste the coimtrj from Conitli to Sicjon,
458 ; attack the island of Eaboeay ibid. ; retire from Greece in cooseqnence
of a peace between them and the ifltolians on the one part, and Philip on
the other, ibid.; receive complaints agninst Philip from Attains, the Rho-
dians, the Athenians, and the Egyptians, 459; declare themselves guardians
of the joung king of Egypt, ibid. ; send Marcus Emilius as ambassador to
Philip, ibid.; warn him not to attack Egypt, to abstain from war with any
of the Grecian states, and to submit the disputes to arbitration, ibid.; dit-
patch a fleet, under the conduct of Sulpitius, to the relief of Athens, 460;
send Flaminius to prosecute the war against Macedon, 461 ; he detaches
the £tolians and Achaeans from their connection with Philip, ibid. ; reduces
him to the necessity of accepting a peace on mortifying conditions, ibid. ;
prescribe limits to Antiochus, 462 ; defeat him at Thermopylae, 463 ; re-
duce the iEtolians, ibid. ; interfere in the afiairs of the Achaeans, 464 ;
break the strength of their confederacy, 465 ; seek pccasion to quarrel with
Philip, ibid. ; call him to account for supposed outrages, ibid. ; strive to de-
bauch the filial affection of Demetrius, ibid. ; acknowledge the title of Per-
seus, 468 ; seek an occasion of quarrelling with him, ibid. ; he is defeated by
them at Pydna, ibid.; reduce the whole of Macedon, 469 ; appoint a new
fonn of government, ibid. ; entirely subjugate Greece, 470 ; their arbitraiy
and unjust proceedings against the Achsans, ibid. ; transport a thousand of
their chiefs into Italy, ibid. ; abolish popular assemblies in Greece, 471 ;
reduce it to a Roman province, ibid.; defeated by Mithiidates, king of
Pontus, 47S ; are massacred throughout Asia, ibid.

Roiana, daughter to Axertes, king of the Sacse, appears so alloring in
the eyes of Alexander, that he makes her his wife, 368 ; delivered of p toOy
whom she names Alexander, 405 ; in concert with Perdiccas, procures die
death of Statira, who was great with child by Alexander, ibid. ; is pat to
death by Cassander, 416.

S.

Saaty the countiy of the, overrun and laid waste by Alexander, 368.

Sacred Battalion^ a battalion of the Theban army dist^gnished by that
fHime, 230; remain invincible for a succession of years, until cut down by
the Macedonian phalanx under Philip, ibid.

Salamitf taken by stratagem, and added to the dominions of Athens, 96 ;
the battle of, described, 85—86.

Scythians, submit to Alexander, 365.

Seleucuty appointed to command the royal cavalry, 405 ; appointed go-
vernor of Babylon, 412 ; requested by Antigonus to give an exact statement
of the revenues of his province, 413; refuses to comply, ibid.; withdraws
from Babylon in the night, and flees into Egypt, ibid. ; furnished by Ptolemy
with a small body of troops, 414; conducts them with much hasard to
Babylon, 415; received with great joy by the inhabitants, ibid.; his cha-
racter, ibid. ; takes upon him the title of king, 416; dissensions arising in
the family of Lysimachus, the injured party put themselves under hb pro-
tection, 439 ; meets Lysimachus on the field of Cyrus, ilud. ; bis fortune
prevails, and Lysimachus is slain, ibid. ; resigns his Asiatic dominions to
his son Antiochus, ibid. ; is treacherously slain by Ptolemy Ceraunus, in
whose behalf he had appeared at the head of an ann^^\\M<

680 INDBX.

Skyon, supposed to be tbt ino»i ancwot kiagdofD of Graece^ 3.

SimamdeSi the poet of Ceos, ungs the exploits of his cdiintiTDleo in a styU
beooOdiiig their Talour^ US.

Si^phuSf the son of .£o1ub, makes himself master of Corinth^ 5.

Socrates, the celebrated philosopher, refuses to act with the isoeB-
diaries who accuse the admirals victorious over Callicratidai at AipaU6Ji»
180 ; the only person who ventures to appear in defence of TheraoleDes, Ids
disciple, 19S ; his chamcter, Sll ; H particular account of the prooeedinp
figpdust him» $12 ; a memorable speech of his, in consequence of the cfaai|^
ageinst him, 21S— 916 ; is sentenced to drink hemlock, fil7 ; receivet lii
sentence with the utmost composure, ibid.; his behanour in the intertal of
his execution, ibid. ; Crito, having bribed the gaoler, offers him Ids libet^,
which he rejects, S16 ; his behaviour on the day of his death, and dvcoarse
with his firieuds, 919; the Athenians repent of his death, canae n statue
and chapel to be erected to his memory, and put to dea^ hb aticosen,
999» 993.

SoUnif the celebrated Grecian legislator, applied to by the Athenians ftr
his advice and assistance, 26 ; an account of his birth and character, Udd,;
he adds Salamis to the dominions of Athens by a stratagem, ibid. ; addrssied
by the sages of Greece as their associate, 97 ; a remarkable saying of his,
S8 ; his interview with Croesus, king of Lydia, ibid. ; his political epetitions
.at Athens described, 99 ; he withdraws from the city, to avoid the impor-
tunity of some, and the captious petulance of others, 33 ; travels to £OT'^
Lydia, and several other countries, ibid. ; returns to Athens after an abseoos
of ten years, 34; having been opposed by the bad designs of Pbistratus, he
wishes to subvert them, ibid.; endeavours to oppose art to his cunoiog,
ibid.; employs all his authority aod eloquence in opposition to a dangerous
request made by him, but in vain, 35 ; reproaches the Athenians for their
cowardice and treachery, ibid. ; dies in the eightieth year of hb age, after
hnviug survived the liberty of bis country not above two years, 36 ; ha
character, ibid.

Sparta^ supposed to have been instituted by lielexa, 4; the behaviour of
the Epbori when the news arrived of the victory gained by Epaminondas,
236 ; striking courage of the citizens, both male and female, upon the me-
lancholy occasion, ibid.

Spartans, their old jealousies begin to revive, ^94 ; they fall upon the
Eleans, ibid. ; take them into an alliance, ibid. ; attacked on all sides, 9^5 ;
their allies at first are routed, ibid. ; they turn the scale of victory by their
own valour, and come off conquerors, ibid. ; sustain a uaval loss at Coidus,
ibid. ; freed from the terrors of a foreign enemy, by the conclusion of a
peace, they proceed to spread terror among the petty states of Greece, 996 ;
compel the Mantineans to throw down their walls, ibid. ; oblige the Cofin-
thians to withdraw the garrison from Argosi, ibid. ; subdue the Olynthians,
ibid. ; interpose in a domestic quarrel at Thebes, ibid. ; turn Pboebidas out
of the citadel, and place a garrison of their own there, ibid. ; produce
articles to be exhibited against Isnienias, ibid. ; chastise the Phliasians,
ibid.; alarmed from an unexpected quarter, 227 ; incensed by the success
ful efforts of the Thebans for the recovery of their freedom, they attempt to
seize the Pirsus, 229*, b^ so do\i\^\Wb'^ iwoike the Athenians irreconctleable

INDBX. afil

eMmiesy ibid. ; repultad bj tbe inhabitants of Zadntfaut and Corcjray on
their attempting to restore their magpstratas by force, 831 ; weaken them*
seWes by their contests with the Athenians, ibid. ; enter into a confederacy
with the Athenians against the Thebans, 833 ; order levies to be made in all
parts of Greece that side with them, ibid. ; come to a battle with the Th»*
bans, 834 ; fight with fury about tbe body of their general, and carry it off,
835 ; are defeated, and driven from the field of battle, ibid. ; struck witb
consteraatioo at their late defeat, diey apply to the Athenians for succoor,
839 ; fined by the Amphictyons, 857; noble behaviour of the women wheo
their dty was besieged by Pyrrbus, 443.

^i^omoicf , chief confidant of Bessus, seizes him, puts him in chains, and
delivers him up to Alexander, 365.

Stkatelutf king of Mycenc, driven out by the Heradidss, or desccndanta
of Hercules, 3.

Stua, Alexander finds treasaree there to an infinite amount, 355.

Syraaaef founded by Archias, a descendant of Hercules, 145; siege of
it described, 149^160.

Syraamau, insult Nidas, 148 ; deceived by false reports, they present
themselves in order of battle before him, ibid. ; are forced back to the city,
ibid. ; propose an acoommodatioo, 150 ; receive a piece of animating intal-
Ugence, ibid. ; are astouished and stnpified at it, ibid. ; are prevailed upoa
to fit out the strongest fleet in their power to hazard a battle at sea, 153 ;
sustain a considerable loss, ibid. ; gain a victory over the Athenian fleel,
155 1 attack the intrenchments of the enemy, and gain a considerable adi-
vantage over them, 159 ; drive Eurymedon vigorously into the gulph called
Dasoon, 160; erect trophies for the death of Eurymedon, ibid.; obtain m
complete victory over the Athenians, 168 ; are drawn &oro d»eir festivitiea
to pursue tbe enemy, by a stratagem, 163 ; retire hom tbe Athenians, and
advance toward them alternately, 165; drive Demosthenes into a narrow
place inclosed with a wall, ibid. ; reject a proposal made by Nidas with dta.
dain, 166; throw a number of the Athenians into tbe river Asinarus, ibid.;
enter triumphantly into Syracuse, ibid.; consequences of their successes, 167.

^ngmBbiif Darius's mother, found remaining in the camp by Alexaudet,
838; receives a message from Alexander, 338 ; is visited by bim in hei
tent, ibid. ;?fidls prostrate before him, ibid. ; is permitted to bury wbatever
perKm sbe pleases, according to tbe Perstan customs, 334.

T.

TbrtMt, Alexander marches bis whole army to that city, 381.

Tanhti. See Qn^iAif.

71lak$, hk answer to Solon, on havii^ been asked why be never thought
fit to marry, 87 ; bis opinion of the most perfect popular government, ibid.

T^korstf, second son of Javan, thought to have settled in Acbaia, 8.

TMdArti, queen of the Amazons, pcompted by a violent desire to sea
Alexander, leaves her dominions, and travels through a great number ef
coottiries to gratify her curiosity, 361 ; on coming near his camp, she sends
m message to bim, ibid.; recdves a favourable answer, ibid.; commands
Wr train to stop, and advances with three hundred woflsen, ibid. ; doeanol
thtakhispersooaaswerab&atobisfome,ikid.; acquaints him with the chief

522 INDBlL*

motive of her journey, ibid. ; her information occasions his iraaking some
stay with her, ibid. ; she returns to her kingdom, ibid.

ThebarUy active in promoting the Persian interest, 235; send ambassadors
to the Athenians, ibid. ; weary of the Spartan yoke, they make a desperate
attempt to throw it off, 227 ; acquire freedom by its success, 229 ; remain
a short time at peace, 231 ; taking offence at the application made by the
Platasans to the Athenians, they demolish their town, ibid. ; they demolish
also Thespiae, ibid. ; grow into power, ibid. ; take the lead in the afihirs of
Greece, ibid. ; make it their maxim to side either with Athens or Sparta,
ibid.; are under the utmost consternation, on finding the Spartans and
Athenians confederated against them, 233 ; gain a complete victory over
the Lacedamonians and Athenians, 245 ; lose the fruits of it by the death
of their general, 246; surprised at the appearance of Alexander in BoboCzi,
304; after a vigorous resistance, are defeated, ibid.; their city is t^kea
and plundered, ibid. ; their distresses in consequence of their defeat, ibkL

Thebetf rejects the lAcedsmonian ordinance against the Athenian fugi-
tives, 193 ; makes a decree in their favour, ibid.; rebuilt by Cassander, 437.

Uiemistocletf uses all his eloquence to convince the Athenians that the
saving of its citizens is the true preservation of a state, 82 ; procures a de-
cree favourable to his design to man the fleet, ibid. ; a memorable reply of
his, 84 ; he has recourse to a stratagem, in order to bring his confederates to
act in conjunction with him, 84; is apprised by Aristides of his dangerous
situatiou, 85 ; full of a generous gratitude, he lets him into all his designs
and projects, ibid.; is carried in triumph by the Lacedsmonians to Sparta,
89 ; receives striking honours at the Olympic games, ibid. ; sails to all the
islands which espouse the interest of the Persians, in order to levy contribu-
tions, 90 ; requires a considerable sum from the inhabitants of Andros,
ibid.; blocks them up for some time in consequence of their reply, ibid.;
converts the money which he exacts from them chiefly to his own private
advantage, ibid. ; his answer to the Spartan ambassadors, 100 ; be procures
himself the negociation of an aflair of importance at Lacedsmon, ibid. ; his
artful behaviour, ibid. ; is received by his fellow-citizens in a triumphaot
manner at his return, ibid. ; his regulations for the safety of the city, 101 ;
forms a scheme for the supplanting of Sparta, and making Athens the an-
rivalled mistress of Greece, ibid.; communicates his scheme to Aristides,
who cannot accede to it, ibid. ; makes himself odious to the Athenians, 105;
is Accused of having been privy to the designs of Pausnnias, ibid. ; bi>
answers to the calumnies levelled at him inefl'ectual, 106; takes refuge in
the island of Corcyra, ibid.; flies from thence to Epirus, ibid.; afterwards
to Adraetus king of the Molossians, for protection, ibid. ; is promised pro-
tection by him, ibid. ; is harassed by his enemies, 107 ; his escape is fa-
voured by Adnietus, ibid.; he is put on board a merchant-ship, ibid.; is
compelled to discover himself to the pilot, ibid. ; arrives at Cumx, ibid.;
is sent under a strong guard to Sardis, ibid. ; requests to have permission to
speak to the king, ibid. ; falls before the king in the Persian manner, and
makes a remarkable address to him, ibid.; is in high favour at the Persian
court, 108 ; his memorable speech to his wife and children^ ibid. ; finds
himself unable to- sustain the conflict between his gratitude to Xerxes and
/lis Jove for his country /\b\d. ; &ns;A\o^% ^\^Tv,\\Ad.\ his character, ibid.

INDBX. SSS

Therameneif accuses the Atheniao admirals who were victorious over
Callicratidas at ArgbossB, 180.

ThermopyU, an assembly of the Gredan states there twice a year, 3 ; battle
ot,Tr.

The$euSf king of Athent, anites the twelve boroughs of Cecrops into -
one city, 3.

TTirisyhuhUf consults with his fellow dtixens at Thebes on a vigorous
effort for the benefit of public liberty, 193 ; seizes upon Phyle, a strong
castle on the frontiers of Attica, ibid.; repulses the tyrants, with the Spar-
tan guard, on their attempting to recover it, ibid.; obliges them to retire,
ibid.; marches out of Phyle by night, and seizes upon the Pireus, ibid.;
his speech to the troops who fled from him afler the death of Critias, ibid.;
procures the expulsion of the tyrants, and substitutes ten persons in their
room, 194 ; after the death of the tyrants, proposes an amnesty, ibid.

JTtucydides, brother-in-law of Cimon, combats Pericles in all bis ambi-
tious measures, but in vain, 118.

ItgraneSf the Persian general, slain in the battle of Mycale, 97.
TtmocleOf a Theban lady, her uncommon behaviour, 304 ; her reply to
Alexander, on being carried in chains before him, 305.

Hmotheuif his saying about Chares, one of the Athenian generals at the
battle of Chsronea, 888.

T^ridateSf governor of Persepolis, sends letters to Alexander, which occai-
sion hb hasty advance to that city, 356.

T^uaphemeif stands his ground with a small part of his troops, against
the Greeks, 197 ; passes through the light armed infantry of the Greeks,
after the defeat of the greatest part of his left wing by them, 188; on his
arrival at the camp he clears up a mistake, 199 ; has a conference with
Clearchtts, 801; comes up to the Greeks with his whole army in order of
battle, 804 ; after several skirmishes he is forced to retire, ibid. ; secures
an eminence, ibid.; dislodged from it, ibid.

TYtMenef city of, the inhabitants offer the Athenians an asylum, 88.
Tyr, city of, its happy situation described, 337 ; taken 343.
7\^riantf receive proposals for peace from Alexander by his heralds, 338 ;
kill them, and throw them from the top of the wall into the sea, ibid. ; de-
fend themselves with the greatest vigour, skill, bravery, and perseverance,
. 338 — 340 ; are invested by the Macedonians on all sides, by sea and land,
340; give themselfos over for lost, 341; are suddenly relieved from their
terrors by a storm, which makes great havoc among the ships of their ene-
mies, ibid.; find their good fortune counterbalanced by an unexpected ca-
lamity, ibid. ; are informed that the Carthaginians, from whom they ex-
pected succours, are unable to give them any assistance, ibid. ; resolved to
exert themselves to the last extremity, ibid. ; send off their wives and chil-
dren to Carthage, ibid. ; invent new arts to defend themselves, aud repulse the
enemy, ibid. ; defend themselves with more vigour than ever, 348 ; overpow-
ered by their assailants, they are reduced to despair, 343 ; are conquered, ibid.
TyrUnUf the school-master, sent by the Athenians to command the La-
cedamonians, 83 ; harangues, and repeats his own works, ibid. ; is disliked
by the Spai[tans, ibid. ; inflames them by his orations and songs in praise of
militaiy giory, ibid. ; in consequeiioe of thotA «Qa|;i anii ^sc«^^:sQa»^>&&K^ Vsfe-
«ome fjctorioos, Odd. ; he it made fnt oC ^^paxta, %4.

5M INDEX.

U.
UgU, province of, commanded by Madathes, 356.

X.
XanihippuSf accuses JliOdades of having taken a bribe from Persia, 64.
• Xencphon^ invited into Asia by Proxeoes, 203; animates tl>e Greek
officers to behave with boldness and resolution, S03 ; presses the noauHh
tioo of ge&eralsy ibid.; commanders are appouHed agreeable to hia advice,
ibid. ; his speech to inspire his soldiers, ibid. ; begins his march with Cheii-
sophns and Timasion, 204 ; is followed by a party of the enemy commanded
by Mithridatee, ibid. ; is galled by him, ibid. ; repulses him with loss, and
m^ee good his retreat, ibid.; arrives near the city of Larissa, ibid.;
marches to Mepsila, ibid. ; dislodges Tissaphemes from an efnioence, ttd
opens a passage for his troops into the plain, ibid ; meets with difficuitti,
ibid. ; is gready annoyed on his march by a fierce and warlike people, ibid.;
after many fatigues and hardships, is exposed to new dangers^ 203 ; con-
ducts the Greeks from Persia to Greece, S05-* 210.

Xerxes, son of Darius, inherits his father's animosity against Greece, 66;
assembles a council, ibid.; is strongly persuaded by Mardonius to aveo^
the dishonour done to the Persian name, ibid. ; receives very different ad-
vice from Artabanus, and recdves it with rage and resentment, 67; his replj
to him, 68 ; repents, and offers to come over to his uncle's opinion, ibid. ;
overpowered by the flatteries of his courtiers, he rejects his advice,
listens to that of Mardonius, and orders the most extensive preparations to
be made for carrying on the war, ibid. ; enters into an alliance with the
Carthaginians, ibid.; sets out fi'om Susa, ibid.; a presumptuous speech oS
bis, 69 ; his military progress aud operations described, 69 — 73 ; he pursues
his course without interruption, 73 ; first finds his passage disputed at tbe
straits of Thermopy Is, ibid. ; is treated with contempt by the Spartans* 78;
is repulsed with great loss, ibid. ; endeavours to inspire his troops with the
promises of reward, ibid.; is shamefully defeated by a small body of Spar
tans, 80 ; tries his fortune at sea, but without success, 81 ; proceeds in his
destructive march, ibid. ; sees with indignation that his power is unable to
terrify his enemies, 83 ; marches into Attica, ibid. ; finds Athens almost de-
serted, ibid.; puts all those to the sword who defended the citadel, and ^^
duces it to ashes, ibid. ; dispatches a messenger to Susa with the news
of his victories, ibid. ; marches towards the sea, to act in conjunction mih
his fleet, 84; receives a severe blow by the battle of Saiamis, 87 ; wants ao
opportunity to retreat, ibid. ; extricated from his enibarrasments by the
arrival of Mardonius, ibid. ; greatly distressed in his retreat, 88.

Z.
ZacifUkusy the inhabitants of, put themselves under the protection of
Athens, 231 ; repulse the Spartans, ibid.

THE END.

LONDON :

H

A

\

(A

a*

r-